the pResence ol-'this Book T.hej.m. kelly liBRcXpy hc\s been nwöe possiBle thRouqh the qeneRosity or Stephen B. Re'^man From the Library of Daniel Binchy ZEITSCHRIFT FUR CELTISCHE PHILOLOGIE HERAUSGEGEBEN KUNO MEYER und L. CHR. STERN VI. BAND HALLE A. S. MAX NIEMEYER LOKDON NEW TOBK DAVID NTJTT G. E. STECHEBT&CO. 57-69 LONG ACRE 129-133 WEST 20th STREET 1908 ^^ Inhalt. Seite E. TLurney sen, Zur irischen Kanoneiisammlung 1 R. Thurneysen, Die Abfassung des Félire von Oeugiis G P.N.Robinson, The Irish Lives of Guy of Warwick and Bevis of Hampton 9 The Irish Life of Guy of Warwick 24 Translation 105 The Irish Life of Bevis of Hampton 273 Translation 298 Glossary 320 Index of Proper Names 335 Additions and Corrections 337. 555 H. Gaidoz, La 'crapaudine' dans le Roman de Pérédur 181 L. Chr. Stern, Ceangal nan tri chaol 188 H. Gaidoz, Le cuir d'lrlaude dans les 'Mabinogion' 191 Die Bamberger Centenarfeier zum Gedächtnis an Johann Kaspar Zeufs (mit einem Bildnis) 195 L. Chr. Stern, Davydd ab Gwilyms Gebet zu Dwynwen 228 K.Meyer, Mitteilungen aus irischen Handschriften {Fortsetzung). . . 257 A. Anscombe, The date of the first settlement of the Saxons in Britain, n. Computation 'secundum evangelicam veritatem" . . . 339 H. Osthoff, Zur keltischen Wortkunde 395 1. cymr. dir; 2. cymr. rhech; 3. cymr. esgid; i. cymr. ujfam, fftr, ffem; 5. cymr. taith, mordaith, mordivy, gall, morittx. W.Lehmann, Irische Etymologien 433 1. ir. *dag-, deutsch laichen: 2. ir. fiotlial, ahd. wldillo; 3. zu deutsch zuerg, gr. ot(i) s. Hellmann, Sedulius Scottus (München 1906) p. 136 ff.; anch Bnry, Life of St. Patrick, p. 235 ff. Zeitschrift f. celt. Philologie VI. 1 2 R. THDRNET8EN, Baurinis, die ältere Form des allein überlieferten Namens Bair- inis ('Eiclieninser), zu verbessern sein. Unter den verschiedenen Klöstern dieses Namens nimmt man woM mit Recht das oftest- genannte, das heutige Molana in der Nähe von Youghal in Munster (Co. Waterford) als das gemeinte an.') In /«> sieht Nicholson einen lateinischen Localis; aber da I)[a]urinis kein solcher sein kann, falst man beide Formen besser als lateinische Genitive. In Ruhen (MS. nuhcn) vermutet Stokes mit grofser Wahr- sclieinlichkeit den Mann, von dem die Annalen nur melden, dafs er scriha 3Iuman 'Schreiber von Munster' war und 725 starb; vgl. Annais of Ulster s. a. 724: Euhin mac Connadh scriha Mmnhan; Tigernach (Eev. Celt. 17, 232): Umhin filius Connaidh scriha Muman.-) Nicht viel mehr weiis man von Cu-Chuimne, s. Todd, Leabhar Irauinn p. 145 f. Die Annaleu nennen ihn sajrlcns, was die Vier Meister mit eccnaidh togaidhe übersetzen, und melden nur seineu Tod im J. 747.3) Ihm wii-d im Liber Hymnorum der Hymnus auf ]\Iaria: Cantemus in omni die — vermutlich mit Recht — zugeschrieben. Sonst hielten sein Andenken nur zwei anekdotenhafte Strophen aufrecht, die in wechselnder Form über- liefert werden. Die Annais of Ulster a. 746 legen sie seiner Pflegemutter (miiime) in den Mund. Muimc CIton - Cuinine cecinit : Cu-Chuimne ro legh suithe co druimne; alleith naill hiaratha, ro leid an caillecha.'') An-do Coin-Cuimne ro mboi, im rualaid de, con id soi; ro leic caillecha ha faill, ro leig alaill arith mboi. 'Cu-Chuimne hat Weisheit studiert bis zum First ( — bis zur Mitte); die andere Hälfte, die übrig ist, hat er gelassen um seiner Nonnen (oder 'Weiblein'?) willen. ') s. FM. a. 742, .\um. d. ^) Die Vier Meister (a. 720) haben die Notiz über ihu imJ die über Mac Broc(c)ain, die iu den älteren Annalcu darauf folgt, irrtümlich ver- bunden; sie nennen ihu Jiuibin mac niic Connaid sccribhncoir Mnmhan und machen ihn zu Brocans Sohn. 3) Annais of T'lster a. 746 : Tigernach , Rev. Celt. 17, 24S (wo er Cu, Cumine heilst); FM. a. 742. *) Diese Zeile ist nacli der andern Version (p. 3) zu bessern. ZUR IRISCHEN' KANONENSAMMLlTiG. Ó Was man Cu-Chuimne vorgeworfen hat (?), ist von ihm ge- wichen, sodafs er ein Weiser ist; die Nonnen liat er vernach- lässigt und hat den Eest studiert, der ihm übrig war.' Eine zweite Version, die uns in der \'orrede zum Jlaria- hymnus bewahrt ist, und der die Vier Meister a. 742 den Vorzug gegeben haben, läfst Adamnan. den Abt von I, die erste Stroi)he sprechen. Adamnamts dixit: Cu-Chuimne ro leg suthe co drunine; alleth aile ara ta,') ro leic ara chaillecha. Cu-Chuimne antwortet: Cu-Chuimne ro leg s[uthe] co [drumue]; a[lleth] a[ile] ara ta,') legfaid, leicfid caillecha oder: alleth naile araid ci'ii. legfaid huile, corop siii. 'Cu-Chuimne hat Weisheit studiert bis zum First; die andere Hälfte, die übrig ist, wird er studieren, er wird die Nonnen lassen' oder 'die andere Hälfte, die ihm voranschreitet (?), ^ird er ganz studieren, bis er ein ^^'eiser ist.' Auf Grund dieses Wechselgesprächs läfst ihn die Vorrede zum Hymnus zur Zeit Adamnans und Loingsechs, des Königs von Irland, leben, die bald nach einander (704 und 703) ge- storben sind. Das kann aber höchstens für- seine jüngeren Jahre passen, da sein Tod ja erst ins Jahr 747 fällt. Sie fügt bei: Incertum est uero, in quo loco eum fecit, wul'ste also nicht mehr, wo Cu-Chuimne gelebt hatte. Man darf vermuten, dafs eben diese Strophen, die eine nicht tadelfreie Vergangenheit erschliefsen lief sen, verschuldet haben, dais Cu-Chuimne erst so spät unter die irischen Heiligen aufgenommen Avui'de. Erst Ua Gormain im 12. Jahrhundert W'üidigt ihn eines Platzes in seinem Félii-e; er erscheint dort am 8. Oktober als C» Cuimnech.-) Also Euben oder Eubin lebte in Munster; Cu-Chuimnes Herkunft und Wohnort ist unbekannt, doch setzt ihn eine Anekdote in Beziehung zu einem Abt von I. Nicholson las aus der Unterschrift der Kanonensammlung heraus, Ruhen habe die ') Besser ara tha wie oben. ') ed. Stokes p. 192. 350. 4 R. xnUUNEYSEN. Canones in I abgeschrieben und nach D(a)urinis gebi-acht, wo sie dann von Cu-Chuinine kopiert worden seien, und er gründet darauf weitere Hypothesen über ihren Entstehungsort. Und gewil's scheint es für einen Leser des 20. Jahrhunderts selbst- verständlich, dals in dem Ausdruck 'Euben und C'u-Chuimne von I nnd Daurinis' I auf den ersten. Daurinis auf den zweiten zu beziehen sei. Anders steht es aber im irischen Mittelalter. Der Chiasmus A B h a ist dort ganz gewöhnlich, indem die Be- stimmung zu B unmittelbar von diesem attrahiert wird und die Bestimmung zu A dann nachträglich angeschlossen werden mufs. Ich gebe ein i)aar Beispiele, wie sie sich mir eben bieten: Würzburger Glossen 30 d 19: tonica l lacerna .i. sdi t fi'tan. Natürlich gehört sdi (sagum) zum Mantel iacerna, füan 'Leib- rock' zu tonica (tunica). Fis Adamnäin § 4: Nairn iJmascirt in dotnain . . . ocus a descirt ina ndib nairechtaih dermdraih tess ocus tiiaid, 'die Heiligen des Nordens und des Südens der AVelt in zwei grol'sen Versammlungen im Süden und im Norden'. Gewifs ist gemeint, dafs sie im Himmel dieselbe Himmelsgegend einnehmen wie früher auf Erden. Serglige Con-Culaind §3: 'Ki firßdir', ol Cu-Culainn, ' co ti Conall ocus Fergus'; fo hitli ha haiti da Fergus ocus ha comalta Conall Cernach '(die Feier) wird nicht stattfinden', sagte Cu-Chulaiun, 'bis Conall und Fergus gekommen sind"; denn P'ergus war sein Pflegevater und Conall Cernach sein Milch- bruder. Auch bei längeren Reihen wird meistens zunächst an das letzte Glied angeknüpft. Z. B. Rev. Celt. 13, 269 werden fünf irische Sprecharten aufgezählt: herla Fene 7 fasaiyhe na filed 7 herla etersgartha 7 herla forttide na filed ... 7 iarmherla und daran sofort Beispiele für iarmherla geknüpft; es folgen solche von herla edarsgartha, von herla forteidi u. s. w. — Oder in den Irischen Verslehren (Ir. T. Ill, 1, 54) werden § 99 als Pensum des Dichters im 10. Jalu-e aufgeführt: coic luasca dec 7 uH. nena (?) 7 eochraid tri fichet focul cona astih 7 eethri srotha dec 7 ui. duili feda; dann folgen § 100 die duili feda, § 101 die eethri srotha dec, darauf erst § 102 die luasca u. s. w. So ist es das Natürlichste, in der Unterschrift der Kanoueu- sanimlung D(a)unnis auf Ruben, den 'Schreiber von Munster' zu beziehen, wodurch wir das Kloster kennen lernen, in dem er Zrií IRISCHEN' KANÜNEKSAAIMLUNG. O gelebt hat. Dann ergibt sich aber weiter, dafs Cu-Chuimne Sapiens zum Kloster I gehörte, was später vergessen wurde, aber wohl demjenigen Erzähler der Anekdote noch bekannt war. der ihn ein \\'echselgespräcli mit dem berühmtesten Abte von I, mit Adamnan, führen liefs. Die weiteren Folgerungen Nichol- sons sind somit nicht haltbar. Die Kanonensammluug hat sich eher vom Süden Irlands nach dem Norden verbreitet als um- gekehrt, und ein auf der Hebrideninsel I oder lona geschriebenes Jlanuskript war die C^uelle, aus der das erhaltene der Pariser Nationalbibliothek (Eedaktion A) geflossen ift. Freiburg i. B. K. Thurneysen. DIK ABFASSUNG DES FELIRE VON OENGUS. In der Neuausgabe des Heiligenkalenders') hat Stokes seine frühere Jleinung aufgegeben, die Angaben der Vorreden wiesen ihn einer viel zu frühen Zeit zu; er schliefst sich jetzt vielmehr mit Recht den Beweisgründen Strachans an, dafs die Sprache zu einem rund um 800 entstandenen Denkmal sehr wohl passe. In den Angaben über Verfasser und Abfassung des Werkes p. XXVI gibt er möglichst genau die Notizen der irischen Vorreden wieder, ohne zu untersuchen, wie weit sie glaubwürdig sind; und doch ist ja nicht zweifelhaft, dafs diese erst einer späteren Zeit entstammen. Oengus hat aber zum Glück selber genügende Angaben gemacht, nach denen die Abfassungszeit annähernd genau bestimmt werden kann. Einen Terminus post quem gibt zu- nächst der Tod seines Lehrers (aite) Mael-Ruain, des Gründers von Tallaght, im J. 792,-) den er sowohl im Prolog 225, als im Innern des Kalenders am 7. Juli und wieder im Epilog 64 f. als gestorben erwähnt. Schon darum ist die Angabe der Vorrede (p. 6) unglaubwürdig, Oengus habe den Anfang in Cuil Bennchuir gedichtet, das Hauptstück in Cluain Eidnech und nur das Ende in Tamlacht; denn es ist nicht anzunehmen, dafs er erst nach dem Tod seines verehrten aiie in dessen Gemeinschaft eingetreten ist. Die A'orreden lassen ihn zur Zeit des Oberkonigs Aed Oirdnide dichten, der 797 — 819 regiert hat; sie geben auch den Grund an, weshalb sie das tun: ar is e ro gab rige nEirenn i ndiaid Donnchada, uair ticc Oengus isin hrolucli thóisech ind ') Félire Oengusso Céli De. The Martyiology of Oengus tlie Culdee, Henry Bradshaw Society. Loudon 1905. 2) Ann. Ult. s. a. 791. .'^tokes gibt ii. XXVI das iiurichtiw Datum 787, dagegen p. 432 das richtige. DIE ABFASSl^NG DES FliLIEE VON OENGrS. / fcUrc tar has Donnchada (p. 2 = 8) 'denn er (Aed) ist König von Irland geworden nach Donnchad, da Oengus im Prolog des Feiire Donnchad als gestorben erwähnt.' Das bezieht sich auf ^'ers 221 des Prologs. Nachdem Oengus die vergangenen Gröfsen dieser Welt den Frommen und Heiligen gegenübergestellt und ausgeführt hat. wie jene spurlos dahin sind, ihre Burgen in Trümmern liegen, ihre Gräber zum Teil unbekannt sind, während die Stiftungen der Heiligen blühen und ihre Gräber Wunder tun und viele Leute anziehen, wendet er sich zur Neuzeit mit Vers 217 ff.: Tathunn ni as nesa arar si'iil — salm sobail! — de neurt De — dian medair! — indiu deud domain. Donnchad dric rüad rogdae no Bran búadach Berbae, ni beir diun snim lobrae athigid a mmemrae. Mael-Euain iarna goiri. grian mär desmaig Mide, occa lecht co nglaini icthair cnet cech cridi. '"\Vii- haben etwas Näheres vor Augen von Gottes Kraft, heute am Ende der Welt. Donnchad, der grimmige, starke, aus- erwählte, oder Bran von der Barrow, der siegreiche, — der Besuch ihrer Schreine nimmt uns den Kummer der Schwäche nicht weg. Mael-Ruain nach seiner Frömmigkeit, die grofse Sonne auf der Südebene von Mide, — bei seinem reinen Grab wird das Seufzen jedes' Herzens geheilt.' Es wird also dem kürzlich verstorbenen Frommen, Mael- Euain, der ebenfalls tote irische König Donnchad (769—797) gegenüber gestellt, und mit Recht schliefst der Verfasser der Vorrede daraus, dafs das Gedicht unter seinem unmittelbaren Nachfolger Aed verfafst sei. Denn zur Zeit späterer Könige hätte es keinen Sinn gehabt, gerade ihn hier zu nennen; es wii'd gewissermafsen auf sein frisches Grab hingewiesen. Der Vers ist also nach 797 gedichtet. Ebenso niufs es sich mit ' Bran von der Barrow' verhalten. Wie schon der Glossator des Lebor Brecc gesehen hat, ist der König von Leinster, Bran Ardchenn mac Muiiedaig, gemeint, der 795 durch seinen Nachfolger Fin- snechta ums Leben gebracht wurde;') Bran Berba heilst er ') Ann. ült. s. a. 794; Book of Leinster 39b. Stokes, der ihn gegen den Glossator in der ersten Ausgabe CCXXVI mit dem viel früheren Leinster- kiiuig Bran-Dnb identifiziert hatte, nennt ihn in der neuen p. 404 'a heathen king". ö THl'ENEySKN, DIE AliFAPSl'Xfi DES FELIEE VON OENGrB. poetisch, weil die Barrow der Hauiitflufs von Leinster ist. Eben unter diesem Nachfolger, Finsnechta Cetharderc mac Cellaig, hat also Oengus gedichtet. Die Annalen melden von ihm, dafs er sich 804 dem Oberkönig Aed unterwerfen mufste. Doch scheint er keine l'reue gehalten zu haben; denn schon 805 veranstaltete Aed einen Kriegszug nach Dun-Cuair an der Grenze von Mide und Leinster') und teilte Leinster unter zwei andei-e Prinzen des einheimischen Königshauses, die beide Muiredach hiefsen, während Finsnechta ins Kloster mufste. Aber es gelang ihm diese zu besiegen und 806 das Königtum wieder zu gewinnen, bis er 808 in Kildare an Hämorrhoiden starb. Man darf vielleicht vermuten, dafs die Dichtung vor die Zeit seiner Absetzung (805) fällt; aber jedenfalls sind die äufsersten Zahlen 797 und 808, wie ich schon KZ. 37, 54 bemerkt habe. Und mit solch an- nähernder Datierung dürfen wir schon zufi'ieden sein. Es erklärt sich nun auch ohne weiteres, wie die Legende entstanden ist, Fothad na Canoine und Oengus hätten sich gegen- seitig ihre Gedichte gezeigt und gesegnet.-) Denn unter dem- selben Jahre, wo die Unterwerfung von Bran unter Aed be- richtet wird, 3) erzählen die Annalen: Ishi bliadain si dana ro saeradh (1. saertha) cleirich Herend ar fecht 7 ar sluaiged la hAed Oirnigi do bhreith tathaidh na Canoine ' in demselben Jahr wurden die Kleriker Irlands von Kampf und Kriegszug befreit dui'ch Aed Oirdnide nach der Entscheidung von Fothad na Canoine '. Die Vorrede gebraucht fast dieselben Worte, nui- dafs sie die beiden Jahre 804 und 805 durcheinander wii-ft:*) Ocus is for in sluagad sin (nämlich nach Dun-Cuair, a. 805) )o saertha clcrig Erenn ar fecht 7 sluagad; ar is e Fothad na Canoine ruc in hreitlt, dia ro saertha eculsa Ercnn. Die Quelle der Legende ist also nicht zweifelhaft; derselbe Glossator, der den iíran des Gedichts an der Hand von Annalen identifizierte, mag der Er- finder dieser Begegnung zwischen Oengus und Fothad sein. ') Nach 0' Donovan wohl Rathcore in diT Grafschaft Jleath. «) Vorrede p. 4 = 10. >) Ann. Ult. 803 (= 804). *) Die Vier Meister a. 779 haben ilir das nachgemacht. Freiburg i. B. R. Thuunetses. THE IRISH LIVES OF GUY OF WARWICK AND BEVIS OF HAMPTON. 'Men speke of romances of prys, Of Horn child and of Ypotys, Of Bevis and Sir Gy.' Since the time of Chaucer's 'Kiiiie of Sir Thopas', and earlier, the romantic heroes Sir Bevis of Hampton and Sir Guy of Warwick have been familiarly associated in English literature. It is not surprising, then, that the lives of the two should be found side by side in an Irish manuscript, and it is not in- appropriate that they should appear together in the fii'st printed edition of the Irish texts. The only') existing copy of these texts, so far as I know, is that preserved in MS. H. 2. 7 in Trinity College Library, a vellum folio in various hands, probably of the fifteenth century.^) A few passages from both romances were printed by Nettlau in the Kevue Celtique X, 187 — 191. The language, which was long ago characterised by 0' Donovan as ' piu-e and of great value to •) Two romantic fiagments in the Franciscan Monastery at Dublin were at one time erroneonsly catalogued as containing portions of the 'Bevis'. They are actually fragments of the story of the Holy Grail, and were reported as such by Xettlan, RC. X, 186. They were afterwards printed in full (CZ. IV, 381 ff.). -) A fragment of the Trojau story ending on p. 460 is dated 1479, but the manuscript consists of several distinct parts. See for its contents the Catalogue of MSS. in the Library of Trinity College, pp. 317 ff. Cf. also 0' Donovan's manuscript catalogue, p. 167, and his Tribes and Customs of Hy Many (Ir. Arch. Soc. 1843), p. 63, n.: 0' Curry, MS. Mat., pp. 193 and 658, with facsimiles (plate 13); H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Essai d'un Catalogue, p. LXVH; and Zimmer, Gott. Gel. Anz. 1890, p. 502. Stokes used the MS. for his editions of the 'Fortibras' (BC. XIX, 14 ff.) and of the 'Aidead Muir- chertaig maic Erca" (EC. XXm, 395 ft".). 10 F. X. líOniNSOX, the Irish scliolar', i) can doubtless be dated witli some definiteness when the verbal forms are fiiUj' taliulated and compared with those in other late Jliddle Irish texts. The 'Stair Fortibrais', a translation in similar st}'le of which a copy exists in the same manuscript, is vaguely assigned by Dr. Stokes, its editor, to the fourteenth or fifteenth centuries. 2) The translation of John Jlandeville. on the other hand, is distinctly .stated in the manu- script to have been made by Fingin O'Mahoney in 1475,^) and a compai'ison of the grammatical forms of all these pieces with it and with the translation of Marco Polo<) ought to help in establisiiing a more precise date for them, and perhaps also to shed some light upon the question of their authorship. But the investigation of these matters cannot be satisfactorily completed while the greater part of the foreign romantic material in Irish, to which Nettlau called attention in his articles in the tenth volume of the Revue Celtique, still remains unpublished. The exact soiu-ces of both the "Guy' and the 'Bevis' are unknown, though there is good ground for believing that they go back to English originals, as was assumed long ago by 0' Donovan'') and 0' Curry. ^) The principal evidence for this opinion is to be found in the proper names. Zimmer,") arguing from those in Nettlau's extracts, pointed this out, and an examination of the complete list practically places the matter beyond doubt. To be sure, many of the names are indecisive and might go back equally well to French or to English. ') 0' Donovan's manuscript Catalogue, now in the Trinity College Library, p. 167. ») RC. XIX, 14. ■') CZ. II, 1 ff. ♦) CZ. I, 245 ft'. ^) Manuscript catalogue, p. lf!7. (>' Donovan speaks only of the 'Bevis'. *) MS. Mat., p. 193. 0' Curry calls them 'translations from ancient Anglo-Saxon writers of romance'. ') Giitt. Gel. Anz. 1890, p. 502. Although I agree with Zinimer's con- clusion, his argument about Bcvis, if I understand it correctly, appears to me to ])rove too much. In a foot-note he compares Ir. Bibus (from Engl. Bives) with the Welsh Boivri (from Fr. Buvon), implying that the Irish form could not have come from the French. But Betti-es, Biievcs, were nominative forms in French alongside of the oblique case Bovon. Compare Otes and Otoun. In the latter instance Otun is the form found in the Irish 'Guy'. Conversely, in the Norse 'Bevis', which is held to come from a French source, the form of the name is Bevcn. THE IHISII LIVES OF UFT AND OF BEVIS. 11 Otliei"S are so distorted — like Ainiistir Atmindae from Amis dc la Mouniagne^) — that it is difficult to draw conclusions from them. But a number of forms remain wliicli it is easiest to explain by assuming an English intermediary between the Irish and the French. Thus Heront (Eront). from Fr. Htraut (Ilercdt) is very likely to have got its w as a result of the errors of English scribes. Compare the way in which Bohand or Ixohand was made out of the French Bohaut (liohalt) in some English versions of the story.-) The Irish Uront shows the same devel- opment in the last S3-llable and apparently corresponds to Yoiaidd, a name which I have found in Copland's version alone. (The other English versions have Torold, and the Wolfenbüttel French text Corraud.) Pant (for French I'auie) and Gincadh (for Fr. Guichard) both show the same transformation of u into n, and in these instances Copland's 'Guy' has forms with n (Pani and Gincharde). The Irish form Sision probably rests upon an English modification of Sessoigne.^) Finally the constant use of >S'/V in titles (Sir Gyi, Sir Heront) is plainly modelled on the English, and there are several instances where the English word king (Cing o Niubie, Cing Hcrrneis, Cing Caidog) has been taken over intact into the Irish text. All these indications, the last of them practically decisive, point to an English source for the 'Guy'. In the Bevis fa-agment, which is much shorter, the evidence is not so clear. There is very little difference between the French and the English forms of the names, but where these disagree the Irish stands in every case nearer to the English unless it departs fi'om both alike. The Msh name Babilon, too, for the country of Ybor's brother, may be due to the English Bahilent (itself a corruption of Fr. d'Abilent).*) So far as it goes, then, the testimony of the names in the 'Bevis' is consistent with that of the 'Guy'. 1) References lor the occurrence of these names may be found in the Indes of Proper Names. -) Rohande and Rohaute are both found in Copland's 'Guy'. ^) On the spellings Sesyotie, Cesyone, in the English metrical version of the fifteenth centuiy see Zupitza's edition (Early English Text Society, Extra Series XXV), p. 367. •) It may, however, have been suggested by the personal name Babilent, Bibilant, which is given in the Welsh and Norse to the king of Dabilent (in French Baligaiif). and which may have stood in some English version. 12 F. N. KOEINSON, 1 liave not attempted to draw auj- confliision from the presence in botli texts of a considerable number of loan-words, apparently from Englisji. I have no doubt that words of English origin are more numerous because the author was working with an l^^nglish romance. But it is obvious that they prove nothing decisivelj-, for the Irish writer need not have taken them from his source. In fact all, or nearly all, of them occur in other texts. Sometimes, moreover, it is not easy to decide whether a word is of English or French origin. A ci-itical study of the foreign elements in the Middle Irish vocabulary, ascertaining the sources of loan-words and the date of their introduction into the language, yet remains to be made. An anal3-sis of the contents of the Irish "Guy' and 'Bevis' might be expected to lead much farther toward the determination of the sources. But it does little more than confirm the results already derived fi'om the study of the proper names. Both romances differ in so many features from all the other versions I have seen that I must assume their immediate sources to be unknown. A brief statement, iiowever, of their relations to their respective cycles is of interest, particularly in the case of the 'Guy'. I have been unable to compare in detail the Irish 'Guy' with the French versions of the story, since none of these has been published except in summaries or extracts.') But it is clear that none of the French texts of which I have suceeded in finding a description stands in any close relation to the Irish, and I have already shown it to be probable that the soiuxe of the latter was English. Of the English versions the most important are easily accessible. Zupitza has published metrical texts of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,-) and I have ') For the French versions I have used Ward, Catalogue of Romances I, 471 ff. (a summary of the version in MS. Harl. 3775); Schönemann, in Serapeum III (a summary based on the Wolfenbiittel text); Herbing, Über die Wolfeubiittler Hs. des Guy vou Warwick ; 0. Wiuneberger in the Frank- furter Neupliil. Beitrüge, 1887, pp. 86 if. (a brief outline of the same text); A. Tanner, Die Sage von Guy von Warwiik (again summarizing the Wolfeu- biittcl MS.); Littré, Ilistoire Littéraire XXIl, Stiff, (a long summary based partly on vorse and jiaitly on jirose versions); and the Melanges tires d'une Grande Bibliotlii'quc (1780), X, 03 ft', (an outline of a prose romance printed in 1.525). ^) Tlie fifteenth century version was published in 1875-0 (E. E. T. S., Extra Series, XXY— XXYI); the earlier tests in 1883-87-91 (Extra Series THE IRISH LIVES OF GUT AND OF BEVIS. 13 been able to compare witli them the rare edition by "William Copland of which the Harvard University Library possesses a copy. I have also examined Kowlands's poem') and several later chap-book versions. ^) The Middle Eng-lish metrical versions, which agree with each other essentially in plot, stand closest to the Irish and I have made them the basis of my comparison. A brief statement with regard to the proper names and the principal incidents will show the relation they bear to the Irish. More than two-thirds of the Irish names are either the natural equivalents of the English, or can be explained without difficulty as transformations of them.^) There are seven sub- stitutions,*) and six names of new persons and places ^) occur without any equivalent in the English. These additions and substitutions are hardly to be regarded as the invention of the Irish author, but probably stood in his English source. Some of them are of special interest. Ilichard in the place of JRohaid, the name of Guy's father, may have chronological significance, as I shaU point out below.'') Cing Caidog,') who appears once in XLII— XLIX). The Anchinlecli version had alieadj' been edited by TnrubuU for the Abbotsford Club (1840). ') The Famous History of Guy Earle of Warwicke, by Samuel Rowlands. Loudon, n. d. ») The' Renowned History of the Life and Death of Guy Earl of Warwick, [by John Shirley], London (circa 17O0). Also The Noble and Renowned History of Guy Earl of Warwick. London 17—; 11th edition, printed for Stanley Crowder. This was reprinted at Chiswick in 1821 and at Warwick in 1829 and later. 3) The cases of transformation are these: Siccard = Segwarde, Heront = Heraude, front = I'orauid (?) , &incadh = Guichard, Ambrail Coscran = Amiral Cosdram, Mirabala = Amyrabel, Uisin = (Jzelle, Aimistir Anmnttdae = Amis de la Mountaine, Joimtas ^^ Jonas, Craidliatnar = Triamour, Eliman o Tiber = Elmadan of Tyre. ') The substitutions are the foUoiviug: Eisderd for Roholde, Aiian for Mirande Ci) , Greasmont for Arrascoim (Argone), Gibun Marcel for Yon, Moduiant for Merof (Medyok, Moderyse), Caulug for Athelstan, and Jarla Salua for the Duke of Marce (or an unnamed earl). ^) The additional names in the Irish are : Britidisi, larla (or Diuice) o Birri, Diuice o Sdragbom, Gailiard, Seoirse in Gilla, Johaiines de AlcÍ7io. *) See page 17, below. ■) On the general use of Havelok (Fr. Aveloc, Welsh Abloec, Abloyc) for Anlaf cf. Skeat, The Lay of Havelok the Dane (1902), p. XXXVI. What is still more to the point, the king of Denmark is called Auelock in 'Guy and Colebrande' (Percy Folio MS., edited by Hales and FurnivaU, 11,528), 14 r. N. RomxsoN. the place of King Athelston, is probably King Havelok, the Danish leader (better known as Anlaf Cuarau), whose name became somehow confused with that of his English opponent. John de Alcino belongs in an episode which will be discussed a little later. ') ^^■ith respect to the narrative itself the Irish translation shows considerable independence. It contains every episode of importance in the English and has several additional incidents besides. Such are the fight between Guy and the duke of Lombardy (Chapter 4); the three days' tourney in Brittany (Chapter 5); and the tournament in Normandy (Chapter 7). In all these cases the English has nothing to correspond except general statements that Guy fought in Normandy, Brittany, France and Spain. In Chapter 8 the Irish relates a fight in the market-place at Bruidis, instead of which the English and French versions seem to have a toui'nament at Benevento. In Chapter 29 the Irish gives an account of a fight with a Turk, not paralleled in English. And in Chapter 34 there is a long discoiu'se on Christian doctrine, not found in the English, con- cerning which I shall speak more particularly below.-) These chapters, I should add, are lacking not only in the Middle English romances but also in every other version of the story I have been able to consult. With the few excei)tious mentioned — six chapters out of forty-three — the general plot of the Irish romance agrees, incident for incident, with the Middle English. But there is hardly a paragraph in which there are not differences of detail. In chapter 1, for example, the account of Felice's skill in em- broidery is peculiar to the Irish, 'i'lie descriiition of Siccard's rule is much fuller in the English. Nothing is said in the Irish of Guy's early training by Hcront; and much is made of his piety and of the religious ceremonies at his knighting — both unmeutioned in the Englisli. In Guy's interviews with Felice and Copland's 'Guy', p. 254, mentions both Hanelocke, King of Denmark, and Conelocke, King of Norway. Perhaps tliis last form, wliicli corresponds to Gunlaf, is the real source of the Irish Caulo(j with initial c, tliough that might have arisen in English or Irish from an errojieous uuderstauding of the spoken words King Havelok. ') See p. 15, below. ") See p. 15, below. THE IRISH TilVF.S OF GUY AND OF BF.VIS. 15 the Englisli, which relates them much more full}', suggests that his proposals were improper, whereas the Irish makes no mention of 'folye'. And the conditions in Chapter 1 are by no means peculiar. I have noted similar variations in thirty-nine out of forty-five chapters. Sometimes they concern unimportant details; sometimes the plot in the Irish is manifestly improved; occasionally the Irish redaction confuses the story; and in a few cases it appears to adjust it to the conventions of native tales. It is impossible to say how many of these modifications are deliberate changes on the part of the translator, but when all due allowance is made for his independence I think that many of the variations in plot as well as in the proper names must be attributed to his source. Guy of Warwick was a mediaeval hero of the type of St. Alexis, and a principal feature of his story in all its forms is the desertion of his bride. All the versions, therefore, make a plea for religion and asceticism. But the Irish, as compared with the English, is particularly insistent on works of piety and charity. This has already been pointed out for Chapter 1.') Again in Chapter 39 the pious deeds of Felice are described in Irish, but not in the corresponding portion of the English. In Chapters 19 and 35 the Irish makes special mention of prayers of which the English says nothing. But the most conspicuous addition of a religious nature is Chapter 34, which is otherwise of special interest. When Guy is overcome by remorse for his sins and decides to abandon Felice, the Irish romance alone represents him as seeking spiritual counsel and obtaining in- struction in Christian doctrine. He sends for a holy father, John de Alcino, to whom he confesses his sins and by whom he is exhorted to keep the commandments, to avoid the eighth) mortal sins, to emulate the sufferings of the saints, and to believe in all the articles of the Apostles' Creed. The name of the con- fessor, John de Alcino, furnishes a clue to the source of this theological chapter. It is a condensation of part of the material ') See p. 1-1, above. *) The number, eight, of the mortal sins is of course not peculiar to this test, though the sevenioUl classification is more familiar. On this point ct. K. Werner's Alcuiu und sein Jahrhundert, pp. 258-4. An early Irish instance of the eightfold series is to be found in Eriu I, 194. Cf. also CZ. ni, 24. 16 F. N. EOBIKSON, found in tlie Middle Enf^lish 'Speculum G}»^ de Warewyke ', •) which rests in turn upon the "Liber de Yirtutibus et Vitus '2) of Alcuin. This moral treatise was original]}' written by Alcuin for a different Guy — Count Guido of Tours, a celebrated mili- tary leader under Cliarlemagne. But as early as the beginning of the thirteenth century it had become attached in England to Guy of Warwick, wlio is named as the recipient of the ad\dce in the Auchiiileck MS., the earliest copy of the 'Speculum'. On the other hand, in the romance of Guy contained in the same manuscript there is no reference to Alcuin or to the sermon, and 1 have not found the episode in any version except the Irish. The Irish redactor either made the combination himself, or had before him a romance into which the substance of the 'Speculum' had been woven. The latter of these suppo.sitions appears to me the more probable. There is nothing else in the Irish text to indicate that the author compiled his work from different sources, and tlie combination in question would have been more naturally made by an Englishman than by a foreigner. A number of lost versions may intervene between the Irish 'Guy' and the known Middle English texts, and the 'Speculum' may have been several times abi'idged in the course of trans- mission. Or the source of the Irish chapter maj' have been derived in some other way from the 'Liber' of Alcuin. As it stands, it is much shorter than the 'Speculunr and does not agree with that closely in the arrangement of material. But the three principal elements in the Irish are to be found in the English poem. For the list of deadly sins see the 'Speculum', 11. 107 ff.; for a description of the sufferings of the saints, 11. 176 if.; and for an exposition of portions of the Creed, 11. 200 ff. Thus the Irish life of Guy makes probable the existence of an Englisli romance which differed in one important feature, and may have departed in many details, from the known English versions of the story. As to the date of the assumed liuglish original, a lower limit can perhaps be established by the grammatical analysis of the Irish text. Beyond this the Irish supplies anotlier bit of possible evidence. The name of Guy's ') Edited by Miss G. L. Morrill for the Early English Text Society, 1898. *) See Migiie, I'atrologia Latiiia, Vol. CI. THE irasn lives of guy and of bevis. 17 father-in-law, as 1 liave already pointed ont,') is changed from Bohalt (Eohaiit, Bohand) to Ixisdcnl. The reasons for the sub- stitution are entii-ely unknown, but it niiglit have arisen from confusion with the name of a living Richard, Earl of Warwick, or from a deliberate purpose of complimenting him. There were two Earls of Warwick of that name in the fifteenth centur}'.-) Richard de Beauchamp, who was born in 1382, was Earl from 1410 till his death in 1439, and Richard Neville (the king- maker), born in 1428, obtained the title by marriage in 1449, and died in 1471. As between the two, I think the general probabilities of date are in favor of the earlier. Moreover Beauchamp, we are told,') travelling in the Holy Land in 1410, was feasteued and given presents by the Lieutenant of the Soldan because of his supposed descent from Guy. In 1422 he endowed the chantry at Guy's Cliff. In view of his active interest in the romantic tradition of the house of Warwick it is quite conceivable that his Christian name may have got into some contemporary version of the story. The Irish 'Bevis' is only a fi-agment, though a rather long one. The comparison of its contents with other versions of the story is made easy by Kölbing's edition*) of the Middle English texts and Stimming's edition^) of the Anglo-French. Both editors discuss the relations of the French, the English, the AVelsh and the Norse redactions.«) Besides these mediaeval versions, I have also examined an English chap-book Be\as, probably of the year 1680.') When compared with the French and English romances the Irish 'Bevis' shows less new material than the 'Guy'. It ') See p. 13, above. «) See Dugdale's Baronage of England I, 243 if., 304 ff. 3) The acpount of Beauchamp in Dugdale's Baronage rests partly upon the life of him by John Rous. *) Early English Text Society, Extra Series 46, 48 and 65. *) In Suchier's Bibliotheca Xonnaunica, Vol. VII (Halle 1899). ^) The existence of the Irish 'Bevis' seems to have been unknown to Kölbing and Stimming, and also to R. Zenker, who has more recently in- vestigated the cycle (Boeve-Amletus, Berlin 1905). Attention was called to it in Englische Studien XXIV, 463, where some corrections were also made in Kölbiug's account of the Welsh version. ') The Gallant History of the Life and Death of that Most Noble Knight Sir Bevis of Southampton (printed by A. M. for G. Deacon). Zeitschrift f. celt. Pliüologie VI. 9 18 F. N. ROBINSON. contains no incident of importance not to be found in both tlie Middle Englisli and the Anglo-French. But in the matter of minor variations it stands in about the same relation to them that the 'Guy' bears to the texts with which I have compared it. Out of 22 names') of persons and places, 17 are the natural equivalents of those in the Middle English, 4 are explicable^) as modifications of the English, and only two (that of Para, the son of the Emperor, and that of Biroig,^) a stream on the borders of Scotland) are new. A comparison of the narratives shows constant variation in details. According to the Irish, Bevis's mother is in love with the son of the Emperor; and according to the Middle English and the French, with the Emperor himself. (In the chap-book of 1680 it is the Emperor's brother.) In the Irish account, her determination to marry her lover is awakened by seeing her own beauty in a bath. No such situation is mentioned in the French or the English. In both the French and the English the little Bevis is set to tend sheep, not swine; and there is no conversation parallel to that by which in the Irish A'ersion he is impelled to avenge his father's murder. In cliapter 8 the Irish represents Bevis as journeying to India and Rhodes, while the Middle English takes him to Jerusalem, and the French to Jerusalem and Eg}'pt. (The chap-book has no eastern travels at this point.) The episode of Sisian and Yvor in chapter 9 is introduced considerably earlier in the English and the Frencli (and in the chap-book as well). The dragon -fight in chapter 11 contains some vivid details about four waves of vomit which are very likely the Irish redactor's own invention. From most of these features of the Irish nari-ative I am led to conclude that it had its source in a lost version. That this was probably English I infer from the ') III these statistics I refer only to names of persons and places significant for the plot. Xo account is taken of general geographical re- ferences, religious allusions and the like. ') The cases are: Mennidonia = Ei-}nonie, Ar>nony; Sisian =^ Josiane; Memroine (Memrointe) = Mombrmmt; Bahilon -= Babilent or Dabilent. In the first instance it looks as if we had, on the part of the Irish translator or a predecessor, a reminiscence of the ancient Myrmidons. ") Biroig I understand to he Berwick, though I do not find it mentioned in other versions, and though it appears in the Irish to be the name of a stream. TUlC IKISll LIVES OF GUY AND OK BEVIS. 19 proper names, as already- pointed out,') and also from the fact that where the French and English versions ditTer witli regard to the details of the story, the Irish, if it does not depart from both, nsiiall)" resembles the English.-) In a few cases where the Irish agrees with the French as against the Middle Englisli metrical versions the English prose version of 1680 is like the Irish. The result, then, of this comparison of both the 'Guy' and the 'Bevis' with the corresponding stories in other languages is to make it probable that the Irish lives are free redactions of lost English versions. The assumed original of the 'BeAÍs' apjiears not to have differed in any important particulars from the other existing forms of the stor}-. In the case of the 'Guy", on the other hand, the Irish text points to the existence in English of a combination, hitherto unknown, of the romantic material proper with the religious material, originally distinct, of the 'Speculum Gy de Warewyke'. Stylistically regarded, the Ii'ish texts are clearly very free renderings of their- originals. Though the number of foreign words in them may be somewhat larger because of their foreign sources, the manner of the narrative is thoroughly Irish, and they read in general like the native stories in the somewhat ornate prose of the period. The accumulation of adjectives and adverbs, often in alliterating groups of three, is characteristic of late Middle Irish, and the 'Guy' and 'Bevis' are by no means extreme examples of the practice. In this matter, and in the general structm-e of sentences, I have adhered in my translation very closely to the original, though the traditions of English prose are so different from those of Msh that the ') See p. 11, above. -) In Kölbing's notes variations between the English and other versions are carefully registered. Many of the differences are matters of detail which do not appear in the Irish, but in nearly every significant point the Irish agrees with the English. Thus in both the Irish and the English accounts Bevis after wounding the Fmperor, meets Saber on the way, not at his home; in both the servant who goes from Sisian to Bevis is identified with Bone- face; in both there is a description of the ditch or bridge outside Damascus: in both Bevis demands armor and fair play, when he is in Bradmond's power; in both Arundel runs away with Ybor instead of kicking him in the stable; and in both Bevis fights Grander, and not Bradmuud as in the French. 20 F. N. ROBINSON, resulting style will sound sometimes monotonous, and sometimes redundant and artificial. It is now nine years since I first copied and collated these texts at Dublin. During the interval I have pi-ofited several times by the courtesy and liberality of the Librarian and staff of Trinity College, and I now desire to express my grateful acknowledgements. I am also under much obligation to both the editoi'S of the Zeitschrift for reading my proofs and giving me the benefit of their counsel. Wherever it is possible, parti- cular acknowledgment will be made of their suggestions and corrections. The Cranberry Isles, Maine, U.S.A. F. N. Robinson. Autumn 1905. Additioual Note. Since only one manuscript of these romances is known to me, I have simply tried to print its readings as accurately as possible. Obvious errors or omissions are occasionally corrected in the text or in foot-notes in order that the narrative may be readable. A certain amount of normalization is also involved in the punctuation and the separation of words and the expansion of contractions. But I have made no attempt to correct the grammar or orthography of the scribe. His errors and in- consistencies, for example, in initial mutations and in the general treatment of spirants have all been allowed to stand. In the form in which my text was sent to press all ex- panded contractions were indicated by italics, so that the reading of the manuscript could be instantly ascertained in every case from the printed page. But out of regard for the strong preference of Professor Stern I have abandoned that plan and used italics only in cases which are in some respect doubtful or exceptional. The typographical appearance of the text is much improved by the change, and I think there has been no loss in accuracy. 'J'he work of the editor, however, has become less easy to control, and it is important for me to make an exact statement of the method I have pursued and the liberties I have allowed myself. Short specimens of the text with all the THE IKISn LIVES OF GUY AND Of BEVIS. 21 abbreviations indicated are fuinislied by the passages which Nettlaii printed in the lievue Cdtique X, 187 ff. I have silently expanded all the ordinary 'compendia scribendi' unless theii' use appeared to be in a given case irregular. The scriVie freely employed the signs for acht {cht, scd), air, ar, cet, con, cu, ec, er (ir), est, et (ed), eth {edh), m, n, ncm, or, ra, re, ri, ro, ru, uath, ur, us; and certain extensions of their use are also so common in the manuscript tliat I have adopted them without resorting to italics. Thus the sign for nr clearly means sometimes s (as in a^ioir, senoir) and often uir (as in docuir o sg. pret.). though in a few cases the latter com- bination is indicated by an ; with the sign for ur above it. The sign for us also sometimes stands for ids. I have inserted the / in cases where its omission would be grammatically mis- leading (as in romarhuis, 2 sg. pret., or fochtuis, 3 sg. pret. absol.). but I have allowed spellings like eglus, fiadknuse, to stand, since the scribe does not consistently observe the principle of caol le caol when he spells out words in full. In the same way I have some times expanded the sign for er as eir (cf. dobeir, 3 sg. pres., of frequent occurrence), but I have left forms like derc, sere (dat. and ace.) without trying to introduce uniform indication of the /-infection. The abbreviation for eth (7) occurs a number of times in the ending of the preterite passive where I have expanded it as edh (docuiredh). Besides silently expanding the abbreviations which stand for definite letters. I have also made no use of italics iu suppljing obvious vowels before b, c, d, g, WTÍtten above the line (as iu ro(f, t", dam''); and in cases where there could be no doubt about the construction I have added the endings of nouns and adjectives in -aeh, -ech {-aigh, -igh), of preterites in -aigh, -igh, and of preterite passives and verbal nouns. All these are frequently indicated by a simple dash. In the case of verbal nouns in -dh and of preterite passives two abbreviations are usual with the scribe, — a dash {refer-), and a d above the line {rofoer'). For the former cases 1 have used the spirant dh, and for the latter the unaspirated d. Both forms occur in words which the scribe has spelled out in full, and the distinction between them was of no importance. In addition to the contractions thus far provided for, there are a considerable number of words habitually abbreviated by 22 V. N. ROBINSON, the scribe in accordance with the practice of Middle Irish manuscripts. Those which occur oftenest, and about which there can be no real doubt, I have expanded without italics, using the grammatical form required bj' the context. A list of them is given here. In all other words italics are used uuless the manuscript abbreviations represent definite letters or the S3'llables provided for above. 1) Many proper names, such as S. G. o B., Sir Gyi o Berhuic; S. B., Sir Bibus. 2) Numerals. 3) The following words: adbert, aduhairt, aduhradar. iarum adbul immorro alludh ingen amach inbaid amail (and its compomids) itir amlaidh mac arcliena mathair ata mennia athair menmarc bliadain minic briathar mullach cath nach cathair nech cloidhem nert Crist, Cristaidhe no cubaidh seel diablaidhe ^ scnoir didiit slan, slainte diuice slegh dono slighe dochmn sluagh dunad sochraite esbaid spirut espoc tdbairt ßedh talant focal tapaidh gach ullam (jabail (and its compounds) uisce galar THE IRISH LIV£S OF GUY AND OK BEVIS. 23 la the matter of accents I have endeavored to follow the manuscript, disregarding: those, however, which obviously do not mean (juantity but serve only to distinguish the letter /. Pro- bably some of the scribe's accents have been overlooked because of their faintness, but I have not intentionally inserted any of my own. I ought to explain that Professor Stern would have preferred the consistent marking of all long vowels, but I did not wish to go quite so far in the normalization of the text. I am therefore alone responsible for the method adopted. In some other respects, too, my text follows the maniiscript rather than the usual practice of modern Irish writers. The preterital pre- fixes do and ro, for example, I have regularly combined with their verbs, and certain, enclitics which are commonly wiitten separately I have set off by hyphens. These are not matters of importance. I cannot claim theoretic consistency in my use of h}phens, but I hope none of them will prove misleading. My general purpose has been to adhere closely to the manuscript, and at the same time to make the printed text easUy intelligible. There are of course endless opportunities for error in re- producing a text of such irregular orthograpli}-, and I regret that I cannot compare the proofs with the original. But in order to make the mistakes as few as possible I had the manu- script photographed after copying and collating it. In the Glossary I have meant to register only such words as are not fully accounted for in Windisch's Wörterbuch. Both there and in the foot-notes references by number and letter (30(3 a, 315 b, etc.) are to the pages and columns of the manu- script, which are indicated in the Irish text. Some of the foot- notes which accompany the translation will be found to contain comment of a textual natiu-e. I expected at first to have the Irish and English printed on opposite pages, but that method proved to be too wasteful of space. 24 F. N. EOmXSON. [300al Beathadh Sir Gui [o Bhar] bhuic. 1. Bui iarla soini saidhbir a Saxanaib dosMndrudli, diarba comainm Risderd o Bharbliaicc, 7 robi'ii da iarlaclit aigi .i. iarlac-lit 0 Bharbhuicc 7 iarlacht Bocigam, 7 dob fer saidhbir, sochiiielach in t-iarla co n-ilimud gacha maithusa. •) 7 Robui ingen ciutliach, caemlialuind a dingmala aigi .i. Feilis a haium- sidhe. 7 ni roibhi ina haimsir beii dob ferr delbli 7 denum, modli 7 múnudli, druiue 7 dethbes, na'n ingin-siu. Docuii-edh immorro ardmaigistir dia munud aunsna he\[adhiaibh] sáera, 7 nir cian iaruui disi co maWuclh a maigistir i ngacli ealathain, co tucc in maigistir slat a muinti 2) di budhein iarna sharugudli di i ngach egna a cinn a secht') mljliadhna dec dosiimrud. Co clos fon uili doiiiliun a dethchi itir egna 7 ordan 7 einech, etil- cradlibudh 7 ciiinus 7 cunulacbt, itir gloine 7 gais 7 glicus, gur bo lán da serc 7 da sirgradh uaisli 7 ardmaithi ua cruinne co comcoitcenn. Robui didin sdibard nasal, oirbindech ag iarla 0 Barbuicc an inbuidh sin .i. Siccard a ainm sidhe, 7 dob fer furtill, firclialnia e, CO nibuaidh coscuir 7 comniaidhnii i ngach gnim robo dir do neoch dobeth aigi. Geniad nathadh don iarla, nir ba liomhun lais uert sluaigh na socliraiti acht co mbeth in t-uasal barun-siu aga imcoimét. 7 Is é robidh ac tabhach a cissa 7 a chana don iarla, 7 gidbe donidh dogra no doible fris im eis in iarla, doberadh san acliar 7 innarba asa flaithus fein forra. Robui mac a diugmala agan sdibard-sin, Gjl a ainm-side, 7 roslu'iraigh na huili macu a ainisiri ar met ar maisi ar macantacht, ar nos ar nert ar nidechus, ai- uaill ar aicnedh ar arachtus, gur ba Ian na cricha co comlán 7 na cennacha comfocuiss dia chi 7 dia alludh, 7 gacli iuadh ina cluineadh Gyi cluithighi aonaig 7 ibhnis 7 oirechtais ar fedh 7 ar tiarlaidh crichi^) saeruaisli Saxan. [300b] dofreagradh iat 7 doberadh buaidli gacha buidhni co barr uilfe|. 7 Dosharuighedh lucht gacha lamaigh co lanaibeil. 7 doberedh almsa 7 othrala^) minca dona heglasaibh, 7 doberedh ') Perhaps rather to he expanded maithiusa. Here and in (taitlnis, below, I have given the abbreviation its usual vahie of its. ") Clearly nniinti and not tniiinci, as Kettlau printed it (KC. X, 187). ') Here and in many other cases where the MS. has the sign of the numeral, I have regularly expanded these abbreviations in my text. *) MS. crici'i In many cases the marks of aspiration are indistinct. ') Perhaps otrala; aspiration again doubtful. TIIK IRISH LIKK OK UUY OK WAKWUK. 25 diTciiina 7 deUicealta do del)li|enaibli De, 7 roaiinhiiccedh na niairbh gan munmir gan inaiuuefhtiiaighi, 7 doberedli fisrugudli don lacht nohidli a can-air 7 a cumgach, 7 douidli na li-uili obuir ti'ocuii-e diar-iuol in eglus ina aimsir, 7 robui co daingen, duthraclitadi isin creidem catlioilic[d]a. Dorinne iarla 0 Berbuicc sguiger do Gy in tan sin. Is aim sin rohnlhnuigedh flegh 7 fésta na cingcisi d'iarla 0 Berbuicc 7 docruinuigh inaithi a inuindteri cuigi dia tochaitheni. 7 Eogair in t-iarla Gyi ina docuni, 7 rofer failti Ms, 7 adubairt: 'A Gyi', ar-se, 'cuirim freastal 7 fritholum Feilisi fort re fedh na iledhi-so do cliaitem, 7 dena he co suilbir, sogradhach'. Adubairt Gj'i: "A tigerna', ar-se, "doden-sa mo dichill don dethrighain-sin '. Dala Gyi im- mono docuir sé leine sremnaiglii sroill re griau a geilchnis, 7 inar ingnathach orsnaith 7 gi'idna sgiamacb sgarloide air amuigh anechtair. 7 Docuaidh roime fon maisi-sin co grianan ua h-ingine, 7 robennaigh di, 7 dolig ara gluinib ina fiadhnuse e, 7 roinnis di curob de fein rohaithnighedh a cuid don fleigh do fritholudh uirre cona banntracht. Fochtuis Feilis seek de, ce he budein 7 ca crich no cinel do. Adubairt Gyi: 'Mac baruin uasail me do muindtir h'athar-sa, 7 is se m'athair is [sjdibard 7 is marusgal tigi ag iarla 0 Berbuicc, 7 Gyi m'ainm', ar-se. "Docuala h'airem 7 h'ardnos', ar an ingeu, "7 is e mocen dorn theeht') [7] dom serbis; Roeirigh an righan. 7 ronigh 7 ronuacorigh a gnuis 7 a gelaghaid, 7 doronsad an banntracht an cetna. Dala Gyi ann, rothoirbir nua bidh 7 sen corma gan coigilt don righain 7 da banntracht re re teora la 7 teora n-aidchi, CO mba bu[dech], bennachtach Feilis cona banntracht don fi-eastal [301a] dotug Gyi forra ar fedh ua ileidhe-sin. Agus tng an banntracht sere iiradhbul do Gj'i asa gnimartaibh. 7 Tug G3-i gradh dichra, dofuluing don rigain, innus gui- ba modurdha, mesgaigthi, mimenm[n]ach Gyi dia sere 7 dia sii'gradh. 7 Imtusa Gyi iarum, doroine úmla 7 aidid 7 umaloid don righain, 7 rocei- lebuir di asa h-aithli, 7 docuaidh roime da seomra, 7 robui ar serg shii'ghak/i-) and, 7 fochtuid a muindter cred tainicc ris. Adubaii't Gyi nar fliitir cred tanicc ris, 7 • is doigh ', ar se. ' is gar bas damh', 7 doclos fon cathraigh uüi Gyi do beith gallrach, guasachtach, 7 is mór dogoül sin ar each a coitcinne. 7 Docuir •) Possibly thimthirecht? The word is obscured by an erasure. ') Expansion uncertain. 26 F. X. ROBINSON, immorro in t-iaila fisigli fireolach docum Gyi, 7 fochtuis cred tainicc ris. Adubairt Gji ba tes teinntemail, tromadlibiü 7 fuacht frithir, fu-domhuin. Doraidli in fissi ba fiabras combiiider/7i(i ') causdin bui fair. Cáicis do Gyi mur sin gan tsluaigh, gan tsuilberaclit, gan solas. 7 Docuaidh Gyi a cinn na ree-sin mur a roibhi Feilis co firaibeil, 7 doroine umla 7 auoii- di. 7 Adu- bairt: 'A maighdeu milla, malacbdubli, 7 a ainner aluind, ü- crothach', ar-sé, •tabui- furtacbt co firaiblieil form a n-anoii' na trinoidi co tairisi, uair ni fheduim rúu na riagliail ar mo glialur budesta. Uair ata a lan am curp 7 am com dot slierc-si^) 7 dot sirgradli ar adhnudh 7 ar fhadudli, 7 ni ba buan mo beth gan bas 7 gan bitlieg, niuna fagar cuman mo gradha uaid-si, a rigan uasal', ar-se. Doraidli Feilis: 'Is ainndinid. amnaireacli, econd tosacli iruragbaill, a Gyi', ar-si, 'uair is troni in tár 7 in tarcaisne tugaisi form-sa .i. m'iaraidh-si do bhancbeile led bogbliriatliraib begnaracha, uair ni fuil mac righ uasail, na diuice dainnecli, detharracbta, na iarla uasal, urruuta, [301b] na triatli toictliecli, tromtbalmacb a n-iartur na bEorpa, nach tug gradh adhbul dam-sa in met ata a n-oghacbt no a n-aentuma dibb, 7 ni tugusa cumain a gradha d'suduine acu; 7 a fii" mo fi-eastail [7] mo fi'itholma, is ecoir do sailisi misi d'faghail do bainseitci'. Adubairt Feilis: 'A Gyi', ar-si, 'fagaibh co firaibel mhé, 7 bidh fo pein t'anma ort gan techt mm- a mber CO crich do bais'. Docuaidh Gyi iar-sin dia seomra, 7 rofás bisech buanaibhsech galair 7 guasachta fair re fi-eagra na finnmna, 7 robúi ag achlan 7 ac imdergadh 7 ag [gjreannugudh in bäis, uar rob ferr lais bäs d'fhaghail na betha, 7 robui ag imdergadh 7 ag athaisiugudh au gradha. Is aun-sin rofhech Gyi aran tor comhdaingin cloiclii ina roibhi in rigan, 7 adubaii-t CO himnedach, athruath: 'Is aibind dixit a thuir', ar-sé, 'da mbeth resun agud, uair is aibinn in radarc fuil innud, 7 is truagh nach faicim builli doui shuil di'. 7 Dobi in barun iiasal .i. ath[aü-] Gyi co himnedach tri Gyi do beth sa guasacht aua i'oibhi se, 7 dobi a mathair mur an cetna. 7 Dala iarla 0 Berbuicc, robui fein cona teghlach lan do bron 7 do doilghis tri Gyi do beth co gallrach. Araile la iarsin adubairt Gyi co geranach: 'Dogebh bas co prap 0 gere mo gradha don righain, ') The last letters are not dear. ') MS. dot sercsi. THE IRISH LIFE 01' GUY OF WARWICK. 27 da u-auar miir so co fada; 7 is ferr liiuii bas d'fulung on iaila iar faicsin a ingine na'n giadh dorn marbadli'. Docuaidli Gyi iarsiii docum an tuir ina roibi in rigan, 7 dosmuain fiiirri, 7 dotlioit a n-aumainne iar-sin, 7 roeirigh co prap asa neoll 7 ni roairigh nach é niur sin. 7 Dohinnsed do Gji co roibi in righan [ — ] ') a n-erber=) uaingecli re taibli in tuir. 7 Docuaidh Gyi astegli isiu n-erber, 7 rocrom fo cosuibh na rigbna, 7 doshir grasa fiiii-re. 7 Adubairt Gji: 'Tauag cugud, a banntigerna ', ar-se, 'tar do crois, 7 rotuillis bas d'fagail, 7 dena trocuire ornm'. Tug in rigan diultadh do, 7 robagaii' fair, 7 adubaii-t: 'Da cluined in t-iarla in t-uirigill-sin, a Gyi', [302 aj ar-si, ' roimeorudb bas ort". larna clos-sin do Gyi rothoit a taisi 7 a taimneoll 7 dotiucfadh da 3) hannlaiudli nach budh ferr eruth 7 csmgne na sé. Doraidh cuiual coimideclita ingine in iarla: "Truagli sin, a baindtigerna ', ar-si, 'uaii- is uaimdiglii, niata, nemtrocnireach atai risin sguiger suairc, socharthauach. 7 Doberim mo briatharV) ar-si, 'damad Ingen don imper me, 7 airdrighnaclit na cruinne dom cliumus, ni licfind sud d'fagail bais dorn gradb gan a cabui- do briathraib bksta, binngloracha '. Doraidh Feilis risin cumhuil: 'Togaibh Gj'i', ar-si, -ina shuidhi 7 cumiaibh re t'ucht e 7 re t'[f]ormna'; 7 dorinde in cumul sm. 7 Roeirigh Gyi asa neoll iarum, 7 roaigill in righan aris. 7 rodiult si do, 7 dorindi bagar air a hucht a hathar 7 adubah-t CO fiiigedh sé bas arson a comraidh. Doraidh Gj-i: 'A rigan; ar-se, 'atá ar cumus duid-si bas coir no ecoh- do thabairt damh, uair is uaid-si is ferr Hum bas d'fhaghail', ar-se; 7 dothoit taisi ^) 7 tromanmfainne a haithle na mbriathar-sin. Doglacc in righan ar laim é, 7 adubairt : • A Gyi ', ar-si, • ni thiur-sa mo gradh d'fir acht do ridii'i co mbuaidh crotha 7 casmdhenmusa, co mbuaid n-indsgni 7 n-iu-labra, co mbuaidh n-einigh [7] n-eugnama, co mbuaidh ngnima 7 ngaiscidh. 7 Gidhbe robeth miu- sin rofaidh- finn-si lais'. Ba binn la Gyi na briathra-sin, 7 roimigh co luthaii-ech asin n-erber. 7 dochuaidh ina seomra, 7 docuir a deisi anaigh 7 oirechtais uime, 7 docuaidh mm- a roibh iarla 0 ') This word is T\TÍtten indistinctly above the line. ') Cf. asin n-crber, below. It is from the English erber, herber. ') da is not clear, and there appears to be an erasure before it. *) »10 briathar is omitted in the MS. and written in at the top of the page. ») 1. [ijfaist? 28 F. N-. ROBINSOV, Berbuicc, 7 roferadh failti fris ann. Doraidh Gvi: 'A tigerna gradhach', ar-se, 'gacli a nderua fein do maith riam is duid-si dorindus he, 7 gach maith da u-ingen is duid roh [302 b] ail lium do denum. 7 tabiir gradha ridii-echta damh budesta". Do- raidh in t-iarla: 'Dober co craidhi maith sin duit maille') taburtus mór'. Is ann-sin dorindi in t-iarla ridiin do Gj'i iar n-estecht nan aimfrinn domnach in spiruta nanim dotsinnriid, 7 dolioirdnedh fiche an la-soin a ngradhaibh ridirechta mur anoir do Gyi. 7 Eoguidh in t-iarla cona teglach in t-pendia rocum nem 7 talwiam fa buaidh ratha 7 ridirechta do beth fur Gj'. Is aun-sin do- cuaidh Sir- Gy co suilbir, sogradhach iua deisi ridiri mur a roibhi ingeu in iarla 7 rothaiselbh é fein di. 7 Adubairt: -A righan', ar-se, 'tuicid gur mor in cradh 7 in cunutabart iua rabhusa dod grad coruigi so, 7 is duid rogabusa gradha ridirechta re m'ais'. Doraidh Feilis: 'A Sir Gyi', ar-si, 'na bith athus ort tri beth ad ridiri a ndóigh mo gradha-sa d'faghail, uair atái ad ridiri ogh gan derbadh gaisgidh na gnimechta fos. 7 Da nderbair do lamli a cein 7 a fogus, a cathaibh 7 a comlannaibh, dodhén-sa do thoil'. 7 Dorne Gyi buideclius na ireagurtha-sin risin rigain, 7 roimigh roime asa haithli mur a roibi a athair 7 a mathair, 7 roinnis doibh gur gabh se gradha ridirechta, 7 'rachud romam do cuartugudh crich 7 cinel do derbudh mo gnima 7 mo gaiscidh'. Adubairt in barun: 'Curob ar sen amhunntuir 7 edala duid-si sin', ar-se, 7 adubairt a mathair in cetua. 7 Tue iarum Sicart Sir Erout cuigi .i. ridiri croda, cos- gurthach, 7 Sir Uront 7 Sir Uri, 7 adubairt riu beth ina tri Irenferuib tailci, togaidhi, 7 ina tii postaighibh feramla, firar- rachta a timcill Sir Gyi da csmna 7 da coimet isna orichaib ciana, coimigthi ina triallann dul, 7 'coimétaidh co maith é"; 7 rogabsud i-e n'ais coidiligendais a u [303 a] dicill do. 7 Docuir an t-uasal barun a lorda^thain bidh 7 loin leo ina luing. Conidh i eslainti 7 guasacht Sir Gyi 0 Berbuicc tri gradh ingine in iarla connicci sin, et reliqua. 2. Dala Sir Gyi iarum, docuaidh ina luing cona triar ridii-i, 7 tucsud sraccudh sanntach, sirlaidir, sruthhiaimnech isin senfhaÜTgi, 7 rogabhsat cuan cobhsaidh, cluthardaingen isin nOrmoint.2) 7 Docuadur iarsin co cathraigh móir na hOrmointi,'-) ') 1. maille le (or re)'i -) With Onuoini 'Normaiuly' cf. Urbnaid 'Norway", CZ. 11, 308, and the parallels cited by Stokes. THK IRISH LIFE OF GUY OF WARWICK. 29 7 (logabiidiir teg-h osta in aidchi-sin 7 rocaithsit biadh 7 deoch. 7 Doraidh Gyi re fer in ti^hi osta. ' Doclumnuc ', ar-.se, 'luirecha aga roludh 7 slega aca slibudli 7 cloidhnie aca cretglaniulli 7 sgeitli aca sgiameonigudh 7 craidhthi aga cur fo chursunaibh 7 fo caomecbaibh 7 dilata aga ndaingnii'igudh 7 gla;dhi aga ngormudli 7 na huili trealma gaisgidh aga coriigudb, 7 ni fedar créd is adbiu- do'. Doraidh fer in tigi osta: 'Ingen alaind, xn- tumba ata agan imper. 7 ni bail le fer acht ante berus gell gaisgidh 7 gniniechta na cruinne co comcoitcenn, 7 is doigb leisiu n-impii-i nach full deicbuembar ') hecb bmcalma isin domun nach coiscfedh fein ina ienar. 7 Tangadur anois mic righ na hEspaine 7 na hAfi-aice 7 na Greige 7 na Fraingce 7 na Sisaile 7 na Hungaire 7 na Fuardachta 7 na Deolainne 7 na cetbra treabh Lochlanu 7 in domun uili archena co cathair an imperi cum na giustala-sin, 7 is do dul cuici atait cuingedha curadh- cúiseoba na catrach-so a[c] corugbudh a n-arm 7 a n-ilfa?bur. 7 Gidh doberedb buaidh na giustala-sin, dogebha se da fáubhcun glegeala, 7 da sdét sdimleabhra, 7 da fercoin firarracbta fur an dath cetna. 7 An rigban amra. oireghdha,"-) .i. iugen an imper d'aenmai, 7 oidhrecht an imperi iar nibas do'. Tug immorro Sir G3'i sdet fosaidli, firlaidir d'fer an tighi osta do luagb na sceol- sin, 7 adubairt rena muinntir [303 b] menma 7 meisnech maith do beth acu, 7 co racbdis co dunad an imperi do d'fecbain an cathaigbthi 7 in cruadhcomruicc sin. Conidh i cuairt Sir Gy sa nOrmoint sin. 3. Dala Sii- Gyi, ar maidiu'') iamamarach rogluais roime cona triar ridiri, 7 nir an, 7 nir fbosaidli, noco rainig co dunad an imper; 7 dochunnaic na sluaigh fui- in faithchi, 7 *uridiri leidmecb, lanchalma ina dbeisi comdhaingin catha a n-inadh na graibbfne 7 na giustala, 7 fochtuis Sir Gy scela an ridiri-sin; 7 adubairt : 'Aroile mac don imper sud ', ar-se, ' leis nach doigb fer a cboisc da fagbail a cath na a comlann 7 Sir Gayer a ainm'. larna chlos sin do Sir Gyi, docuaidh ina comdail co cetfadach, 7 roferudar comrac fuilech, firneimnech re hedh 7 re bathaig, 7 docuir Sir Gayer slegh tri sgiath 7 tri luirigh Sir Gyi, 7 roeirigh an slegh as, 7 ni derna si dith dia curp ; 7 tue Sir Gyi builli brighmur, buanarrachta do mac an imperi, 7 rothilg teora ') MS. .X. nemhar. ■') MS. oifa. ') An erasure in the MS. 30 F. N. ROBINSON, ceimenii asa dilait é, 7 roboin an t-ecli de, 7 tue do sguiger robúi faris lii. Tanicc iar-sin Otun .i. Diuici na Pani do comrac re Gyi co seitreach, sircalma, 7 docuir Sir Gyi slegli trina sciath 7 trina slinneu, 7 rotrascair é, 7 roben a ech de. Tanicc der- brathair athar Diuice Otun co poinnighi, primarrachta co lathair in comruic, 7 adubaii't co dasachtach: 'Romarbhus mac mo der- brathar', ar-se, '7 is olc in lesugudli 7 in laneiuic tu fein ann'. 7 Docuaidli Sil- (t}-í ina coinne, 7 dotrascrad in diuice le Sir Gj'i, 7 roglac Sir Gyi in t-ech ar aradhain, 7 iar n-ergi don diuice asa nell tue Sir Gyi a ech fein do. 7 Adubairt Sir Gyi: 'Ber buidechus rium-sa, a diuice Eener', ar-se, 'd'fagliail duid, uair ni do marbudh dhaine tanag-sa ann so acht dia cengul 7 dia cuibhrech gan marbadh'. Docuaid Diuice Rener fura sdét iarum, 7 adubairt: 'A ridiri leidmigli, lancalma", ar-se, 'innis h'athab- thir duind'. Doraidh Sir Gyi: 'Do crichaib sseruaisli Saxan damh', ar-se, '7 Ser Gyi 0 Berbuic m'ainm 7 m'fis 7 m'eolus ag sluaghaibh saeruaisli Saxan'. [304a] Tanicc iarom Diui[c]e Anan a comdhail Gyi, 7 dorindedur comlirug discir, dasachtach reroile, 7 fa crechtach, crolinntech na fer') on afurgaib co firaibeil. larna fhaiccsin-sin do Sii- Eront, tanicc sé do chabur Sir Gyi on anfurlann-sin, 7 tue builli buanarraehta don diuice, gur cuir sieg trina sciath 7 trina craidhi, co torcuii- marb gan [anjniain. Tanic Diuice Uadiner a comhdail Gyi, 7 cloidlieam claslethan, coinnlenach, cruadhach ina laim, 7 romaigh bás co bithurrlum ar Gyi. Teitt iarum Gj'i co grennmur, gnimeditacli a comdail in diuice, 7 doronsud comrucc curata, cruadheuisech re hedh eian, 7 taugadur drechta dána, deththapaidh d'uaislibh 7 d'ard- maithibh na sluagh do chumnum do Diuice Uadiner anaig«?/« Sir Gji. larna fhaicsin-sin do Sir Heront 7 don da ridiri leid- mecha, lancalma ele .i. Sir Turont 7 Sir Uri, tangadur nath- fuaithnedhaibh (?) 2) ferrdha, feramla, furniata a timcill Sir Gyi aga imcoimét ar armaibh a escarnamat. 7 Tucsat cath fich[dja, ferdha, fuilech, firneimnech di aroile, gunar ba tana silchur na faithci 0 na feruib na fsenluighi 0 beimeannuibh gaibhthecha, greannmura Gyi coua triar ridiri; 7 is mór dothoit leo na cethrar in la-sin, 7 co haiiighthi le Gyi. Is edh=>) fuil fur cuimne de .i. se cet*) ridiri dothoit la Sir G)! 'na »nar an la-sin ') an firl -) Readiug uucertaiu. ') MS. IS. *) MS. .c. THE IKI8H LIFE OF GfY OF WARWICK. 31 isin cathgleo-sin. Is ann-sin doteithedur na sluaigh i ngacli aird la huanian Sir Gyi, 7 dofagadh in faidhchi folum fai, 7 dodiultad coiiilirac no catbughudh Ms. Docuaidh Sir Gyi sin oatbraigh iarsin cona niliuintir, 7 rogabsat tegh osta innti, 7 roben Sir Gyi a éidetb de, 7 robadur fuindeoga fairsingi, fir- doimni fura curp. Is ann sin dorainic in t-imper ina ciiirt fein, 7 adubaii't an t-imper a fiadnusi na sluagh: 'Robuadliaigb in ridiri seitreach, sircalma Saxanach ornind nil,') 7 ni full fer cudrunia na catbaigbti ris isin domun. 7 Cuirter techta cuigi leis na seodnibb dogelladb d'fer buadhaighti na giustala .i. co Gn 0 Berbuic'. Docuiredb iarum sgniger [304b] lesna seoduib CO Sir Gyi, 7 tug do iat .i. da fliabcun fii-aille, 7 da fercboin arracbta, oiregdba,') 7 da sdét sdimleabla,^) sduagbbraigbdeeba; 7 robadui" na se seoid-sin ar »ndatb ule, ar datb alainn eala. 7 Rofer in sguiger docuaidh leis fircáin failti re Sir Gyi, 7 adubaii't: 'Gu faii-singidhi in firdia furbaracb romud i ngacb cumgach 7 i ngacb tennta ina mbeir, uair is Ian cuirteuna 7 cathracha na cruinne co comcoitcenn do scelaibb do gnima 7 do gaisgid. 7 Docuir Bloinsiflugar .i. ingen an iniperi betba 7 slainti cugud, 7 is tu a rogba nuacbair, ma tai gan ceile cnesta ara cind agud.' Dorug Sii- Gyi buidecbus risin riagain ratbmu[i]r, rouasail arson a tinnlaic[th]i 7 a tabui'tuis, 7 dotbairg Sir Gyi ridiri do denum do^) sguiger tainic lesna seoduibb cuigi o ingin an imperi, 7 dodiult an sguiger sin, uair adubairt nacb rainic se ais inme na taburtus d"fagbail. Tug Sir Gy úr alainn gan uiresbadb 7 airged don sguiger, 7 roimigb uadba asa baitbli. Dala Sir Gyi dono, docuir se tecbta lesna seodaibb sin a crichaibh Saxan docum larla 0 Berbuic, 7 tucadh do iad, 7 roindsidui" na tecbta scela gaibhtecba, greaunmura*) Gji 0 rofliagaibb cricba Saxan co htes na buaire-sin, 7 docuii-edur na scela-sin menma 7 moraicned isin n-iarla eona muindtir. 7 Ba lutbairech le rigb Saxan co maithibb a morteghlaigb gaiscedh gnimecbtach Gyi iar clos na scel-sin doibb. Conidb e cetgnim gaisgidh Sir Gyi iar fagbail Saxan do conicci sin. ') 1. uiíí. Cf. uil above p. 2i. ») MS. ov-a. ') 1. sdimleabra. Cf. 303a, above. *) 1. don? ^) Something seems to be omitted. 32 T. K. ROBINSON. 4. Dala Sir Gyi iarum doc[u]aidli se a cricbaibh fairsinge, íiraille na Fraingci 7 a crichuibh leidmecha. lánarrachta na Lum- barde, 7 fuair ilimud catbaigthi 7 cruadhcomraic isna cricbuibh sin, 7 docuir a n-ar, 7 dochuaidb tar comairem ar Uiuit la Gyi isna crichaibb sin, 7 fuair ilimud oir 7 airgit 7 ilmaine [305a] isna mórtbirtibli-sin. 7 Tue Sir Gyi catb iar-sin do diuici na Lumbairdi. 7 robris forra co bithnertmur, borbaicenntach, 7 rocuir a n-ár, 7 robui se caicis on callaind co "cheile ag ledairt 7 ag lanmarbudh na Lumbardbach, 7 robe« a n-or 7 a n-indmus 7 a n-uili maithus dibh. Is ann-sin doconnuic Sir Gy deicb cet') Isech leidmech, lancbalma, do Lumbardacbaibh ac techt ina ndhochum, 7 trealaigbi comdaingne catba impu. 7 .'^nridiri mer- menm[n]acb, móraicentacb rompa, 7 sdét faitecb, foluaimnecb fai. 7 Adubairt co fergacb, furniata re Gyi: 'A ridiri reclitaigenntaigb, roaiugidbi, lig roind gaiscidli 7 gnimechta duiune budhesta. 7 tabur pairt édala cricbi na Lumbairdi duinn '. Doraidh Sir G3Í : ' Dogebuir-si roinn edala 7 ambanutair buaim-si ', ar-sé, ' mas tre caines 7 cumann iaraidh é; 7 mas tre bagur 7 borbaicnedh adubrais na briatbra-sin, dogebuir bas 7 buanég co prap'. Is amlaidh robui in ridiri-sin, 7 ga leabur. lanfada ina laim, 7 ga gerr, greannmur giustala ina laim. 7 Docuiredur in da sdét a n-arrtliaisc a cbeile, 7 docuaidb Sir Gyi fan sleigb sliunger, sitli- fhada robui agan ridiri, 7 docuir sleigb trina tbsebb. 7 docbun- naibh aran slegh e. Rotuirrling Sir Gyi, 7 roglac in ridiri, 7 adubairt ris : ' lar grasa budesta no dogebuir bas co bitburrlum '. Is ann-sin dorindi in ridiri bagar 7 becni do briarliraibb Sir Gyi. 7 Tucc an ridiri builli borb, bitbner[t]mur furan mbai-r mbuabuill robui fo braigid, 7 tangadur a muinnter ina doclium. Doraidb Sir Gyi: 'Tuicim', ar-sé, 'curob fer fill 7 fingaile tbu. a ridiri', ar-sé, '7 coimed tbu fein budesta". 7 Is amlaidb adubairt 7 rouocbt an cloidbemb clasletban. comurtbaracb,-) 7 tug satbadb sanntacb, sircalma san ridiri gur cuir in cloideam trina craidlii co cudruma. 7 torcuir marbli gan anniain. Tangadar na deicb cet') ridiri rocbalnia [305b] ele co latbair fo guth an barr buabbuill, 7 tugadar catb dian, dasacbtac d'aroile 7 torcair se cat'') dibh fo medlion l;v le laim Gyi, 7 dotliorcair da cet*) ele ») 1. comurthach. «) MS. .6. c. ') MS. .X. c. ») MS. ..r. c. =) MS. da .c. THE lEISH LIFE OP OÜY OF WARWICK. 83 leis dib tareis medoin ];v, 7 roinigedur da cet as dibh le luas a u-ecli. Coiiidh i digbail 11a Lumbardacb 0 Gyi coniiici siu. 5. Dala ianim') 7 docuaidh roime a crichaibli iia Britaine, 7 robi'ii iarla isin Britain in tan darb ainm larla Birri, 7 robúi ingen alainn, sntuma aigi, 7 nirb ail le fer na ferceile acht rogha gaiscedhaiii na cruinne co comcoitcenn. 7 Tug an t-iarla craidhail giustail teora la do beth ag ridiribli crodlia in domhun a tinicill na bingine, 7 robadur tri cet 2) ridii-i feramla, furniata, fi-angcach ar techt cum na giustal[a]-sin. Dabi Sir G}-! immorro, rocirrbad 7 rocrechtnaigedh se cet^) hecli leidmech, lancalma co lanurrlum leis an cetla, 7 drong dibh fur echuib 7 aroile dia cols. Tanic Gj'i iarum andara la san ngiustail, 7 nil' freaguir 3enduin[e] he, 7 adubhairt') drong dibh: 'Is é in ridiri iid domarbh se [cet]=') Isch sa Lumbaird a n-ivnlo'; 7 rogabsad ag innisin 7 ag adhmoladh a gnim 7 a gaisgid, 7 dolocsat each a coitcinne comrac re Sir Gyi an la-sin. 7 Tanic Sir Gyi in treas la ducuiu na giustala, 7 rogreannaigh na sluaigh uile dia cois do cathugudh Ms. 7 dodiultadur uili do. 7 roiuipoighedur rompa dia n-arusaibh budhein asa liaithli. Dala Iarla 0 Birri immorro, dociiir techta CO Sir G3Í le da cursun glegeala gnimurrlama, 7 ruthairg a iugen mm- uinai do gun a uili maithus le, 7 adubairt nach roibi sa cruinde co comlan fer rob ferr leis do beth aga ingin na Sir Gyi. Dorug Sir Gji buidechus a anora risin iarla arson a tha- burtuis, 7 rodiult don ingin arson ingine Iarla 0 Berbuic. 7 adubairt co n[d]ingned les 7 lanmaithus in iarla i ngach teunta ina mbeth a cumain a thaburtiiis. 7 Tug Gyi da fichit«) nobla dergoir do thechtaire in iarla. Conidh i cuairt Sii- Gyi 0 Berbuic a cribuib ■) brighmura na Britainne conigi sin, et reliqua. 6. [30Ga] Dala Gyi iarum tainic tarais a crichaib Saxan, 7 docuaidh mur a roibh in ri, 7 rofer in ri 7 maithi fircain failti fri Gyi ar romét a clua 7 a allaidh anusn| a] tii-thaibh ciana ina ndechaidh. Is ann-sin tug righ Saxan or 7 airged 7 na huili maith archena do Gyi. Docuaidh Sir Gyi iarsin a cenn Iarla ') Several words apparently omitted. ») MS. tri .c. ') MS. se .c. *) MS. a .3. ') MS. .s. Uech. cet is obviously to be supplied. «) MS. jcl. ') 1. rrichuib. ZeiUchtift f. ctlt. Fbllclogie Vi. 34 F. V. ROBTN'SON. 0 Berbuic. 7 dorinne in t-iarla cona muindtir anoir do Sir Gj-i. 7 Docuaidli Sir Gyi iarsiii co grianan firalaimi Feilisi. 7 adubairt re: 'Doi'onusa iliiuud gaisgidh 7 gniineclita ar do gradli-so 7 ar li'onoir, a rigliaii ". ar-se, ' 7 comuill do glielladh darc-sa budesta '. 'Da ndernaind-si sin', ar-si. 'ni dingenta-sa ni budh uilli do goil na do gaiscedli, 7 co déinin') ni ba fer dam-sa co brach thú, acht ni na'') beruir gell gaiscidh 7 gnimechta 0 ridiribh na cruinne co comlan.' Doráidh Sir Gyi: 'ni cusmail co mberuind-si an gell-siu'. ar-se, 'uair is imdha ridiri dana, dethcluach isiu domun, 7 is docair an geall do breith. 7 Gideth toitfet-sa leo no buaidheochad forra'. 7 Docuaidh iar-sin a cenn a twsmigh- thora,^) 7 rocheileabhair doibh, 7 robadur idir óg 7 sen ag diuaire'') ina diaigh. Conidh i cuairt Gyi a nichaibh Saxan connicci. 7. Imthusa Sir Gyi iarsin docuaidh roinie 'san Ormon, 7 roliui ingen 6g a n-rentuma in inbaid-sin ag righ Frangc co mbuaidh ndeilbhe 7 ndenniusa; 7 tug ri Frangc a niinna fon seudia cumachtach nach tibradh d'fer i acht an fer doberedh gell gaiscidh in domun ^) co himlan. Tug immorro ri Frangc craidhail giustail teora [la] ar faidhchi dúnaidh remuis na righ a timcill na hingine, 7 gibe acu fa treisi, co fuighedh in n-ingen d'oenmnai cona huili maithes. Tanicc immorro mac do Diuici 0 Bh-ri an cetla san ngiustail-sin, 7 rotrascrad seiser ridiri rochalma co rourrlum lais. IS ann-sin tanicc Sir Gyi co lathair, 7 rotrasgah- se mac Diuice 0 Bird cona each don cet- [306 bj sraccud, 7 rothógsud a muindtir co hathlum, uimaisnech mac an diuice. 7 docuirsit ar sdét ele é, 7 docuaidh aris co dana, dochusach a comdhail Sir Gyi isin cathirghail. Dala in da ridiri rathmura, rouaisli-sin, dobrisidur a slegha slinngera, sithfada fur aroile, 7 tue Sil- Gyi sathudh sanntach sleghi a mullach a ochta 7 a urbruinne ar mac diuice 0 Birri, gur chken siar fura dilait é. 7 gur bris a droim segha, seimighi, slisglégel don t-sháthudli ') 1. deimin. ^) 1. acht mina^ ') Used collectively for both? ') 1. diucaire. ') 1. domuin'i But iu a number oi places iu the MS. the form domnn, with the ending written out as here, appears in the gen. sg. Cf. pp. 334b, 335b, 337b, 340b, 358a. On the other hand domuin is written out on p. 359 b. THE IRISH TilFK OF firV OP WARWICK. ^h sin, 7 fiiair bás co bithunluiu. 7 RofthairgJ ') Sir G}'i comrac a liaithli in echta-sin, 7 ro diultaJur uili é. 7 roinigedur na sluaigii roiiipa i ngach aird iar mbreitli buaidh na giustala do Gyi. Dothairg ri Fraugc a ingen mur bancheile do Gyi, 7 rodiult Gyi sin. 8. Dala Sir Gyi iarum dochuaidh se roime san Almain, 7 dochunaic in eathair coitcend, congairecli ara cinn .i. Bruidis a hainm-side, 7 robui triatli toictech, tromcouaicli na crich-sin amesc a mortheglaigli ar or na ceidhe co cath linmiu*. Doraidh triath borbnertmur Bruidisi: 'A Sii- Gyi', ar-sé, 'romarbuis mo bratliair gan fhocuin, 7 toitfir fein ann'. Adubairt Gyi: 'Nigan fochuin romarbus é, acht a faghail a ngliaidh 7 a ngiustail, 7 damad treisi do-san domuirbfed misi, 7 tugusa a cumain-sin do- san CO torcalr liuin'. Dala rigli Bruidisi iarum docuir se secht cet kfcli leidmech. laucalma do catliugudh re Gji cona triar ridiri. Cid tracht rocatliaigh Gyi co giesmiu-, greannmur, gerarmacli risna curadaibh-sin, 7 torcradar uili fo medon lie, 7 tucudli a furcend in catba-sin aludb domuin, doleigis sleghi a tsebh Sii- Gyi, couar ba tualaing é cumnad na cosaint [307a] do denam dia eis in anani-.siu. Conidh i cuairt Gyi co Bruidis coniigi sin. 9. Iar forbha an morgnima-siu la G.n roghluais roime tri fasaib leatlma, lanmora na Lombuirde. larna clos sin do Ottun .i. diuce na Lumbairde. docuir se coic-) ridire dheg arna nderbadh co minic ar cinn Gyi ina ndesib comdaingni catha. 7 Eobui iarla uasal, oireghdJia. orrtba sin, 7 in drong ele do barunaibli 7 do ridirib. 7 Eobadur a n-ediirnaighi arcinn Gyi a mbealach cumang coille.3) 7 Is amlaidh adubaii-t na Lumbairdi rena muindtir: in triar ridiri robui a fochair Gyi do marbudh co niitrocar. 7 Gyi fein do thabairt a laim leo dia pianudh. Dala Sil- Gyi dno, ni roibi sechna na sligedh-sin aigi, 7 nir cian do ag cuartugudh na conuire, co cualaidh sitreach na n-ecli isin caillíV//í, 7 CO facaidh cira na ceinnberta. Adubah't Gyi: 'A ridii-i uaisle', ar-se, ' co.snaidh sib fein co calma, cruadhchosracb,^) uair rofeUadh fui'uibh 7 ata celg romliuib isin couIííí/í-so'. ') The -verb is omitted and I have supplied it conjecturally. «) MS. .M. ') Perhaps to be expanded coilledh. The form is nowhere written out in this test. ') 1. cruadhchoscrach. 3* S6 F. N. ROBINSON, 'Fagaihh sinne', ar siat, 'or nacli fuilidli incomruiec. 7 Ota sdét firluatli fuil, gaTjli fairsinge 7 fireitecb na ferimn. 7 lig edruind e 7 each". Doraid Gji: 'Ar maithes na cruinne co comlan, ni dingenuind-si sin', ar-sé. Cid traclit is ann-sin roeirigh in celg ina ndocum, 7 rocomraicsit co ferrda. feramail, furniata reroile, 7 romarb Gyi dias ridiri co prap, 7 romarb Eront ridiri, 7 ro- trascair ridiri ele, 7 romarbh Front ridiri. 7 torcair ridii-e la bUri. 7 Komarbadb Uron 7 Uri isin cathgleo-sin. Is ann-sin [docuaidh] ') Sir Gincadb co Gyi .i. mac derbratbar diuice Otun, 7 adubaii't: 'A Gyi', ar-se, 'tabur tu fein, 7 berud-sa tu a laim co bOtun; 7 domarbadb do triar ridiri, 7-) [307 b] ni bincombluind til fein rium-sa, uair docbim fuil do CiicVp ac [c]ouisüudb. 7 niina faemair do gabail muirbfed co iiraibeil tu'. Adubairt Gyi: 'Is ferr Hum mo marbud', ar-se, 'na beth a laim ag na Lurabardacbaib '. Is ann-sin robuail Gyi builli cruaidnertmar cloidhim ar Sir Gincbadb, gur ben leth na feilmi firaille co furtill de. 7 gur gerr in luirech fura gualaind, 7 nir derg ara curp na fora csemcoluinn. Tug immorro Gyi builli ele do, gur ben in lamb des aga gualaind de, 7 rotheith roime asa haithli iarna cirrbudh co comurthacb, 7 rolen G3á e, 7 ni rug air, 7 roinnis in ridiri-sin scela do diuice Otun. Tanicc Gyi tarais amesc a muindtiri co mormenmac, 7 fuair marb iad aran conair cetua, 7 nir imigh beo tarais dona coic^) ridiri dec-sin acht ícnridiri ar letlaim. 1 )otbuirrling Gyi, 7 fuair se Sir Uri 7 Sir Uront marb ara ciun, 7 Sil' Eront, 7 becan betha ann. Docuir Gyi Sir Eront tarsna [....] *) ara belaib, 7 rofagaib in coiWidh co iiraibeil. 7 robui fasach firdomuin aga imteaclit aigi. 7 Tarrla ditreabhacb fair, 7 robennaigh do, 7 foclituis scela de, ca mbid se. Doraidb in ditreabbach: 'A n-uainges in fasaigb-so bim', ar-se. Doraidb Gyi: 'Annlaicter let in dias ridiri dom muindtir ata marbb aran coill/ci/i-so re da tisbli, 7 dober sdét furtill, firarracbta duid arson do saethair'. 'Doden-sa sin co dutliracbtacb ', ar modh De; 7 docuadur araai man coill/c?/t, 7 tucadur cuirp na ridiri leo, 7 roannlaicedur co hanoracli iat. Roimigb Sir Gyi iarum, 7 Sir Eront ara beluib, 7 nir cian do iarum co facaidh in mainistir moradlibul 7 ab 7 comtinol cananacb ina dorus. Roiar Sir Gyi a n-anoir Dia ') Verb of motion omitted. ") 7 repeated in MS. ») MS. «. ♦) One or more words omitted. THE IRISH LIFE OF GUY OF WARWICK. 37 aiioir') aiinlaicc[th]i do tabairt don lidiri iiiarbh rol)iii fiira beluib, 7 roghell co tibiadh luagb a s;vtliair doibli. 7 Roinnis iiuir dofhell diuice ua Liinibairdlii air. 7 mur domarbadh a muindter. Kogabli [30Sa] truaiglii in oomhtliinol do, 7 dogabudur Sir Heront uadha. Conidh anilaidh-sin rofliell Diuici Otun ar Gyi. 10. Dala Sir G3'i iarsin rogluais roime on niaiuistir, 7 nir cian do con faca modh dilus [do]-) Dia ara cinn ara raen, 7 roleig ara gliiinib do Gyi é, 7 roiar derc fair. Tue innuorro (iyi fichit •) nobla do do ciun guidhi fair fein coH|a] triai' lidiri. uair ba doigh lais co roibhi feiu niarbli ona gonuibli. Dorug mod De buidechus ara derc 0 Gyi,*) 7 adubairt an sruitli: 'A Gyi', ar-se, 'an agimi-sa gud leigus 7 do cabur do crecht, uair ni fuil isiu domliun co hinilan liaig cuedh isferrname'. Imtus Gyi iarum, roan se da la dec aga leighus faris in b-ruith, 7 ba hogb[s]lan é iarum. Conidh e othrus Sii' Gyi conigi sin. 11. Dala in aba agar' fagad Heront, adubaii't re gach cruimpir dia coimtinol deicli'') n-aithfrinn fichet'') do rad ar anmain Sir Heront. 7 Adubairt canánacb dibh a[g] glacudh Sii* Heront: 'Ata in ridiri-so beo fós", ar-sé, "7 leigestur é'. Adu- baiit in t-ab: 'Is maith adicfuiud-si arson a leiglais', ar-se. Cóic^) lá 7 tri mi do Sir Heront a u-othrus, 7 ba slan é iarsin. Conidh e othinis Sir Heront conuigi sin, 7 reliqua.*) 12. Imthus Gyi, iar n-ergi do asa othrus, rogluais roime CO dunad ciug Poeil, 7 rofer in righ cona theglach failti fris. 7 Koinniss Gj"i doibh mur dofhell diuice na Lumbairdi aii", 7 mur domarbadh a ridiri leis. Doraidh in righ: 'A Gyi', ar-se, "is let-sa misi cen'-») comait[h]us. 7 bidh meuma maith agud. 7 dober-sa triar ridiri fi-omtha, feramla, firarrachta duit 7 triar sguiger mm* an cetna, 7 dober daetain an seisii--sin d'aradliaibh ») MS. anoi. ') I insert this because of the dative Dia. ») MS. .j:.c. ') 1. do Gyi. 5) MS. .X. ') MS. .XX. ') MS. .u., or possibly .ii. ('two"). ") MS. red. '} MS. 3, which nsnally stands for con. The phrase recurs on p. 315 a aud I have not met it elsewhere. I take it to mean 'without hostility, resistance'. Cf. comaighthes • unfriendliness , hostility'; Meyer, Contributions, p. 430. 38 F. N. EOBIXSON, arrachta, uruiita duid'. Dorug Sil- Gyi buidechiis in tabartuis-sin risin rigli nemdha 7 re cing Poil. 7 Robui G5Ú sedal') aun-sin CO n-anoir moradhbul. 13. Dala Sir Heront immorro. iar n-ergi asa othrus do adnbairt se risin ab 7 risin ccomhtinol: ' Gebud-sa deisi oilitrigh [308 h] unium', ar-sé, '7 racliud do lorgairedit nio tliigerna; 7 da fhaghar é ina bhethaidh, is maith dilfus arson mo leighns;-) 7 niina fhagar, ni fhuil agum acht guidhi oruib-si a cumain mo leighis'. 7 Tug in t-ab 7 na can[an]aigh ced imteachta do. Imtus Sir Heront iarum roimigh roime coruigi in crich ina roibi Sir Gyi. Aroili la da roibhi Sir Heront a[c] cuartugudh na crich-sin, tarrla Sir Gyi faii" ina trealum catha, 7 se ag fiadach 7 ag fianchosgur, 7 robui Sir Heront a[g] gul 7 a[g] geran co bronach. 7 Fochtuis Sir Gyi focliuin a broin de. Adubairt Sir Heront: 'Ni fuil feidm agud a fis d'faghail'. ar-sé. Adubairt Sir Gyi: 'Indis scela damh-sa a n-anoir inte rofiilning pais ar ar son'. 'Dodén co derbh', ar Heront. 'A[c] cuaitugudh crich 7 cennadhac na cruinne co comcoitcenn atäim ag iarraidh mo thigerna; 7 ma niairinn se, ni fuil isin domun a'nl:rch is leid- mighi, lancalma na se; 7 ma tliorcuir in trenmili-sin, da faghar- sa a this ca fuil a lecht 7 a luigbi. doeholtar in talam liura-sa, 7 sinfed ara miiin nilie, 7 dogebh bas mur-siu.' Doraidh Gyi: ' Ca talam duid ', ar-se, ' 7 cia in tigerna robui agud ? ' Adubaü't Sü- Heront: 'Saxanach mé', ar-sé, '7 Heront m'ainm, 7 Sir Gyi 0 Berbuic mo tbigerna. 7 Is e diuice na Lumbairdi roflieall oruind, 7 romarb in triar ridiri robamar-ni a farrud Gyi, 7 rohannluieedh dias aguind, 7 roeirgesa iar n-otrus fada, 7 ro- badur fuindeoga fairsingi, firdoimne fur cui'i) Sir Gyi. 7 roimigli beogonta asau arbach, 7 ni fes damsa in beo no'n marb he, 7 is e-sin adbur mo broin', ar Heront. Doraidh Gyi: 'In tusa Eront?' ar-se. 'Is me on', ar Heront. Dothuirrling Gyi co prap, 7 doben a ceinnbert da cenn, 7 dothoirbir teora póg do Heront iarna aithne do, 7 dotoit taisi 7 tromanmainne orrtha le huilli a luthairi. Dothoguibh Gyi Heront ara cúluib, 7 docuadiu- [309 a] isin cathraigh iarsin, 7 roceilebuir Gyi don righ, 7 rofha- gaibh imcomarc slainti aigi cona theglach. Oonidh i cuairt Sir Gyi a farradh Poeil sbi. •) sceladf ') 1. leighis, as below? THE IRISH LIKE OF GITY OF ^VAE^V^CK. 39 14. Pala Sir Gyi iarum, rogluais roime coiia muindtir, 7 mur (loi'uaidli mur a roibi diuire Miloii, ') 7 dorinde in diuice-sin anoir 7 urf>:tiidiiigudh do, 7 dütairfr in diuice sin or 7 airbed 7 iliniiul maitiiusa do Gyi, 7 nir gab Gyi sin uada. 7 Docuaidh as sin CO I'londriis 7 robiii sé ar ti techt[a] a 8[as]anaibli,-) 7 tarda oilirtliech fab- a nderedh lai, 7 fochtuis scela de. 7 Atbert in t-oilirtech: •Atáit scela aguni', ar-.se, niair ata cocadli 7 cath- gléo itir imper ■j^) Kener 7 diuici Loren, 7 torcair bratliair don imper isin catliirgail-siu re diuice Loren, 7 roairg 7 roinnr/t?/i in t-imper cricba 7 csenifeninn diuice Loren. 7 is iat-sin mo scela', ar an t-oilirtech. Adubairt Gyi: 'An farum-sa anoclit, a óglach Dé', ar-sé, '7 dogebnir proinn 7 toiiniltus na haidchi innocht a n-anoirlsa'; 7 mur sin an aidhche-sin dóib. Adubairt Sir Gyi ar maidin: "A Heroint', ar-sé. 'cied i do comurle duinn anosa?' Adubain Heront: "Ata mo comurle uUum', ar-sé, '.i. tusa do dhnl do cumnadh le diuice Loren, dorinde maith 7 móranoir duit, 7 dothairg^) or 7 aii-gid 7 ilimud maitusa duit; 7 ber coicait,*) ridiri daingin. derbtha, dogluasta d'feruibli forni- ata f irchalma na Fraiugce let '. Docinnedli aran comuirle-sin leo. Dala Sir Gyi, rogluais roime, 7 sescad ridiri maran ris, isin n- Almain a cend diuice Loren, 7 rotlioiibir diuice Loren teora pog do Gyi CO dil, dicbra, tairisi. Doraidh in diuice: 'A brathair gradaigb', arse, "is maith tangais dom furtaclit, uair ni rabusa a cás na a cruoig riam a com or 7 ataim anois.' [309 b] Adubairt diuice Loren: 'A Gyi', ar-sé, 'doberim tabiu'tus duid orum fein cona f uil agum do maithus '. Doraidli Gji : ' Ni f ada co coiscfed- sa cocadh 7 cathirgal in imperi dit', ar-sé. Docuadur cum aithfrinn iarsin, 7 docuir in diuice Sir Gyi ar aenbord ris fein isin eglus, 7 docuadur amacb asan eglais, 7 docliunnaic Sir Gyi sluaig armtha eidigthi ac techt a timcill na cathrach, 7 fochtuis scela cuidh") iat. Doraidh aroile: ' Sdibhard an imper sud ', ar-sé, 'ag techt do gabail na cathrach-so ar diuice Loren '. larna clos-sin do Sir Gyi doshailh da spor isin sdet, 7 docuaidh a comdhail in sdibhaird. Doraidh sdibard inn imper: 'Docim ridiri ') Here sometning is omitted, or the first mur is to be struck out. ') MS. techt arti asanaibh, with marks of transposition. ') I am uot sure that there is any 7 iu the MS. ■*) Dothairg in the MS. with tapital. ^) MS. .1. *) 1. cuich. 40 F. N. ROBINSON, arrachta, iirunta ac techt inar coinde, 7 sdét faitech, firlüatli fai is luaitlii d'ecliaibli 11a cruinne, 7 is dúigh liumsa is agum aiifus iu t-ech ud', ai'-se. Kogiuais in sdibhard co mer, menmach') a coinde (-iyi. 7 doshaithgedur na heich a coinne a ceile, 7 tugadiir da buille a n-ochtaibli aroile. 7 dotrasgradli in sdibard den tshathadh-sin. 7 Dorugadur in sdibard leo d'ainneoin Sir Gji, 7 robadur a muiunter a[c] cai 7 ag diucaire ina timcell; 7 rolen Sir Gyi iat, 7 rocathaigedur re cheile co calma. ci-uadlicoscracli, 7 dobrised aran sdibard cona niuindtir la Gyi. 7 Dogab se é fein gu forgla a sluaigh, 7 dorug Sir Gyi leis iat ina cimedbeibli crapaillti, cruadhchuibrighti, 7 docuir a prisunaibb iad. Doraidh Gyi re diuice Loren beth co maitb re braigdil) in imper, 7 comad usuidi les sidh do denum a niuiudter do chíemna 7 do coimét ar bás 7 ar buaneg. Dociiir iarum Sh- Gyi teclit ar cenn a carad 7 a companach i ngach aird ina rablmdur dia cabur 7 dia cosaint on cathgleo-sin. 7 tangadur cnigi iar-sin ina cathaibh 7 ina cedaib 7 ina cuidechtaibh catbardba as gacb aird ina ra- bhadur. Dala Sir Gy iarum rogabadh [310 a] leis na catbracba 7 na caisteoil 7 na cuirtenna comdaingne clocb rogabadh roime sin leisin n-impir do tigerntus diuice Loren. Conidli e cetcogad Sir Gy aran imper connigi sin. 15. Is and-sin dorainic scela in t-imper gur gabadh 7 gur marbadh a muindter le Gyi 0 Berbnic. Eogab luinde 7 luatli- ferg 7 buinne roda rechta an t-imperi iar clos ua scel-sin, 7 rocuii- tinol 7 tiumsugudli ara muindter as gach aird ina rabudur. Iar tiaclit a muindtiii co In^nlathair risin impir docosaid na mórgnima-sin riu. Adubairt diuice na Pani: 'A tigerna', ar-sé, 'dober-sa dethcomuirle duit .i. misi 7 Eener diuice na Sision 7 diuice Uadiner do gabail cathrach na Greasmont, 7 gebhum hi 7 do dlienum cimidhi crapaillti, cruadhcuibrighthi do diuice 0 Loren 7 do Gyi 0 Berbuicc, 7 cuirfem ar a muiudtiri ". Adubah-t in t-inipere: 'Is maith in comuirle-sin ', ar-se. Taugadur iarum na tri diuici-siu co dana, dasachtach do freastail a timcill cathrach na Greasmont, 7 sluaigh aibhsecha. adbulmora mara-n riu. 7 Robúi dno cet hvdi lanchalma ar sluagliaibh na tri diuice-sin a n-aig/V? gach duine da roibhi a cathrach na Greasmont. Eogab uamhan 7 imegla diuice 0 Loren cona teghlach ar faiesin ') Perhaps a coniponiul mcr-menmnach, though there is a space between the words in the MS. both here and on p. 312 a, below. THE IRISH LIFE OK GUY OK WARWICK. 1 1 na shiagli-sin doibli. Doraidh diiiice o Loren: 'ASirGyi', ar-se, ■cred anois do demim?' 'Do denum co maith', ar Gy. Is ami sin rogoir Sir Gyi Sir Heront cuigi, 7 dorindi comuirli ris, 7 adubairt: 'A Sir Heront', ar-se, 'ber-si tri cet ridiri let ina crodh conidaingin cata a tinicill,') 7 tabur cath curata, cruadli- cusech do diuice na Pani, 7 coiscter let adimus 7 uaill 7 ard- aigned diuice na Pani, uair rogoir se treturaigh t'hallsa, fin- galacb din nan dis,=) 7 tue sé imdergudb 7 aitliis duinn. 7 Bed-sa 7 mili ridiri mara-n rium ad diaig, 7 a Sii* Heront, déna catugudh calma, uair bed-sa ar coiugar diiit . Adubaiil diuice 0 Loren: 'Bet-sa 7 slúagb na catbrach ar cbomgar dibb ag ar furtacht, 7 gu- [310 bj idbmid Dia nan uile cumacbt do coni- furtacbt duinn aniugb', ar-se. Tanic immorro Sir Heront a tosucb in catlia co fichdba, feramail, forniata. 7 docunuuicc se diuici na Pani ac techt ina comdail, 7 dorug aitbne air. 7 Adubairt: 'A diuice rbingalaigb, fhealltaig. fiirmudaig, rofeallais fa do ar mo tigerna 7 orum fein, 7 do deoin Dia tiucfa a olc aniugb duid', ar-se. Is ann do coniraicedur re ceile co niata, naimdighi, 7 co furtren, feramail, firdasacbtacb, 7 rotrasgradur a ceile asa haitbli, 7 roeirgedur co batblum, uiredrum, 7 ronocbt- sad na cloidbmi comurtbacha,^) 7 rogabsat tuargaint tenedh tein- nesnech ar aroile, 7 docuiredb diuice na Pani ar culaibb a sceit le beimenuaibb arracbta Heroint. Is ann-sin tangadm* drecbta dana, dethtapaidh do Lumbardacbaibb do cumnad do diuice na Pani; [i]arna fhaicsin-sin do Sir Heront docuaidb co batblum, uiredrum ara sdét, 7 dorinne in diuice in cetna. 7 Docomrai- cedur aris co nua, nu«íaigi, neinarrsaid reroile, 7 rosecbain diuice na Pani in catblatbair do Sir Heront. Dala Heront dno, rogab se ag ledairt 7 ag lanmarbadb na Iscb Lumbardac. Doraidb diuice na Pani do guth ard, comeglacb, critbanach: 'Ata in t-a-n- ridiri amain agar leonadb 7 agar ledairt uile', ar-se, "uair rotboit ar cai'ait 7 ar coiceile uili lais; 7 denaidh calma budesta'. Docim-edh iarsin in catb co calma, curata, 7 dob imda builli brigmui-, borbnertmur aga bualadb a sgiatb Sir Heront in tan- sin. Is ann rogab ferg 7 firdhasacbt Sir Heront, 7 docruinni- gbedui' a muindter a timcill Sir Heront ann-sin, 7 dorinnedur •) For ad timchill'i 2) nar n-dis. ') MS. comurtachacha. 42 F. N. ROBINSON, muindter diuice na Pani in cetna. 7 Is edli [311a] rothorcuir la Heront aran toruind-sin do niuindtir diuice na Pani: cet ridiri 7 fiche') itir gabliail 7 uiarbadli ditli Heront ann. 7 Dobi Heront deich ^) n-huaire do lo isin catbgleo-sin, 7 ni tarla ris ar in fedb-sin necb nar trascair se co trenclialma no uar marb. Cidh tracbt rocruinnigbedur na Lumbürduig co lancalma, 7 na badmaindigh ■') co barracbta a timcill Sir Heront co uar eidir leis a lamli do cur a coim na a oris na a cseimedach la cumgach na trenfer ara nuiin isin catbirgail. Is ann-sin dorindedb blodha beca, bordbrisdi do sciath Sir Heront, 7 roturnadh 7 dotren- gerradb a mergi niaisecb mnetbsroill, 7 rogerradh in feilm aluiud, oraigbi robúi a[c] cumdach a cinn isin catbugudh, 7 ni roibbi nert a cosanta aigi na a coiméta fein ag Sir [Herjont in tan-sin, acht beth ag fulang paisi 7 peannaidi. Is ann-sin docuaidli Sir Gyi isin cat a n-arrthaisc na Lumburdach, 7 rofhagaibh se Sir Heront ara eis. Is ann-sin docunnaicc Sir Gyi Otun .i. diuice na Lumbairdi, 7 adubairt ris do guth ard, fhollusglan: 'A diuice na lingaile', ar-sé, 'is granna, guaisbertach rofhelluis form 7 ro- marbuis mo nmindtir'. Docuiredur in dias-sin cum a ceile co dian, dasachtach, 7 doronsad comrug fuiltech. foruiata, firda- sachtacli, 7 rotrascrad diuice na Lumbairdi la Gyi isin cath- lathair-sin. 7 Roeirigb in diuice co dasachtach, 7 docuaidli fura sdét, 7 rocomruic aris re Gy, 7 rotrascaii- Gyi indara fecht co f[311b]iraibeil é. 7 Docuaidh aris fura sdét, 7 rotrasgair Gyi in treas'') fecht e, 7 docuir slegh trina slinnen iar scoltudh a sceith. Anuair immorro dob ail le Gyi tuirrliug do dicennudh in diuice, tangadur mili ridiri luathghnimach, lanchalma Luni- bar[d]ach 7 Almainech eturra. 7 dorugadur in diuice leo ó Gyi. 7 Docaithigedur uili ar ienslighi re Sir (lyi, 7 torcair se*) ridiri do milib mercalma le Sir Gyi in tan-sin. Eobadur immorro •*) muindter Gyi ar gach tsebh de ag ledairt 7 ag lanmarbadh na Lu[m|bui'dach. Is ann-sin robrised in cath le Gyi, 7 rotairrngedur na Lumburduigh docum glenna domuin, duaibsigh robui ronipa. ») MS. XX. ') MS. .X., where eclipse is meant by the stroke above the usnal sign for Auch. .£. sometimes appears to mean deichneniar. ') 1. na hAlmamdigh. ') MS. treas. ») MS. .6. ') MS. iiit (=autem?). THE IRISH MFK OF GUY OF WARWICK. 43 7 Eobiii (liuice na Sision 7 iarla Uadiner na Cuiliue a ceilg isiii glinn-sin cona sluafrhaibh, 7 dochunnuicc Gyi iat, 7 roinnis dia muintir a nibeth isiu ceilg-sin. Doraidh Gyi: •Dorugudar 11a Lumbardaigh 7 na liAhiiainnigh ar a^nslighi oruinn '. ar-sé, • 7 iii fuil conair elaightbi aguiud uatba, 7 denaid calmacht ac ar cosaint, 7 eirgem a u-aium Dia 7 Eoin Baisdi do cur catha orrta sud'. Is ann-sin docuirsitt na catba cecbtarrda docum aroile. 7 nir cath ■>( catharrda coruigi_e. uair is ann-sin fa sanntaigi in sarcomlunn, 7 fa fichmure in faltanus, 7 fa treisi na treinfir, 7 fa calma na ciu-aidh. Is ann-sin doconnuic Sir Gy Rener .i. diuice na Sision, 7 rocom- ruic ris co discir, dasacbtacb, 7 rotrasgair don cetbuille e, 7 rogab fainne 7 egcruas é iarna trascairt. Tarrla immorro Sir Heront 7 iarla Uadiner na Cuiline da ceile, 7 docomraicsitt co seitrech, sircalma, 7 rothoit [312a] an t-iarla a furcenn in comhruic 7 ridiri dia muiiidtir marfen ris, 7 roba crodha, cos- curtach Gir Heront isin cathirgail-sin. Is ann doeirigb diuice Rener asa neoll, 7 docuaidb fura sdéd, 7 roconiruic aris co gaibhtech, greannmur, grainenihail re Gyi. Tug Gyi builli brighmur, borbnertmur don diuice. gur trasgair indera fecht co firarrachta é. Is ann-sin doconnuicc Gyi Sir Gilniin ina dochum .i. ridiri crodha, cosgurcalma do ni[u]indtir an imperi, 7 brathair do diuice na Loueine é; 7 robui fedmanntus firuasal aigi on imperi .i. coimét gach fui"aisi firailli dia raiblii aigi ; 7 robui mill ridire mermenmacli, mórdhalach ara teglach budhein ina cipe comdaingen catha ina urtimchill. 7 Is é roba menmarc le Sir Gilmin cona muindtir Sir Gyi do thoitim leo gu lanui'lum. Is ann-sin roconiruic Sir Gyi 7 Sii* Gihnin reroile co feramail, fedhmlaidir, firarrachta, 7 rothoit Sir Gilmin a furcenn an comi'uic le beimennaib guasachtacha, grennmura Gyi. Tanicc iarum diuice na Sdragborn aunsa cath d'iarraidh Sir Gji, 7 sluagha aibsecha, adbulmora ina urtimcill, 7 ni roibi do sluaghaibh linmura na Lumbairdi. na d"feruibh arrachta, irgalacha na hAlmaine, a?nlamh fa crodha coscur a cathaibh 7 a comlannaibh na'n diuice-sin. 7 Rogab uaman 7 imegla Sir Gyi roime iarna beth teora la 7 teora aidhci gan biadh. gan digh, gan coUadh, ina eidedh. Docuir Sir Gyi in tan-sin techta uadha co cathraigh na Greasmont cum diuice Loren d'iarraidh furtachta fail*. Adu- baiit diuice Loren: 'Cibe guasacht no gabudh ina fuil Sir Gyi', ar-se, 'ni ferr leis cobiu- no comfiu-tacht d'faighail na lium-sa a tabairt d;'>'; 7 rogluais iarum co prap, primurrlum 7 tri mill 44 r. N. ROBINSON, ridiri mermenmach, móraicenntacli marsen ris. Cidh tracht is ann rogreagradur') na catlia ceclitarda crechtaidbli-sin a ceile. Dala Gyi diio nir miadli 7 nir maisi 7 iiir moraiguedli lais cath aga cothugndh 7 aga cunmiiail iua agaid, 7 roeirigh a luindi leogLain, 7 a neim [3r2b] natracli. 7 a cruas curadli. 7 a meiima iTiiledh 7 a airsiglieclit erradli, gur eirigh a Ion irgaile uasanail,-) 7 docuir a clii isin catli, 7 robris fur na Lumbardacliaibli co lancalma 7 ar na hAlmainnechaibb co hurrlum, 7 docuir a n-ár isin n-irgail-sin, 7 rogabadli diuici 7 inrlaidJii 7 baruin 7 iliniud do maitbibb 7 do moruaislibb in tsluaigb. 7 Tanicc Sir Gyi tarais co catliraigb na Greasmont co mbuaidb coscair 7 com- maidhmi, 7 co nelaibb^) imdha, 7 co n-ilimiul gacba maithusa. 7 Adubairt Sir Gyi risin diuice braighdi an imi)eri do coimét co maith, uair 'is iad sbailmid d'fagbail sidba duind fós on imper'. Conidh é-sin an treas cath docuir Sir Gyi ar muindtii- an imperi. 16. Is and robui in t-imper la in morcatlia-sin ina cathraigh budhein, 7 ri na Hungaire raara?n ris, 7 cluithchi fitbli aga imirt acu. 7 Docbunncadur Sir Tirri, mac iarla Aimbri. ina ndocbum, 7 cloidhemb clasletban. comurthach nocbta ina laini. 7 fuindeoga fairsingi, firdoimni fnra curp. 7 fuil ac siledh 'na srotbaibb re slesaibb a cuirp, 7 a sciath ina blodbuibli brisdi fura tbsebb, 7 se CO mígné moir fair. Doraidb Tirri: 'A tliigerna', ar-sé, 'gidh subhach, suilbir atai-si, is duaitbni. doaithennta ata do muindter, uair UÍ mairenn da ndechaidh do chogud 7 do catlmdli re diuice Loren gan gabail no gan niarbadh aclit misi nama, 7 rotrom- loitedh diiii[c]e Otun 7 ni niór raaii-es de, 7 dogabadli diuice Rener 7 iarla Uadiner. 7 Is se Sir Gyi 0 Berbuic doroine na gnima-sin uile, uair ni blaisenn betlia necb ara mbuailenn beim na builli, 7 ni claidhfidis fir in talman tromoidigb ar los nii-t na nidhecais é. lar clos na scel-sin don imi>er, rogab luinde 7 luatbferg é, 7 docuaidh a ciall 7 a conn ar nemfui uad. Doraidb in t-imper: 'Tuiginr, ar-se, -fan aindia docum nem 7 talwa« nach anadh co brach co ngabur cathair na Creasmont, 7 co crochar diuice Loren 7 Gyi 0 Berbuic'. Docuir in t-imper tinol 7 tim- sugudh ar sluaghaibh na liiraperechta uili co hsenlathair [313 a] 7 rogluais leo iarum cum cathrach na Greasmont. Tanic immorro ') 1. rofreagradur. ') 1. uas a anail. ') MS. not quite clear; 1. co n-cdalaibh? THE IRISH LIFE OF GFY OK WARWirK. \< Sir Gaj'er .i. mac niernieumnacli lolnii agan imper, 7 iarla uasal ele mantn ris, 7 coic cet ') ridiri reclitaigenntach, robregh[d]a roim na sluagliaib do flieoliain 11a cathvach; 7 docuiredh coic mili') ridm ina udiaigh-siii da cotliugudli. 7 da connuiail co daiiigin. dogluasta. 7 coic mili-) ele mur bun doibh-sein, 7 tri mili') ina ndiaigh-sin. uair robadur tri mili dec co leth a coimed da ceile a tosucli na conaire. 7 an^) t-iuiper co n-ilimud sluaigh ina ndiaigh-sin. Is ann-sin docliuncadur luclit cathrach na Greasmont na sluaigh aidhbli. ilardha ina ndochum, 7 rogab uamhan 7 imegla iat aga faicsin. Docuir diuice Loren a trealaai catha uime, 7 dochuaidh ara ech, 7 roimigh mur a roibhi Gyi, 7 roinnis na scela-sin do. Doraidh Gyi risin diuice: 'Coimét-sa in cathair CO hiniir. ar-se, '7 rachad-sa a comdhail na sluag', 7 mile ridiri mar«n ris. Dala Gn dono. docuaidh ina comdhail-sin co prap, primescaid, 7 dochunnuicc Gyi trian troiglhech, trencalma ae techt andiaigh na coic') cet ridiri robui ar tosuch in tromthinoil- sin. Is ann-sin dochunnuicc Sii" Gji mac an imper ac techt. 7 dochuaidh ina coinne co ceimdirech, 7 doronsad comrac calma, coscarthach reroile, 7 rotrasgradh Sir Gayer, 7 rogabadh é asa haithli 7 tri cet da muinntir marsen ris, 7 torcair in da cet ele leis dibh. Docuaidh Sir Gyi leis na braigdib-sin sa cathraigh da coimét, 7 dochuaidh iar-sin a comdhail in t-shluaigh cetn[a], 7 ni fachaidh se enni do thaebh in tire in tan-sin acht sluaigh eidighthi, armtha in cathaighthi. larna clos don imper gur gabhadh a mac. rogab bron 7 dubhachus e. 7 tangadur in trom- shocraidi trencalma-sin ar senshlighi docum Sir Gyi iarna aithne doibh. 7 Doferudh cath fuilech, [313 b] fergach, furniata eturra, 7 gerb imdha laech leidmech, lancalma isin cath-sin, rob é Sir Gji 7 Sir Heront rob ferr lam ar gach taebh acu. 7 Ger cumung do chách isin cathugudh-sin, robiii fairsingi 7 fireitech fiitha 'na ndis. Is ann-sin roluid imud na lamli lancalma forra, 7 ba cruaidh doibh in tan-sin. 7 robui tosach marbhtha ar sluaighaibh cathrach na Greasmont in tan-sin. Tanic diuice Loren tri mili"^) ridiri amach asin cathraigh in tan-sin do cabur Gyi. Tarda Sii* Tirri, mac iarla Aimbri, foran diuice in tan-sin. ') MS. .K. c. ») MS. .tt. m. ») MS. .m. *) MS. An. «) MS. .«. ') MS. .»1. For the construction (without preposition or conjunction) cf. pp. 314 a. 324 a, 330a, below. 46 F. N. ROBINSON, 7 doronsad comrucc feramail. firneimnech, 7 dotrascradb in diuice le Sir Tirri, 7 i-oerigli co luatli, 7 robuail beim brigbmur ar Sir Tirri, 7 is fada, firbuan dorug; a uilligi') aim. Docruinnighedur drechta daiia. dofuiliiis' do milib mercalma, mordbalacha a timcill diuice Loren, 7 I'obui ag' fiilang paisi 7 pennuidi, 7 docrecht- nuigbedh co crolinntech e, 7 ni raibbi nert a cosanta aigi. Do- cunnuicc Sir Gyi in guasacbt 7 in gabud ina roibbe in diuice, 7 docuaidb da furtacbt, 7 romarbh cethrar ridiri do ceitri beimennaibb brigmura bais a timcill an diuice. Robui dono ridiri mermenmach^) ag marbudb 7 ag mugudli, a[g] ledaii't 7 a[g] lan- marbudb in diuice, 7 rotrascuir asa dilait é, 7 robuail ar lar é, 7 dob ail leis a dicennudh. 7 Tanic Sir Guy co latliair in Isech- buailti-sin, 7 tug se builli brigbmur don ridiri co nderna da ordain certa, cudruma de d'ttubeim, 7 docuir Sir Gj'i iarum in diuice fura sdét. Doraidh in duine^) re Gyi: 'Ataim-si teinn, tromgieta, 7 ni fétuim cumnad na comfurtacbt duid-si', ar-sé, '7 dob fer liiuu co ndecbtba isin catbraigb con do muindtii-, uair ni fbuilmid coimlin catlia doibb si'id, 7 ni cubaidb rinn ar fagbail a n-aisgi'. Adubairt Sir Gyi: 'Dodhén-sa do toil-si arsin, a tigerna', ar-se. Docuadur le cbeile sa catbraigb iar-sin. Doraidb in t-imper rena muindter in catbair do togbail co dana, da- sacbtacb. Tangadur immorro sluagb in imper ar doirrsibb in duna[i]dh, 7 rob imdba mergi alaind, examail ar doirrsib na catbracb, 7 rogabudur ag togbail 7 ag trenlegadb na miir 7 na mballud. Eogabsadur hiebt na catbracb [314a] ag cosaint co calma, cruaidlmertniur .i. diem dibh le gainnibb gera, greann- mura, 7 dream ele le soigdib srubgera, segbmura, 7 drong le gunnaibb gaibtecba, guasacbtaca, 7 foirind ele le clocbuibb tair- tbecba taball, 7 furiun ele re slegaibb slinnletna, snasmine; 7 drong ele le leccaibb lanmora 7 le mui'liagaibb mora, mileta aga tilgen to mullaibh na morcatbracb, 7 na buili arm diuraic[tbje arcbena. Cuig la dec doibb fur in abaii-t 7 fui' a nedfbualann-^) sin gan sidh, gan saime, gan socracht, 7 is ed torcbair la tij-i 7 la Heront aran fedh-sin .i. cet^) marcacb niermenmacb 7 ') auilligi; reading uncertain. ') 1. mer memnnach'f But this time there is less clearly a .space in the MS. ') 1. diuice. *) edfliualann = étualang'l ») MS. .c. THE imsH UFE OF Ol'Y OF WARWICK. 17 iiiili troightech tréncalma, 7 nir coinaireni cred torcliair la sliiagliaibh iia oatliiacli 0 sin aiiiacli. Tanicc dono rara cairde- luail. cartlianach co C-iyi do sluaghaibli an imperi co liiucleitli, 7 adubairt fris: 'ASirGyi', ar-se, "ata seel niailli aguiu duid, uair rachaidli an t-imper a niarach co mocli coic cet') ridiri gan arm, gan eidedli. aiinsa fiirais fhiadhaigh, 7 cullacli cuibfhiaclach arna hratli'-) do innti, 7 bidh-si. a Gyi, lin a basgaidh isin furais 0 aidhehi, 7 deua do toil fein don imper '. Doraidh Sir Gyi: 'In scel-sin", ar-se, 'dober-sa mill plata d'ór alaind, atlile[g]tha dnid'. Doraidh in fer braith: "Cunnaibh-si misi agud ao co nderbuir sud, 7 niiua faghair na fhirinde é, cedaigliim ma riadliadh dnid'. Is anu-sin docuaidh Sir Gyi, Sir Heront, 7 a'Utriar ridiri marsen rú a cenn an diuice, 7 se ina seomra ag imirt fhitchle co fatliacli, lirglicc; 7 robennaigh do, 7 roiudis co mbetb in t-imper co luiaingech isin furais ar maidin. lar clos na scel-sin don diuice, roeirigb ina shesum co prap, 7 dothoirbir teora pog do Sir Gyi. 7 Adubairt: "Logh damh, a kechmibi/, do teclit le techtaireclit cugum', ar-se: 'nach nie docuaidh ad dochum'. Doraidh Gyi: ' Rachud-sa ann sud arcinn in imper, 7 dober Hum d'ais no d'ecin é do denum sidha rit-sa'; 7 romol in diuice in comuirle-sin. Dala Sir Gyi iarum, rogluais roime dia thigh osta, 7 iar tiacht tosaigh na liaidhci roimigh Sir Gyi asan catliraigh amach co tai, tost- [314 bj adbach 7 niili ridiri maraen ris, 7 docuadh^) san [fjurais, 7 docuadur aiun^) ua tulcha robiii innti. Annsa maidin iaium docunnuic Sir Gyi an t-imper ac techt san furais co n-uathad sluaigh uime .i. coic cet^) ridiri gan arm, gan eidedh, d'uaislibli 7 darmaithiblic) a muindtiri. Doraidh Sir Gyi rena muindtir: 'Ala in t-imper cngainn', ar-se, 7 atamid-ni idii- é 7 a muindtir, 7 ni fuil cumachta ar dul bhuaind, 7 denaidh-si tapadh maith, a ridiri crodha', ar-se. Is ann-sin rofhech in t-imper seocha, 7 docbunnaicc na sluagha armtha, eidighthi ar techt ina timceall. Doraidh in t-imper: 'Romairuedh 7 roma- lartadh sinn do Sir- Gyi 0 Berbuicc', ar-se, 'uaii' docim-si Sir Gyi guna muindtir ag techt inar udochum'. Is ann-sin docuaid ») MS. .« .c. On the construction cf . note ö to p. 313 b, above. ') 1. breth? ä) 1. docuaidh or docuadur. *) 1. t« inn; cf. 318b, below. 5) MS. M .0. ') 1. ardmaithibh. 48 F. N. KOKTNSON, Sil' Gyi roirn na miiindtir a n-arrthaisc an imper, 7 crsb oliua ina laim mur cliomurtha sidha. 7 Doraidh Sir Gj'i ac teclit co latliah- du : ' Na tairgedh senduine aguibh cosaint na comnadb do deiium do muiudtir an imper', ar-se, '7 da nderaa, benfad-sa a cenn de'. Doraidb Sir Gyi: 'Gu rob Dia do betha, a imperi uasail, lUTunta', ar-se, '7 ata fledh urrlum, inchaitbme ag diuice na Lobeine duit, 7 tarra da lócaithem 7 do dhenum sidha ris, 7 dobera se é fein guua uili maithus duid". Is ann-sin tangadui" an mili marcach robiii fare Gyi co lathair, 7 craeb sidba a laim gach íEÍnfir dibh, 7 rofurail Gyi nmla 7 anoir do denum don imper, 7 dorindedur amlaidh. Adubairt Sir Gyi risin imper: 'Eirgem don catbraigh budesta', ar-se, 'uair ni fhuil nert agud gun tecbt liiini gac conuir is ail'. Adubairt in t-imper: 'A Sir Gyi', ar-se, 'da tugtha-sa do daingin dam nacb fellfaidh form, CO rachaind let'. Doraidb Sir Gyi: 'Tiüngim', ar-se, 'fan fer ro- fuluing pais tarcenn in cinidb d;vna: nach egal duit ?enni isin catbraigh úd '. Is ann-sin rothuirrling in t-imper, 7 roiadh a dhi laim im braiged Sir Gyi, 7 rotoirbir teora pogh co dil, dichra, deth- [315a] tairisi do, 7 adubairt asa haithli-sin: 'A ridiri crodlia, cosgurthach, diadha, dercach, dethbertach, racbad-sa let budesta'. Docuadur '.san catbraigh iarum, 7 ni roibi senoir spalmach, na ogh anbann, auiesmur, na curaidh crodha, coscar- thach, na Isec leidmech, lancalma, na milid menmnach. mor- gnimach, na ainnir alainn, ilprotha isin catbraigh uili, na derna umla 7 anoir 7 urgairdiugudli don imper 7 do Gyi. Dochuadur iarsin co palas in diuice, 7 dofreasladh 7 dofritholad in t-imper cona muindtir la Gyi do rogha gacha bidh 7 gacha dighi. 7 ni tanic in diuice cucu ind aidhci-sin. Dala in diuice iarna maracU roeirigh ar maidin, 7 rosgail do braighdib in imperi, ') 7 adubairt rill dul na rogha conuir, 7 roerb forra grasa d'iarraidh do aran^) imper; 7 dorugsat na braighdi uili buidechus risin diuice. Dala na mbraigid iarum, roiaradur an diuice leo a cenn au imper, 7 docuaidh co hurrlum, 7 roben na hédaighi romaisecha sida de aclit amain lenleine shremnaigi sroill re grian a geilcnis, 7 dochuaidhitir each a fiadnuse an imper, 7 rolig a gliin des 7 clé fai, 7 rocrum a fiadhnuse an imperi. Adubairt an diuice: 'A tigerna', ar-se, 'teim^) fein fod grasaibh, 7 rotuilles bás ') MS. in inn imperi. ') MS. iar an. ') Should we read täim, or is this tcim for téighim, I come? THE IRISH LIFE OF GUY OF WARWICK. 10 d'fag'liail Inmid. uair is me romarbli Sir Sadon .i. do derhratliar. 7 ddbeiim mlie fein nn comaitlies duid, 7 dena do bail fein dim festa', ai-se. Adubairt Sir Gayer, mac an imperi: 'A tigerna', ar-sé, 'tabiir cairt a shidha don diuice, uair is fer crodha, cos- garthach. firiuech, firglic e, 7 dorindedh an ecoirair'. Adubairt diuii-e Rener: M)eua si'id, a tigerna', ar-se, niair is coir romaibh se mac do bratliar, 7 gebe adeiadh na budh fhir. dorachaind-si da suidhiugudli air'. Adubairt iarla Uadiner: [315b] 'Denasiud, a tigerna', ar-se, 'uair nir tuill in diuice andligedh na ecoir do deuum air; 7 is cara dam-sa riam é. ge taim anois ina agaid; 7 mina dernair sidh ris co hiath, rachad-sa tar m'ais co cathraigh na Cuiiiue. 7 cuirfed dirmada dethsluagh ar senslighi, 7 dodlien cogudli rit-sa a comluadur diuice na Lobeine'; 7 nir labuir in t-imper risin re-sin. Doraidh Sir Gyi: 'A tigerna', ar-se, ■comuill in gelladh tugais dam-sa isin furais. 7 In tuigidli fein curob fada ata in diuice ara gluinibh 7 co fedfadh se gan betli amlaidh? Uair is treisi ann-so é na tu-sa, a tigerna: 7 doberim fom bi'eitliir, mina tucair cairt a sidha co luath do, co n-ingen-sa dith 7 docliar duit fein 7 dod muindtir'. Doraid an t-imper: 'Is bertha don diuice a buidecbus don iendia dorinde nem 7 tlialHia/ji an la doconuiec-se tu-sa, a Sir Gyi', ar-se; '7 coimeollad-sa mo gealladh duid-si; uair mathaim don diuice marbadh in senduine rob annsa lium rotbaraill tahnain riam .i. Sir Sadog, mac mo der- brathar, 7 doberim cairt a sidba do'. Is anu-sin roeirgedur na sluaigb uili ina sesam, 7 tugadur tri gartha bennacht don iniper trit in trocuire-sin dorinne se aran diuice. 7 Roimpoigedur na sluaig ar íílnjsligbi a n-aig/d/t ar Sir Gyi, 7 tugadur gartha bennacht do, 7 adubairt d'aithescc seiufir: 'A ridiri crodha, cos- cartach, 7 a treinmibVZ firtalc/íaíV, ') is dod gaiscedh-sa 7 dod gnimecht, dod gais 7 dod glicus tanic in sidh ud do denum'. Doclos scela na sidha-sin dona sluaghaibh robin a timchill na cathrach amuigh. Tanicc iarum Oton, .i. diuice na Lumbairdi, a cenu an imper co luinne 7 co luathfheirg, 7 adubairt: 'A tigerna', ar-se, 'is ecoir doronais sidh risin da treturach is fallsa 7 is furmudaigh ata annsa doman uile .i. diuice na Lobeine 7 Sir Gyi 0 Berbuicc'. larna clos sin do Sir Gyi, dodhun a dorn co dethtapaid, 7 robuail in-) [316a] diuice ara sroin, 7 rodoirt ') Expansion doubtful. Perhaps ßr-talmaidhe or firt-dlaind. ') in is repeated in the MS. Zcitsohrift f. celt. PliUoIngie VI. 4 50 F. N. ROTIINSOK, a fluiil CO firaibeil, 7 rotrascair eo talnioin é. Rob ail leiss a bualadli arís, 7 roiar in t-imiier mur atlicuiuge air gan a bualadii in builii. 'I)ober-sa in athcuingi-sin duid-si gan ei-sin na duine ele do bualadii aniugh', ar-sé. Doraidh Sir Gyi: 'Rofell siud fa dhó fos orum gan adhbur', ar-se, '7 co ced do Dia ni liged sin gan digliailt fos '. ar-se. Is ann-sin dopogadur each a clieile don da sluaghaibh-sin tri met a luthaire ar son na [sidha]-sin.') Conidli amlaidb-sin fa fiiin don cogudh idir an t-imper 7 diuice na Lobeine. Doraidh diuice Rener na Sision co tiubradh sé ingin diuice na [Lo]beine 7 [gur] maith leis beth ana cairdis, 7 doriu- dedh in to[ch]marc-sin. 7 Tug an t-imper ingin mic derbrathar a athar mur mnai do diuice na Lobeine, 7 dogell inme mór 7 tigerntus le, 7 dorindedh in clemnus-sin. Doraidh Sir Gyi co mbeth fein ag imthecht. 'Na bidh', ar diuice na Lobeine, 'uair dober-sa in cathair-si duid 7 leth mo thigerntuis, 7 na fag me." Dorug Sir Gyi budechus, 7 nir gabh sin. 17. Dala an impei'i iar ndenum na sidha-sin 7 -) an clemnus- sin do, doceileabur se do diuice na Lobheine, 7 roimigh roime Sir Gj'i maraen ris. Im[thusa] diuice na Lobeine. robidli caicidhis gan biadh, gan dig, gan colladh do cumaid Sir Gji do imthecht uadha, 7 is bee romair de dia sere 7 dia shirgradh. An tan dono doraiuicc an t-imper san Almain, 7 Sir (ryi maran ris, 7 dotairg an t-imper cathracha 7 caisteoil 7 pair[c]iuna 7 furaisi firaille fiadhaigh do Sir Gyi, 7 co tibrad tigerntus diuice do, 7 co tiubrad ilimud oir 7 inumus oir 7 innmus 7 na huile thoicci do. 3) 7 Rodiult Sir Gj'i do gabail, 7 doceilebuir don imperi asa haitlili. 18. Imthus Sir Gyi dono rogluais roime, 7 ni rug so do muindtir les acht neneet ridiri fromtha, feramla d-uaislibh na nAlmainech, 7 rogluais roime laim re heochuiriuilibli na mara moraidhble con n-accaidh in snluing u-adhbulmuir con n-iraud gacha maitluLsa iar ngabail cuain, 7 fochtuis Sir Gyi scela [316 b] dib. Rofi-eagair fer dána, detht]i[ejangthach dibh, 7 adu- bairt: ' Tangamair-ni 0 cathraigh Consantinnoble, 7 is é fath fa ') sidha is supplied coujecturallv. There is uo gap in the MS. '-') 7 is repeated in the MS. ") The MS. is obviously corrupt. THE IRISH LIFE OK GVy OF WARWICK. 51 taiiganiar .i. in Sabdan do tigerntus') in imperi Gregaigli 7 do marbadh a muindtiri a cathaib 7 a conilunnaib, 7 ni fuil da tigenitus agan imperi gan gabail don t-Sabhdan fair acht cathair Consautinnobile amain. 7 Atá in Sabdan cona sluaghaibh ag techt dia gabhail, 7 tangamair-ne furiun luing ann-so d'iarraidli inaid ecin a fuidmis sidh 7 socraclit diar mbetliugudh. 7 tugamar ret ecin d'ar maithus lind ann-so, 7 is iat-sin ar scela-ne ', ar an t-oglach; '7 denaidh-si for mbail fein dinu budesta'. 7 Eobui uanihan 7 imegla aran fiirinn. Docuaidb douo Sir Gj-i roime fon tir, 7 rofostaigh se da cet^) ridiri ele a cenn a roibhi aigi, 7 docuaidb coruigi in luing cetna. 7 Adubaiil risin fui-inn in long do deisiugudh, 7 co caithfidis dul leis a fritheiug na conaire cetna co Cousantinnobile. Conidh i cuairt Sir Gyi san Almain connigi sin. 19. Dala Sir Gji iar-sin docuaidb isLn luing cona tri cet ridiri, 7 furinn na luingi marsen ris. 7 Tugadur srutbleim sanntacb, sircalma tri srotbaib na scHfbairrgi, 7 tri gíetbaibb gaibhtecha, greannmura na glasfbairrgi, 7 robadur caicidis ar muir re moranfad, 7 rogabadur cuan cluthar, comdaingin a cathraigh Consantinnobile. 7 Dotobadui'^) ardsbuaitcbenntus na Saxanacb .i. mergi Sin Seoirsi, os cinn na luingi. Is ann-sin robiii in t-imperi ai" taidhlib in duna[ijdb ag atacb an duilem im furMcbt d'fagbail asin ecin ina roibi, 7 docbunnuic se in long luchtmur. laumor, 7 suaitbcenntus Sin Seoii'si arna togbail innti. 7 Docuir techta uadha d'fagbail seel, 7 do cur failti risna Saxancaibb, 7 da tabairt ina combdail fein. Eoimigb in tecb- taire coruigi in luing, 7 rofiarfaigb scela do lucbt na luingi. Eoeirigb [Sir Gyi] na sesam 7 adubaiil: 'Kidir[e] Saxanacb atá ann-so ', ar-sé, '7 Sir Gyi 0 Barbuicc a ainm, 7 atait tri cet ridiri mer, menmacb, móraicenntacb ina fbocbair iar tscbt do cumnad don imper'. Tug immorro Sir Gyi guna sgbarloide don tecbtaire, 7 roimigb roime mm* a roibbi in t-imper, [317 a] 7 roinnis na scela-sin do. larna clos sin don inper^) rofecb suas cum Dia, 7 doruc a budecbus-sin ris. 7 Adubairt: 'Mase Sir Gby 0 ') Somethiug omitted; perhaps gabliail. ») MS. .c. ') 1. dothógbadur. ') 1. imper. 52 r. N. UOBIXSON, Berbuic ata ann súd', ar-sé. 'ní fuil isin domli[nii sen-]') ridiri is feiT lamh.' 7 Adubairt an t-imper re lucht 11a cathracli diil a prosesiam a n-arrthaisc Sir Gyi. Is ann-sin tángadur lacht gacha heglusa don cathraigh co tapi'aibh 7 co priceduibli 7 co lampaib lansoillsi, co cloguibh, co mbaclilaibli, co minnuib; 7 sluaigb na cathrach co n-ethaigib somaiseclia sidha 7 orsbnaith. 7 an ri co coroiu cengailti. cloclibuadbaigh cumdaigb fura cenn, 7 a^s ciui! na catbracli a comseinm itir organ 7 gitail 7 galltrunipa 7 tabur 7 fhedan 7 cruiti 7 clairsigh 7 na buili ceol archena. 7 Docu- adur uili mur-sin a n-arrthaisc Sil- Gj'i, 7 rofersad fircain failti iris, 7 rothoirbir in t-imper teora pog co dil, diclira, dethtaiiisi du, 7 rogabh ar laim e, 7 docuir an lamb ele fona braigid, 7 is mur-sin doruc in t-imper leis é isin palas rigdha, 7 docuir an t-imper Sir Gyi ara gualaind budhéin do caithem a coda. Eo- ordaigh in t-imper iarom seomra uasal do derugudh do Sir Gyi cona muindtir, [7] gach senni da n-iarfaidis do tabairt doib. Is ann-sin docuaidh in t-imper le Sir Gyi coruigi in seonu-a. Doraidli in t-imper iarum: 'A Sir Gyi', ar-se, 'cuirim mo cumairci ort, uair robheu an Sabdan mo tigerntus uili dim acht in cathair-so namá; 7 ata se ag techt da gabail orum, 7 dotoitedar da fichit^) mili a n-senlo do[n] muinnter leo, 7 ui fuil do cloind agum acht seiningen, 7 is i is oigri orum, 7 dober do mnái duit-si hi, 7 cosain mo thir 7 mo thigernt[us] duit fein.' Adubairt Sir Gyi: 'Ni do thabairt mna tanag-sa, acht do cumnad let-sa, 7 dodben mo dicill duit, 7 gabaim do cumairci cugum'. Et nir cian do Gyi mur-sin iar n-imtecht don imper uadha in tan dochualn gair 7 greadlian eidhnii 7 acaiuti ar fud na cathrach, 7 docuir Gyi techta uadha d'faghail seel, 7 is ed adubairt nech lis: 'Tanicc Ambrail, darub ainm Cosci-as .i. mac derbrathar athar don t-Sabdan, 7 ri na Turcach, co mili Turcach do gabail na cathrach-so; 7 roshuidhsitt [317b] ina thimciH '. larna clos sin do Sir Gyi adubaiit rena muindter a n-eidhedh do cur umpa, 7 crodacht do deuum; 7 docuaidh Sir Gyi asin cathraigh amach na^) tri cet-") ridiri, 7 robui fein a u-arrthaisc na sluagh, 7 tue se cath dithac, dilna, dofreastail fona dethhvchaib. 7 Eocomi-uic Sir Gyi 7 Coscran reroile, 7 dueuir Sir Gyi slegh co seitreach, ') MS. indistinct. *) MS. jcx. m. ') 1. 7 na. or cona'i «) MS. .c. THE IRISH LIFE Oi OUY OK WAK\nCK. 53 sircalma tri sciath Coscrain 7 trina craidlii co cudninia, 7 ro- thuirrling Gyi fair, 7 robeu a cenn de. 7 Docuir teclita leisin cenn cum cing Heirnieis darb aiiini in t-imperi, 7 ni fuair riam na iarum taburtus ba ferr leis dli'fagliabail na sin. Tari'la ri na Turcach da clieile isin cath 7 Sir Heron[t], 7 docomraicsit co calnia, curadlicuisech, 7 rotlioit ri na Turcach a furcenn in comruic la beiniennaibh agmura, arrachta Heront. 7 Dotorcair se cet ') Eirristineach le Gji sul taiuic medbon 1» in la-sin, 7 secht cet') 7 da mili tareis medboin 1*. Tecra la 7') teora aidbchi dobi in cath-sin aga cur le Gyi. Dala Escladata .i. ridiri laidir do muindtir in t-Sabbdain rofagaibh se in cath, 7 sieg trina ciu-p 7 leth a cinn ina fegmuis, 7 docuaidh se mur*) an Sabhdan. 7 Adubairt: 'Ata drochscel agum duid, a tigerna', ar-sé, 'uair do brathair.^) 7 docunnac-sa a cenn') aga buain de. 7 Romarbadh ri na Turcach, 7 ni tainic béo dod niuinnter acht misi amain, 7 dogebh bás annsan uair-si'. Doraid an Sabhdan, 'Dofuaradur sin tinol tromsluaig ecin', ar-se. Doraidh in ridiri: 'Fuaradur', ar-se, '.i. ridiri Cristaidhe darub ainm Sir Gyi 0 Berbuic, co tri cet') ridiri marfen ris'. Doraidh in Sabdan: 'Tuingim-si fona deibh', ar-se, 'co ngebha misi in cathair con- gairech-sin co cenn caicidisi, 7 co crochfa me in t-imper-sin 7 Sir Gyi an aencroich'. Is anu-sin rothoit in ridiri tue na scela- sin leis. 7 dofuaii- bas. Dala Sir Gyi 0 Berbuicc immorro, tanicc se isin cathraigh iar mbuaidh coscar 7 commaidhmi co n-edalaib imda lais. 7 robui se tuiirsech on tegmail cona muindter a haithli in catha iar mbelh tri la 7 tri haidhci a cur in catha gan biadh, gan digh, gan colladh. 7 Tugsud lucht na catrach tri garta bennacht do iar-sin. 20. [318 a] Dala an imper immorro, adubairt se nach roibhi sa domun aeucerd rob anusa les na fiadhach 7 fiaucos[cjOr, — '7 atáim re re cian 7 re haimsii- fada nar lanihu.s dul tar dorusbel na cathrach-so amach d'uaman 7 d'imegia in t-[SJabdain 7 na ') MS. 6. c. ») MS. 7 c. ') teora la 7 repeated in the MS. ') Supply aroibhi? ') Something omitted. Supply dotnarbadh? *) MS. citenn. ') MS. tri .c. c. 54 r. N. ROBIKSOX, Turcach, no co tainic Sir Gyi dorn comfurtaclit. 7 Rachad amarach isin furais do t-slieilg 7 do fiadhacb, 7 bed caicidis isin fui-ais, 7 beth a-nacb 7 iirgahiugudh ') againu innti frisiii re-sin '. lar tiacht an \x iania maracli docuadur sau furais, 7 rogab drong dib ac fiadhacli fur niuir le liutaibh fur iascach; 7 di'ong ele le seabdiaib ac fiadacli fur enaib, 7 drong ele ag fiadliach le conuib 7 le lintaibh ar damaibli allta 7 ar cullcaib cuibfiaclacha 7 ar paitib primluatba 7 ar na liuili-) fhiadhach arcbena. 7 Is annsin docuaidh ida eda a cenn sdibaii'd an imper, — Sir íilorgad ainm in sdibaird, — uair rogab furmud fichmiscnecb re Sir Gyi é arson mur dothairg an t-imper a ingen do bancbeile do, uair ') sere siradbul acan sdibbard ar ingen inn imperi. Dala Sir- Mor- gaduir robui se aga smuaintiugudh cinnus do denum*) se aimles Sir Gyi, 7 tanic se mur aroibi Sii- Gyi isin furais, 7 adubaii-t ris: 'Á Sir Gyi', ar-se, 'ni tuillinn am curp na am coluinn met mo grada fnrt; 7 atait cuirtiuna 7 caisteoil agum, 7 fonn 7 feronn 7 or 7 airged 7 na liuili maith arcbena; 7 is duid-si uili dob ail Hum a cumus 7 a caithem do thabairt. 7 Tarra lium sa catbraigh mur a full ingen an imper. 7 imrem fit cell ina farradb, 7 tiucfam aris a cenn an imper, uair ni fuicfe se in furais isin seclitmuin-so.' Teit iarum Sir Gyi isin catbraigli lesin sdibard mur a roibi ingen an imper, 7 docuir Sir Gji tri cluithci aran sdibard a cetoii'. Doráidb in sdibard re Sir Gyi: [318b] 'An-"") ann-so co foil', ar-se, 'co ndecbar-sa re gnotbugudb'. Dochuaid in sdibard mui' a roibb in t-imper isin furais, 7 rofhiarfaigh an t-imperi scela de, 7 doraidb in sdibbard: 'Atait drocbscela agum', ar-se ', .i. ridiri fallsa, firfhelltach ata agad-sa, i. Sir Gyi 0 Berbuicc ar u-eigniugudli h'ingine ina seonira fein; 7 marbbter let é CO luatb. 7 Eacbad-sa ar ma costus fein coruigi inn imperi Almáinnech d'fagbail sluaigb 7 shocraidi duit dod cabur.' Adu- bairt in t-imper: 'Xi creidem-sa aimles air', ar-se, 'uair ataim Ian da sere 7 da sbirgradb '. 7 0 nar gab in t-imper in t-aimles- sin, docuaidh in sdibard mur a roiblii Sir Gyi don cathraigb, 7 adubairt ris: '[Is]'') ed ata do met mo gradha ort, a Sir Gyi', •) 1. urgairdiugudh. ») MS. huiluili. ') Supply (Zofci? ') Mixture of constructions. Read either do denum or do denadh se. ^) MS. A ait (iintso. ") Several woids may be omitted here. MS. 7 ata. THE IKISH LIFE OF GUY OF WARWICK. 55 ar-sé, Miach feduim run do denum aran ret doraclmdh a ndocbar duit. 7 Fag an cathaii--si co luath. uair da mbere in t-imperi ort innti dobera se bás duit'. Doraid Sir Gyi: 'Is docair ttebh do tbabairt re tigerna taréis an imperi', ar-sé, 'uair is mór in maitb doronusa do acbt ge atá- ar ti mo marbbta, 7 is tiiilledb da niaith budh mian liiini do denum coruigi so; 7 rachad anois a eenn in t-Sabbdain do denum dithi donn imper festa'. Do- cuaidb Sir G3"i iarmu a cenn a muindtiri, 7 adubairt riu a trealam catba do cur umpa, 7 co faicfidis cathair Consantinno- bile; 7 docuiredur a n-éided umpa primullum, 7 rotogsat a mer- gedha re crannaibh, 7 rogluaisidar rompa asin cathraigb. Robui in t-iniper in tan-sin ar ind tulcba isin furais. 7 docunnaicc huiden"^) greannmur. grainemail ag fagbail na catliracb, 7 rofiarfaigb ce hiat. Adubaii't aroile ris: -Sir Gj'i 0 Berbuic siudb', ar-sé, 'ag imtliecbt coua muindter iar ndenum aimlesa edi'ud-sa 7 se'. Adubairt in t-imper: -Anuidh-si uili annso', ar-sé, '7 racbud-sa mur a fuil Sir Gyi'; 7 docuaidh co leidmlecb,^) lanhiatb, 7 rofiar- faigb in t-imper do Sir Gyi focbuin a imtbecbta. Doraidb Sir Gyi: 'Docuala', ar se, 'nar ferrdi let-sa mo betb agud, 7 conid ferr let co fagainn do cricb 7 do caemferunn, 7 nacb fuil fodnum agud orum. Doraidb in t-imperi: ■Tui[n]gim-si', ar-se, fan Dia rofuiuing pais tar mo cenn, nacb dubertsa sin, 7 nacb fuil san bitb ;vnduine [319a] is annsa liiun na tu'. 7 Doréidbigh ris mui--sin. Conidb e aimles an sdibaird ar Sir G3'i conigi sin, et reliqua. 21. Dala Sir Gy iarum robadur techta a tir in t-Sabdain ag fagbail seel, 7 tangadiu- cuigi, 7 roinnsidar do co ticfadb in Sabbdan lin a sluaigb iarna maracb d'innradb 7 d"argain na cathracb, 7 roinnis Sir Gyi sin don imper, 7 dorindedur a comurli ann-sin. Adubaii't constabla na catbracb, 7 diuice uasal é. 7 robüi fesóg fada, fimnliatb coruigi a bruinne fair, 7 é fétu in^) sbenoir ;iesta: 'Denaigh mur ader-sa ribh', ar-se, 'uair atá sliabh ard edi'uind 7 an Sabbdan, 7 ni fuil a atbrugudb do conuir acu; 7 ergem-ne rompa ar fairsiuge in t-slt'6/ii, 7 cuuumam in •) Several words may be omitted here. ') MS. 6«? b-? Expansion uncertain. ») leidmlech: spelling due to some confusion, perhaps of leidmech and leimnech. ') 1. ina. 56 F. N. EOBDCSOX, Sabhdan cona muiiulter fiiinn isna fantaibh, 7 beth belaigi cumga caille edruinn 7 iad-san. 7 Cuirfem ar n-urcair do gacb arm diuraicftb^i ina mesc. 7 ni roithfe fuiliugudh na forrdergad sinne uatha a n-agaid in aird ". 7 Eomol ') Sir Gji 7 each a coit(c)inde in comuirle-süi. 7 dorónsad amlaidh. Teit iarum in t-imper cona sluaghaibh aran sliabh-sin. 7 ni facadur enrét folum don tir acht lan d'ecliaib eidigthi 7 d"feruibh arnita. Is anu-sin docuaidh Sir Gyi arcinn na coniüi-e a ticcidh aran sliabh. 7 rogabh re ais nach ligfedh fenduine tairis isin conuir-sin, 7 sluagh catrach ConsautinnobOe 0 sin amac do coimét na mbernd cumung robiii ag techt aran slia[bh]. Doraid in Sabdan re hEliman 0 Tibe-) dul a tosuch au catha. 'uair ni fuil fer do choisc isin domun a cath na a comrug na a comlunn ', 7 roba ri uasal nrunta ei-sidhe. Tanic immorro Kliman 0 Tibhe a tosuch na conuire, 7 mili ridiri mer, meumnach^) faris. 7 tugadur cath fuilech, foburtac, firueimuech d"aroili. co to[j-]cah- in mili fer fera- mail, furniata sin le beimenuaibh gaibhtecha, greannmura Gyi. Eogabh ferg [319 b] 7 firdasacht EiUman 0 Tibhir, 7 adubairt nach sgiiü'fedh no co toitedh Sil- Gyi cona muindtir leis a n-eruicc a muindtiri fein. Is ann rocomruic Sir Gyi 7 Eliuian 0 Tibir re[r]oile co meumnach. múraicenntach 7 co disgir, dasachtac, doedrana, 7 tue Sir Gyi sathadh sanutach, süxhalma sleghi ar Eiliman 0 Tibir, 7 docuir trina cui-p siar sechtar hi co torchair marbh gan auuiain. Doraidh in Sabdan re cing 0 Xuibie: 'In feicenn tu mo muindtir aga marbadh le laim seuridiri, 7 co fuilmidh-ni cet ridii'i rathmur, rouasal fan ridii'i da fiiil ar n-adhaigh?*) 7 Ber-si mo muiudtii'-sa let, 7 eirigh ina timcill sud, 7 dénaidh marbhadh 7 mugugudh-') forra, uair ni bia suil- beracht na solas orum-sa no co uderrutur docliur doibh sud. 7 Docuadur le cheile iarum a n-arrthaisc Sir Gyi, 7 roan-san ina aenar ru, 7 rogabh ag ledaird 7 ag lanmarbadh gan dichell, 7 romarbadh in sdét robiii fse Sir Gyi, 7 robrisedh a sciath. 7 D[o]nocht a cloidheam asa haithli, 7 is amlaidh robiii in cloidim, 7 is amesc na Xiubaidhe dorinnedh he, 7 is anusan Almaiu ') Xo capital iu the MS. -) 1. Elimn» o Tiber, as below? I am not sure that the Irish form was not taken to be a name Olibe or Otiber. See p. 13, above. The MidfUe English versions have ' Elmadan of Tyre '. ') Perhaps »lermenmnach. ') 1. inar n-adhaiyh? *) 1. niuditgud. THE IRISH LIFE OF GUT OF WARWICK. ü/ dofuair Sir G)'i é, 7 robidh critli 7 combuaidhirt ar anti docibh iu adhaigh é nochta, 7 ni blaisedli betha inti ara ndergadh. Dala Sir Gyi done robidh ag niarbadh 7 ag mícórugudh na nEiiTÍstiuech leisiii cloidhem cathbuadliach, cruadliacli-siii, 7 robidh a cruimiiugudh 7 a corugudh na curp cnamgerrtha ara scáth aga imdliideu ar urcuraibh a escarnamud. Dala Sir Gyi iarum roordaigh tablialla imdba do denum 7 betb a diublinigudli eáicb asta i ngacb aird a coitciime. 7 is romor donuirbadh co mitrocar dona hEirristinibh mur-sin. 7 Eoba cruaidh do Gyi isin uair-sin, 7 docuir techta arcenn Sir Heront dia chabiir on guasaeht-sin. Is ann-siu tainic Mirabala, .i. ridiri dorinnedh an la-sin [320a] fein co nua, 7 rochomruic-se co firarraclita, fera- mail, fiirniata re Sir Gyi, 7 a furcenn in comruic robuail Sir Gyi buill buauarrachta, borbuertmur ar Mira[ba]la, 7 tug cned gua- sachtach fair, 7 roimigli Mii-abala iarum do thoradh a retha rindluaith. Docuaidli ') Mirabala dno, docuaidh roime a cenn in t-Sabdain, 7 adubairt ris ech leidmech, luathescaidli do gabail, 7 teitbedh co luath asin cath, — 7 'ni béo misi', ar-se, 'ia[r] t€scadh mo ball, 7 is bee maires dod muindtir'. Is aun-sin rofhech in Sabhdan esbaidh a niuindtiri .i. trlar ar coic ar fichit dfitibh mile.-) Eobadur a dei duaibsecba, diablaidbi a coimi- declit in t-Sabdain an la-soin .i. Turgamagunt 7 Mathambain, 7 adubaii't riu: 'A dee fallsa firbregacba ', ar-se, 'is mor d'ar u-onoir 7 d'ar n-urgairdiugiidb doronusa riam, 7 is olc roba- buir-si') rium-sa aniugh'. Koglac iarum bata arrachta, imremur, 7 rogab orra co mer, 7 roimig in Sabhdan asin cath ton am-sin, 7 gach ar-mair dia muindtir marien ris. Tanic immorro Sir Gyi tarais cona muindtir iar mbuaidh cosgair 7 comaidhti co Con- sautinnobile. Doraidh Sir Gj'i: 'A ridiri uaisli, amliantracha, tabraidh auoir 7 uaisli don aendia docum nemli 7 tal»i«m, 7 do- rinde na duile do neimfui, uair is é berus buaid dibh isna cathaib 7 isna comlanuaibh minca ina mithi,^) 7 is maith a cumain ') 1. Dala. '■') M.S. triar ar .u. ar .xx. d-fitiblt .m. I take fitit to be an error for ficktib. The uiiiuber seems large, and perhaps the last .m. should be expanded nmrb. But Guy slew a thousand alone in his first fight with Eliman 0 Tiber, and according to one middle-English version the dead bodies covered fifteen miles. ^) MS. repeats robabuir-si. *) 1. ina mbithi. 58 F. N. EOBIKSON, aniugh oruib', ar-sé. Conidh e sin indera cath docuir Sir Gyi aran Sabdan. 22. J)oiai(lh in sdibhai'd felltach, furmudacli, firuatlimur ri>iin impcr: 'Ar') tiserna', ar-sé, 'acht gid mor dothoit let do slnagaibh in Sabhdain, is bee é ag fechain a fuil aigi ina mbethadh, 7 ata sé fergacli, fichmur clingud, 7 is agud ata in t-R'nridiri is mó a gniim 7 a tiis isin cruiune co conicoitcenn; 7 cur do choir 7 do cert ar comlund [320 b] deisi risin Sabdan, 7 madh oi-t-sa rachus tabur fregra 7 anoir don t-Sliabdan; 7 madh er-sin rachus, in cetna uadha duid-si\ 7 Domol-) in t-imperi in comurli-siu. 7 Is e adbur fa thug in stibard in comurle don imper an doigh comad e Sir Gyi dorachudh ann 7 co muirbiidhi ann é. Eotimsaigh 7 rothinoil in t-imper a niuindtir as gach aird ina docum, 7 roinnis in comurli-siu doib. Adubairt diuice .i. cenn sluaigh 7 constabla na catlirach: 'Is áis cet bliadan dam', ar-se, '7 da madh incomruic me, do rachainn leisin toisc 7 leisin techtairecht-sin. 7 Gideth ni tiucfainn as beo, 7 mallacht na truagh 7 na tren ar anti dotug an comurli-sin duit. uair is drochcomurle i'. 7 Gideth fós roiar in t-imper ridiri do dul uadha a cenn imper na Turcach leisin techtarecht sin, 7 rodiult- sat each dul anu do. Sir Gyi dono, romerlasadur a shuili ina cinn CO ruibennta, rofergacli, ^) 7 roaithin Sir Heront a adbur, 7 tainic mur a roibi Sir Gyi, 7 adubairt ris: 'A Sir Gyi', ar-se, 'is aithnid damh-sa cred ata ar h'áire, 7 lig an smuaintiugudli- sin uaid, uair ni tiucfa beo tar h'ais a tii- an t-Shabhdain dia ndecha inuti, uair is mor a faltanus rit. 7 Cuir mi ', ar Heront, 'uair is bee in seel mo bas ag iechain do bais-[s]i'. Doraidh Sir Gyi: 'Nar ligi Dia dam-sa mo ridiri do cur dia marbadh d'iarraidh anora dam fein'. Is aun-sin roeirigh Sir Gyi ina shesum, 7 docuir trealam comdaingen catha uime, 7 docuaidli a fiadnuse an imper, 7 rogab ced aigi. Doraid in t-imperi: 'Nar ligi in firUia furorda docum nem 7 talHiam tusa do dhul ina comór siud do guasaclit'. 'Rachat-sa ann co derbh', ar Gyi. 'Kaclimaid-ni let', ar Sir Heront [7 J na tri cet ridiri, 'atamaid ar do theglach.' '>;[ij racha ivnduine lium', ar Sir Gyi. 7 Eogluais roime asa haithle ina a^uar, 7 nir cian ac ascnam na ') 1. A tigerna. '') No capital in MS. ^) MS. repeats in a ciun after rufergad. THE IRISH LIFE OF ÜCY OF WARWICK. O'J conaire co facaidh se sluaigh in t-Sabhdain a foslongpurt 7 coic') mili dec fad in fhoslongpuirt, 7 in urduil cetna [321 a] ar lethud ann, 7 iad do reir spere no compais comcruind, 7 ursa-) na puipli ina céile acu. Eobiii done pupull-') in t-Sabhilain ina n-eidiniiedliou 7 craun sármor sleglii iua sesum asin pupuill, 7 dell)li ilair do dergor alainn, aithle[g]tha fura barr. 7 Carbung- culus .i. leg loghmur a n-airdi os cinn na puipli, 7 nir ba soillsi an la sa^raluind samhra[i]dh doibh 7 grian co gnúsalainn furar "nan gliemhaidhchi geimridh le cuniachtaibh-s'u. 7 Is amlaidh robui in pupuill-sin in t-Sabhdain, iarna ndin co dethmaisecli d'édaibln) sida 7 orsnaith 0 midlach co lár. Docuaidli dano Sir Gyi asteg isin pupuill fura sdét, 7 is amlaidh robui in Sabdan in anam-sin, co maitbibli a muindtiri a longad bidh 7 diglii fur borduibh brecdathacha. Doraidh Sir Gyi: 'Dia uilicumaclitaigh rofulaiug pais tar cenn na firen, 7 is é scarus la 7 adhaig'-) reroile, 7 is é doni fuacht 7 tess, 7 dober linadli 7 traghadh arna marannaibh, 7 dorindi in domhun 7 na huili archena, 7 inté dorinde na buiii maith do toirbiugudh duid-si, a Shabhdain colaigh, cbvnbreatliaigh, ainndligthig, uair is olc na dee dia- blaidbi dia creidigb, 7 ata do leabaidh ar lasadh a n-ifernn icliturach. 7 Docuir mo tigerna imperi cugud la togbail cum comruic, 7 ridiri bhuaid-si ann-sin 7 ridiri ele on imper, 7 gidbe acca tbernoighes on comruc eis 7 cain d'faghail dia tigerna gan troid, gan tegmail 0 tbigerna inté claiter isin comruc. 7 Mas ail let sin, ag súd misi ullam incomruic, 7 dorachaind a bucht an imperi 7 na cora, da suidiugudh ar h' '^) oglach-sa co fuil in ecoir agud.' 'Ca hainm tu-sa?' ar in Sabhdan. 'Sir Gyi 0 Berbuie m'ainm'. ar-se. 'Is tu romarb mo brathair', ar an Sabhdan, '7 toitfir fein ann'. 7 Roordaigh in Sabhdan Sir Gyi do gabail co lanurrlum, 7 a cm- ina cipe crapaillti a prisun in fedh dobetis a caithem a coda. Doraidh Gyi: 'Mase mo marbadh- sa gan fhochuin dob ail let', ar-se, 'dober-sa adhbur marbtha duit'; [321 bj orum'. 7 Is amlaidh adubairt, 7 roleig da spor ') MS. .u. -) 1. urs', an iein[f]echt isin sdét robui fii-. 7 roben leim luthmur, lanmor este, 7 rotharrain^ in cloidhem coinnlenach, cruadhach amach, 7 robuaim •) Iteim bithnertmur, buanolcach bais f uran Sabhdan, gur scar a cenu re coluind do, 7 rotliogaibli fein in cenn asa haitlili, 7 docuir a ugail a sceitli é. Dala Sir Gyi dono, roghluais roinie a liaitiile in airdechta-sin. 7 rogairedli anoir 7 aniar, anes 7 atuaigli do, 7 robui Sir Gyi ag ledairt 7 ag lanmarbadh na ktcliridhi iua urtimcliill. Is aun-sin rogabsad ar aradliain é iar n-iadhadh ina timcill doibli, 7 r[o]marbudar in sdét robui fse, 7 robai iniain enlethe aigi orra ac [cjnamgerrad a cenn 7 a cos. Dala Sir Gyi immorro, rotharraing roime do innsaighi cnuic cennchuirr, clochaig, 7 docuaidh ar in 7 ar admullacli-) na tulcha dia n-aimdeoin, 7 rogab ag tealgadh na liag clocli lamh risin loecbraidh co lanuertmur; 7 in necb doroitliedli ■') co lathair, romarbadh d-snbéim cloidhim é, 7 donibh cairn co mora do curpaibh curadli 7 cath miledli ina timcheall da imdidin. 7 Torcair tri cet 7 mili les dibli fon am-sin. Is ann-sin roiadar da mili ridiii rochalma do maithibh in t-shiaigh iua timcell, 7 doligedur cetlia srutbluaimuech soighed ris fon am-sin, 7 rofhoil- gedur eurp in curadh comradhaigb le slegaibb shlinngera, sodiu- raici 7 le gaiunib gera, grainemla. guasaclitaclia, 7 leis na huili arm *) diuraice arcbena. 7 Ba samalta Sir Gyi in tan-sin re fiadbcullach furniata fasaigh itir conairt aga cruadhledradli; gach sithi sanntach, sircalma da taburthaigh euigi gan clioigill aga crechtnugudh, 7 ni nech dibh-sin do teruuigedh gan tromainmi 0 beimeunaibh guasachtaclia, greanmura Gyi. 7 Girbedli ni roibi nert a eosanta'') na a coiméta aigi air fein fon am-sin le huili na tromdebhtlia aga turnam 7 aga trai^galrt. Dobiii Sir Heront ina suan coli«/;«") [322a] a catbraigh Consintiuuobile. 7 docunnuic fis aduatbmur .i. mur dobeth magh hin do leoglianaibh a timcill Sir Gyi, 7 dobeth aga mai'badli eturra. Dobidhg Sir Heront asa chollad leis sin, 7 roiar a muindtir leis 7 adubairt co roiblii Sir Gyi a n-ecin 7 a n-anfurlonn. 7 rogluais roime co lanurlum, 7 na tri cet ridiii mar;en ris, 7 fuaradur Sir Gyi itir na sluaghaibh ') 1. robunil. ') 1. ardmuUach. ') repeats roithedh co. ') 1. armaibh? ') MS. cosananta. *) 1. codalta. THE IRISH LIFE OF GUY OF WARWICK. 61 aca farrach 7 aga flieoilgerradh. Dala Sir Heront dono, robris furna sluaghaibh co seitreach, sircalma, 7 torchair secht cet ') l:ich leidnu'cli. lanchalma leo isin ruathar-sin. 7 Ni roibhi on niiiir ngaiiiiiugli anes gusin muir tinutighi a tuaigh Eiiristinecb incuniannta nacb roiblii aran »nsluagh-sin. 7 roteitbedur uili fon am-sin roim Sir Oryi cona muindtir. 7 docuredur ár adbbul in tan-sin orra. Tanic iuimorro^) Sir G\"i fa buaid coscair 7 coniaidnii co n-édalaibb imdba leis, 7 roleig in cenn ar lar a fiadbnnse an inipei-. Conidb anilaidli sin fa fiiin do cogadh in t-Sabdain la Sir Gyi. 23. Dala an imi)eri iarna mharacli, docuaidb se cum fiadbaigb cona teghlacb, 7 robui se na suidbi ar inn tnlca, 7 Sir Gyi ina farrudh aun, 7 uir ciau doibb ann in tan dochunncadur leogban limfbiaclacb, lancalnia 7 dragan dana, duaibsecb, doiu- gabbala a conirue 7 a catbugiidb reroile, 7 robi'ii in leogban breoiti, baccacb, 7 cor d'irbuU in dragun a timcill an leogain, 7 gin granna gnusgborm in dragun oscailti innus co racbad ridiri cona eidedb ina beolu. Doraidb Sir Gyi co racbadb fein^) do cumnad don leogan co laniuTlum, os é rob anmainne'') isin catbugudb; 7 adubairt nach lemud aeuduine dul les isin catbir- gail-sin. Iarna cblos-sin don iiuper rotheitb se cona muindtir la buaman an draguin. Docuaidb Sir Gyi fura s[d]ét, 7 dosbaitb in t-ecb cum an draguin, 7 tug satbudb sanntacb, sircalma sleighi ina bei isin dragun, 7 docbuir in t-sleg tri cul a cinn siar sechtair, 7 rotbuirrling fair, 7 roben a cenn de. Tanic in leogban co Gyi, 7 robi se ag ligbi a cos 7 a caemcuirp 7 ro- coimil Sir Gyi a lamb do muinel in leogbain, 7 rolen an leogban é asa baitbli in gacb conu[i]r ina teigbedb. Aroile la dia roibhi Sir Gyi a caithem a coda ar bord inn imperi, robui an leogban an la-sin fo bun croinn ina colladh [322 b] isinn erber. 7 a tarr a n-airrdi re grein, 7 roconuic sdibard in imperi mur sin é, 7 tug sathadh sanntacb sleghi isin leogban, 7 docuir trit hi, 7 roleig a abac 7 a inathar re cosuibh. Rosgrech 7 rosgaii-t in leogban co lanmór, 7 docuaidb mur a roib Sir Gyi 7 rocrom •) MS. 7 .c. '-) MS. h'. ') Several letters erased after fein. ') ' rob anmainn el 62 F. N. ROBINSOX. fona cosuibh, 7 a inathar amuigh. 7 dothoit iarum. 7 torcair marbb gan anmain. Dala Sir Gyi iar-sin, rogabh a sdét. 7 docuaidb uirre, 7 roglac a cloidem, 7 docuaidh ') in t-iuiper, 7 focbtuis do cliacli a coitcinne cia roniarbb a leoghan, 7 ni fuair a fbis ag wniiech. Dala Sir Gyi, adubairt gidhbe rü-innusudh do inte romarbii an leogban co tiubhrad a luagh do .i. mili punt d'ór alainn, aitblegta, 7 ni fuair a fhis ann. Tanic iarum cuunil coimideclita ingine an imperi coruigi Sir Gyi. 7 ro-innis do gurb e sdibard an imperi romarb an leoghan, 7 ro-innis nuir romarbadh e. larna clos-sin do Gyi, docuaidh roimhe isin seomra ina nibidh in sdibliard, 7 brathair do faris isin t-seomra in uair-sin. Doraidh Sir Gyi: 'A sdibair[d]', ar-se, *ni derna fein olc na urchoid duid-si riam; cia romarbuis mo leoghan gan adhbur?' 'Nir marbusa é ', ar an sdibhard. ' Dorindis co deimin ', ar Gyi. ' 7 Eofheallais fo dhó roime súd orum-sa, 7 ni dingnair in chethruma feclit ornm-sa na ar diiine ele.' 7 Is amlaidh adubairt. 7 tug builli borb, bithnertmur, bedgnimach bais don sdibard co uderua da n-orduin certa, cudrnma, comora de. Tug imniorro brathair in sdibaird sgian scothfsbracli amac, 7 tug sathudh sanutacb dociim Sir Gyi, 7 tug Sir Gyi builli brighmur, bithcalma, [7] doben an lilmh des aga gualaind de, 7 mur-sin doleig uadlia co comurtbach é. lar dos na scel-sin don imper adubairt se gur coir romarbh Sir Gyi in sdibard, 7 gur thuill se roime sin 0 Sir Gyi a marbhadh. 24. Dala an imper iarum, adubairt re Sir Gyi: 'Is mor an lan maitbusa doriuis dam, 7 ni fetur a innsin ara met; 7 bidh ullum arcinn na maidhni amarach do posudh m'ingine, 7 do- gebuir leth mo tigerntuis re nrbethaidli 7 é uile iar m'ég'. Dixit Gyi: 'Doden-sa do thoil-si. a tliigerna', ar-sé. Iar tiacht in Ise iarna marac docuaidh Sir Gyi cona tri cet ridiri fa giinaib sida CO fér umpa, 7 docuadur don eglus, 7 tangadur espoc na cathrach 7 a lucht [323 a] uird, 7 rofiarfaighedur do Gyi in roibhi fainne posta aigi. Rofhosguil Sir Gyi a puidsi, 7 is e fainne tarrla cuigi, in faindi robui mur comurtha cuimnigti itir é 7 ingen iarla 0 Berbuic, 7 rosmuain uirre asa haithli, 7 rotlioit taisi 7 taimneoll fair. 7 Anuair far-eirigh Sil' Gyi asa neoll. adubairt: •) niura roibh, or something eqiiivaleut, omitted. TUB IRISH LIFE OF GUY OF WARWICK. 63 •X tigerna'. ar-se, 'ni fuilim fein inposta aniug:h. uair atá aingcis tronigal«/»- ar mbualadh orum; 7 tabur cairdi danih no co faghar slainti'. Dobui Sir Gyi coic') la dec ina luiglii, 7 nir lig nech ina cenn risin re-sin acht Sir Heront ina a?nar. Doraidli Sir Gyi re Sir Heront: 'A Eroint', ar-se, 'créd doden re liingin an irapen uair ata gradh dermail, doflinling agum ar ingen iarla 0 Berbuic, 7 ata a fhis agud-sa curob fir-sin'. Doraidli Sir Heront: 'Ata a fis agum-sa', ar-se, 'guinib i ingen inn imper ben is ferr fuath 7 clmma isin cruinde co comclioitcenn 7 co fuigir-si in n-imperacht-so le; 7 da mad bi ingen in iarla bes agud. ni bia innie bus mú nan iarlocht agud'. Doraidli Sir Gyi: 'Tuicim as sia, a Sb- Heront, nach buidech tu dim tri gan ingen inn imper do thabairt; 7 a nfuil a fis agud, a Sir Heront', ar-se, 'curob do gradh 7 d'annsacht ingine iarla 0 Berbuic dorinui-sa a uderna do ghoil 7 do gaiscedh riam, 7 fos gur foibhres bás d'faghaiP) roime-so?' Dixí7 Sil- Heront: 'Ni roibhi a fis-sin agum-sa, 7 os anois ataisi ^) (?) is ferr lium agud '. Roeirigh Sir Gyi a cinn coic*) la «dec. 7 docuaidh sé iar-sin mur a roibi in t-imper, 7 loba luthaireach in t-imper roim Sir Gyi in la-sin iarna fhaicsin slan do. 7 Dochaith Sir Gyi an la-sin a cuibhrenn an imper. 7 Doraidh Sir Gyi risin imper: 'A thigerna', ar-se, 'ni feduim-si h'ingen-sa do beth agum mur muai, uair ata briathar edrum 7 ingen iarla 0 Berbuic, 7 ni biadb a hathrugudh agum co crich mo báis. 7 ataim secht^) mbliadhna agud-sa, 7 rob ail lium cet imtecbta d'fagliail festa'. Is romor dogoill sin aran imper 7 ar shluaghaibh na cathrach uili. Is ann-sin tue an t-iarla") tri miacha moaibhli d'ór aluind, athleghta do Gyi 0 nar gabh se tigerntus ele uadha, 7 Rodiult Sir Gyi [323b] sin do gabail, 7 adubaii't gm- roibhi a lordhsethain oir 7 innmusa aigi fein, 7 nach d'iarraidh enneth ele tanic, acht do cumnadh don imperi. 7 0 nar gab Sir Gyi in t-ór doroinn in t-imperi ar muinutir Sir Gyi é. Is ann-sin adubairt in t-imperi: 'A Sir Heront', ar-se, 'is tu-sa iudera ridiri is ferr lam dochunnac-sa riam .i. Sir- Gyi o Berbuic 7 tu-sa. 7 0 rodiult Sir Gyi m'ingen-sa do bancheile, ') MS. .«. '•') MS. dfagbail bas with marks of transposition. ») MS. atisi. <■) MS. .u. =) MS. .7. •) 1. an t-imper"! 64 Y. N. ROBINSON. doberuind tigerntus 7 toice 7 tinnlacudh duid-si, a Sir Heront', ar-se. Doraidli Heront: 'Da tucta in iraperaclit uili dam-sa', ar-sé, 'ni gebliuind bliuaid é, 7 Sir Gyi do ti-eigin'. Is anii-sin roclieilebiiir Sir C-iy don imper, 7 roimigh roime asa haithli. Conidii i cuairt Sii- Gyi fare himperi Consantinnobile connigi sin. 2."). Tnithus Sir Gyi 7 a muindtiri, dogluasidar rompa, 7 ni dernsad fos na fuirecL co rangadur co catlu'aigli na Coloine san Almain. Rot'er in t-imperi failti cona muindtir re Gyi, 7 tug anoir niór dúibli, 7 [dojthairg toici 7 tigerntus do Sir Gyi, 7 rodiult Gyi sin, 7 adubairt nach anfad no co ndecliadh co crichiiibli Saxan. 7 Dogluais roime iar-sin, 7 dochunnaicc cathair dighfoglilaigti uadha i n-am esparta do ló. 7 Adubairt Sir Gyi: 'A Sir Heront', ar-se, 'ber na ridiri let 7 eirgidh sa cathraigli, 7 gab teg osta duinn; 7 anfa misi ann-so co foill ag radh m'esperta 7 ag eistecbt re ceol na henlaithi'; 7 doronsad amlaidh. Dala Sir Gyi dono, nir cian do ag siubal na furaisi gur coduil re ceol na henlaithi. 7 is é ni roduisig asa shuan é .i. sgrech aduathmur, mishnimach do clos do. 7 Docuaidh roime mur a cualn in sgrech, 7 fuair ridiri gonta, geranach, guasachtach, a comtilgen a fhola re fantaibli na furaisi. Fochtuis Sii' Gyi scela de. Doraidh in ridiri ggeta: 'Ni fuil feidm agud ar mo scelaib d'fagail', ar-se, 'uair ni moidi let do menma mo scela-sa do clos, 7 ni mo téit m'aire-si rem comfurtacht duid'. Dixit Gyi: 'Ar gradli ') [324a] enDia uilicumachtaigli innis do scela fein^) danih', ar-se, '7 doden do maith, da fedar'. Dixit in ridiri gouta, 'Tabur fat firinne', ar-se, 'co n-[d]inguair 1110 les'. 'Doberim', ar Sir Gyi. Eofech in ridiri os a cinn, 7 adubairt 'Budh[e]cus mor^) rit raet maith do denum', ar-se, 'uair is ridiri furtill, firarrachta tu, 7 is truagh do Dhia docum nem 7 talmain nach tu Sir Gyi 0 Berbuic'. 'lunis scela dam festa', ar Gj'i. 'Doden', ar an ridiri. 'Is misi Sir Tiri-i, mac iarla Aimbri, 7 tug ingen diuice 0 Loren sere dichra, difuluing damh, 7 tugusa in cetna di-si; 7 tanicc Otun .i. diuice na Lumbairdi dia tabairt, 7 dogabhad la docum i)Osta eturra .i. an sechtmhadh^) la on 16-sin, 7 docuir-si cugum-sa ') ar gradh is repeated in the MS. ") fein is repeated iu the MS. a) MS. I«. ') MS. .7. THE IKISH LIFE OK (U'Y OF WÄKWICK. 65 techt ara cenn fon aimsir-sin. 7 Tanag-sa', ar-se, ' deichnemur ') ridiri roairachta co hincleit co catliraigb diuice na Lobheine, 7 docurus techta arcenn na hiugiue, 7 tainic si a ndocuin a niucha na niaidni iiiociisoillsi. 7 Docurus ar mo clu'iluib hi, 7 rofbagus in catliair. 7 docunncadur ludit na cathracb me ag imthecbt, 7 do heighem a mdiaigh 7 rolensad in da diuice cona sluagbaibb me, 7 torcaii- mo neitlinemar -) ridir[ej leo fon am-sin. 7 Dotbor- cbair drecbt dana, dofreastail dona shiagbaibb-sin lem-sa, 7 tarrla gabal mórtbonnacb mara re m'ucbt 7 roben.is leim lutbmur, lanedruim as mo sdét fon muir amacb, uair dorugus do rogliain mo bbatbadb isin muir na ma tboitbim leisna Lumbardachaibh. 7 Rob ferr le bingin diuice 0 Loren a batliudb fein na betb na banceile ag diuici na Lumbairdi, 7 tue an sdét sinn a tir * * * a) 7 nir fedudli ar lenmain isin sruth, 7 tangamur man caillidb-so, 7 robadbusa toirrsecb, tromgonta, 7 docures mo cenn a n-ucbt na mna, 7 adubairt re coimét, 7 gur ecin damh suan 7 sircoUadb do denum. 7 Dotboit mo thoirrtim suain 7 sircollta orm, 7 tan- gadur coic^) ridiri dec am comdliail, 7 dosaitbedur a coic*) slegba [dec]«) trim cui-p, 7 dorugadur mo ben buaim, 7 atait siat a pupull bee ar la[r] na fibuidbi '. Dixit Sir Gy [324 b] ' Is olc ataim cuca sin', ar-se, 'uaii- ni fuil arm agum'. Adubairt Tirri: 'Ata mo cloidem-sa ar scátb na bomna ugud ar b'incaibli', ar-se. Is ann-sin roglacc Sir Gyi an cloidem, 7 docbuaidli ar mul bee ar lorg na Isecliraidbi, 7 docbuaidli co dorus na puipli, 7 rocengail in mill don dorus, 7 docuaidb fein asteg, 7 adubairt: 'A ridiri uaisli, créd far marbubbair mac iarla Aimbri?' ar-se. Adu- bairt aroili dibb: "Xi ba ferr b'auoir-si', ar-se, 'uair dogentur in cetna rit'. Is ann-sin ronocbt Sir Gjt in cloidem colga, curata. 7 torcbuir na cuig fer dec lais acbt madb aenridiri ar mbuain a letblaime de, 7 dorind retba as. 7 Dorug Sir Gy Ingen diuice Loren 7 sdét Sir Tirri leis coruigi an inadb ar fhagaibb sé in ridii'i gffita, 7 ni fuair sé acbt ait in ridiri ann. Dala Sir Gyi done, rofagaib se ingen diuice Loren ann-sin, 7 docbuaidb fein a toraigbecbt Sir Tirri. 7 ni cian docuaidb se in >) MS. .X. Cf. p. 313 b, above. ') 1. mo deichnemar. ') MS. obscure. *) MS. .u. ») MS. .u. •) No space in MS. for dec. Zeitschrift f. celt. Philologie VI, . 66 T. N. ROBINSON, tan docunnaicc sé in cethrur ridiri i-oai-raclita, 7 Sir Tirri ar iniehar acu a fuad fliada, firdaingen, 7 foclituis G}^ scela dibh. Adubairt aroile fei- acu gurb é Sir Uigbi .i. bratbair do diuice na Lumbairdi i-obiii ann 7 triar ridiri maran ris. — ' 7 Sir Tirri, mac iaria Ainibri ata agiiind da breith da milludh docum diuice na Lumbairdi'. Dixit SirGyi: 'Fagaid festa he', ar-sé, 'uair is cara craidbi dam-sa é, 7 ni liged lib-si e nis foidi'. Adubairt aroile dibh ag impo[dh] Ms: 'Bermuid-ni tu-sa 7 Tirri linn no co faghthaigh a?nbas docraidh ar ndis'. •) An dias ridii-i roinipo fris, roben in da ceann dibh. Dixit Sir Uighi .i. derbbrathair diuice na Lumbairdi: 'A fhir oig, eguind. anbfesaigh', ar-sé, 'is olcc in lesugudh thu isin ngnim doronais, 7 toitfir fein ann'. 7 Docomruic se co hullum re Sir Gy, 7 roben Sii- Gyi a cin[dj d'a^nbuille de, 7 roben a lethlam don cethramadh ridiri, 7 is e sin roba comurtha do a dul a cenn diuici na Lumbairdi. Docuir Sir Gy Tirri ar ech iarum, 7 dorug leis e coruigi an fod arar fagaibh iugen diuice Loren, 7 ni fuair acht a hinadh ann. Dala Sir Gj'i iar-sin, dorug se iarla Tirri les annsa cathraigh, 7 docuir 'sa teg osta é rogab Sir Tirri ara cind. [325 a] Docuala Sir Gyi in tan-sin gul 7 geran athruagh,-) egaintech, 7 rofiarfaigh Sir Gyi fochain in gerain-sin. Adubairf Sir Heront: 'Le na fad lium-sa CO faca tusa anocht, docuadhus man coillidh cetua gut iaraid, 7 fuai'us ivningen aluind, edrocht ag diucaire co geranach, 7 tugus lium hi, 7 is i doni an geran adcluinti-si anosa, 7 is í robui ann-sin .i. ingen diuice Loren '. 7 Rogab urgairdiugudh nienman Sir Tirri iarna clos sin do, gerb aubann robui. 7 Docuiredh leigus ar Tirri asa haithli-sin, 7 robui slan. Is ann-sin roan iarla Tirri ag Sir Gyi, 7 tugadui- daingen bratharda da teile. Conidh e cetcumann Sir Gy re Sir Tirri ann-sin. 2G. Aroile la dia raiblii Sir Gyi, 7 ucht ar fuindeoig in t-seomra ag feitheam na cathrach ina timcell, 7 docunuuicc cuigi ridiri, 7 sdét fiiluath fai, 7 fochtuis Gyi scela de. Adubairt in ridiii: 'Do muindtir iarla Aimbri damh', ar-se, '7 ataim ag iarraidh a mic .i. Sir Tirri, 7 ni faghaim enfhocal da scelaibh, 7 ni fediu" an mairenn se. 7 A ndighail mur dorug sun iugen diuice Loren leis ata diuice na Lumbaii-di 7 diuice ua Loueine ') 1. far n-dis'i '') 1. atruagh. THE IRISH LIFE OF GUT OF WAHAnCK. 67 ag: niilhidh 7 ag moragain') tigeriitus iarla Aimbri, 7 domill se uile B acht cathair Ambri uama, 7 atait in da diuice dimsecha- sin ac techt co cathraigh na Goimrisi-) dia gabail; 7 is iad-sin [moscela] ' ') ar an ridiri. D/xí7 Sir Gji: 'Tuirrling', ar-se, '7 anfa rinne anocht, uair is againn is docha duid scela Sir Tirri d'fagail '. Tanic in ridiri astegh iar-sin. 7 fuair se Sir Tirri ara cinn CO feramail. furbailigh, 7 dorindi uuila 7 anoir do. Is ann- siu adubairt Sir Tirri: 'A Gyi', ar-se, 'acht gidhmór do maith 7 do niormiadli doronuis co ró-so, is mo rigim a les anois rit na riam coruigi-so, uair[?]^) dam-sa m'athar d'argain 7 d'innradh, do shlat 7 do shariigudh ar mo slion '. Dixit Sir Gyi : ' Dober-sa nert mo laime let', ar-se. Docuaidli Sir Gyi iar-sin fon cathraigh, 7 rofhostaigh se deich*) cet ridiri roarrachta. 7 Eoimgedar rompa asa haithli co cathair na Gormisi. 7 Dorindi iarla Aimbri 7 a teglach [325 b] umla 7 anoir do Sir Tirri. Adubairt Sir Tii-ri: 'Is ferr do dhil anora 7 uigairdighti Sir Gyi ó Berbiiic na misi ', ar-se, ' uair is é rocosain m'anma dam, 7 is ara teglach ataim'. larna clos-sin dou iarla 7 da nuiindtir doronsad anoir do Sil" Gyi. Is ann-sin docualadur gair 7 greadan 7 eidhme amluatha, etréna ar fud na-cathrach co comcoitcenn. 7 Eofhiar- faigh Sir Gyi fochuin na n-eidhme-sin. 7 adbert aroile fris gui-b iad sluagha seghmm-a, sircalma na Lobeine 7 Isechrad linmur, lanarrachta na Lumbairdi tanic do gabail cathrach na Gormisi. Dixit Sir Gyi: 'A Sir Tirri', ar-se, 'ber-si da cet«) ridiri do muindtir-si let, 7 tabur cath cui-ata, coscarchalma doibh siud. 7 findum') CO maith do gaiscedh 7 do gnimecht a ngleo an laithi- si aniu. Dala Sir Tirri iarum. dochuaidh co rechtmur, roarrachta a comdail na curadh cathcalma-sin, 7 docuiredh deich cet^) mili merchalma, móraicenntach ina n-aghaidh, 7 docaithedur co mer, menmnach, miceille reroile. To[r|chair deichnemar ■') l»ch lan- chalma dou cetruathar la Sii- Tirri, 7 nir cian iarum gur toit ') 1. nwrargain. *) 1. Gormisi, as below. ') No space in MS. ♦) Something omitted. ') MS. .X. c. «) MS. .c. ') The word is not clear. ") MS. .X. .c. •) MS. X. 68 F. N. E0I5INS0N, da cet CO poscarta, cnamgerrtha i n-urtimrill Sir Tirri. Docured iar-sin mili ridiri mer, mórdalach do chathugudli ris, 7 docuir Sir Tirri in catli aris co nua fon am-sin, 7 torcair se') cet dibli lais CO lanurrlum. Is ann-sin docured fiche cet^) ridiri curata, cruadhcalma do chatliugudli re Sir Tirri, 7 robui Sir Tirri 0 moch na maidni moclisoillsi co medlion 1« isin cathlathair-sin gau cabiu- 0 necli ele fair acht é fein 7 a dha cet ridiri, 7 fa cruaidh du fon ani-sin la liimud na laechraidlii Lumbardaiglii ina urtim- cill. Doraidh Sir Heron[t]: 'A Gyi'. ar-sé, 'dambram-) cabuir 7 conifiirtacht budesta do Sir Tirri '. 'Doberum', ar Gj-i. Is ann-sin docuaid Sir Gyi cona dha cet^) ridiri do cumnum do Tirri, 7 adubaii-t Gji ris: 'A Tirri', ar-se, 'fagaib in cath bu- desta, 7 eirigh 'sa catraigh 7 lig edruni-sa 7 in cath sei ele". Teith iarum TiiTÍ co crechtach, cathbuadhacli fon cathraigh, 7 docuaidh Sir Gyi co colga, cetfadach fon cath, 7 robris forra co leoganta, leidmech, lancalma. Cidh tracht robui Sil- Gyi co greannmur, gnimechtach afcj cur in catha-sin 0 niedhon la^ co haidhci, 7 fedh na haidchi gan [326 a] coicül a[c] comarbadh na curadh co hergi greine iarna marach, 7 fed an dara läi co noin, CO nar mair dib man am-sin acht cethorcha 7 fiche ^) dibh ina cimhedaibh crapailti, cruadhcuibrigliti a laimh. 7 fiche ^) ele do dul cirrta, crechtach. crosledartlia , crobhainech a cenn in da diuce le scelaibh. Adubairt aroile: 'Ts olc in t-inadh ar cureabair sinne', ar-se, 'uair ni terno eladhach betha diar muindter acht madh sinni a?n flehet ^) crechtach, comurthach, cnamhgerrtha, a n-esbaid ball 7 brighi'. Rogab luindi 7 lauferg diuice Loren ar clos na scel, 7 rofiarfaigh cia roine") na mörechta-sin. Adu- bradur na techta gurb .iad tri colunaigh connmala 7 cothaighti na crodachta doroiue sin .i. Gyi greannmur, gnimechtacli 0 Berbuic a crichaibh seghnmra, sobreagha Saxan, 7 Sir Tirri tren, tronincrtmur, teguialach niac iarla Aimbri, 7 Sir Heront arrachta. ardmenniach, in cuingi calma, cetfadacli. Doraidh diuice na Lumbairdi: 'Robudh ferr lium na nioran do nuvithus na cruinne •) MS. .s, c. ») MS. .XX. c. =") Keading doubtful. Should it be taibretn? <) MS. .c. '■) MS. .xl. 7 XX. ") MS. .XX. ') 1. doroine? THE IRISH LIFE OF GUT OF WAKWICK. 69 CO conicoitcenn co niberinn aran triar-sin a cathair na Gornniiisi, 7 bét-sa', ar-sé, 'a n-urrthosuch na niaidni mochsoillsi amaracli a tiiiiciir. Dala Sir Gyi, tareis coscair 7 roin[rlaimnie in catlia- siu, taiuic tarais co cathraigli ua Gormisi co mbuaiiib u-amanntuir 7 n-edala. Conidb amlaidh-sin fa fuin dou catb-sin. 27. Dala Sir Gyi ar maidin iarna mbáracli docbuaidh d'est[e]cbt aitbfi-inii. 7 rofbágaibb in tenipall iarum, 7 docunmiic na dronga 7 na dirmadba detbsbiaigli ag techt dccbum na cathrach. Doraidh Sir Gyi re TiiTÍ: "Atait na shiaigb seitreaeba, sircbalma ac tecbt 'nar ndocum. 7 eii'gem ar minlecb na magb 7 ar faii'- singi na ferunn do cbatbugudh 7 do cruadbcomrug riu'. Do- cuadur co hm-rhim, 7 tiigadur cat dian. dasachtacb d'aroile. Is ann-sin tarla diuice leidmecb. lancalma na Lumbairdi da cbeile isin catlathair 7 Sir Heront, 7 adubairt Sir Heront: "A diuice fiirniadaigb. fbingalaigb ', ar-se, 'is ecorr rofliellais oruni fein 7 ar mo tigerna'. 7 Is amlaidb adubairt. 7 tug builli borb, buanai-- rachta don diuice gor ben letb na ceinnbeirti clochbuadaigh, cengailti do cend an diuice, 7 dorinne fuindeog fbairsing, frr- domuin ina gualainn fair, 7 rotrasgair co trennertmur e, 7 ro- thuirrling fair dia dicennugudh. 7 Tangadur ann-sin cet Lum- berdacb laucbalma etiu-ra, 7 dorugadur in diuice 0 Sir Heront, 7 dolen Sir Heront trit in cath e. Is ann-sin rocbruinnigedui- laiich linmura na ') [326 b] Lumbaii'di a timcill Sir Heront, 7 r[o]- marbadur a ech. 7 robrisedb a cloidhem. 7 Tanic ann-sin ridiri feraniail. firarracbta Frangcacb co lathair, robui ar teglach diuici na Lumbairdi, 7 adubairt: 'A Sir Heront', ar-se, 'tabiu- tii fein dam-sa festa, or ni fml nert do cosanta agud'. 'Co h'ainm tbii?' ar Heront. 'Sii- Gailiard m'ainm', ar-se. Doraidh Sir Heront: 'Doberuind me diiit da tbucta fhiiinde rem'anucul". 'Doberim', ar Galiard. Is ann-sin dothug Heront é fein, 7 rotucadb a cenn an diuice a laim e. Is ann-sin rofiarfaigb Sir Gyi scela Sir Heront, 7 adubaii-t aroüi fris co facaidh fein aga gabaU é. Adubairt Sir Gyi: 'A Tirri', ar-se, 'lenum Sir Heront, uair ui fuigim aimsii- a fhuasgalta is feiT n'anuis'. 7 Rolenudur co hurrlum é, 7 ni rugadur aii- no co rucadb 'sa cathraigh e. Is ann-sin roinipo Sir Gailiard re Gyi, 7 roferudar gleo greannmur, grainemail reroile, 7 tug Sii- Gyi sathudh sanntach slegbi ar ') n.T repeated in MS. 70 F. N. KOBINSON, Sir Gailiard. Doraid Sir Gaüiard: 'A Sir Gyi', ar-sé, 'tabur m'amim damli, 7 beth am oglach agud, 7 is me roainic Sir Heront ara marbadli', ar-sé, '7 da fedur dober lium tarais é'; 7 tug a firinde ris-sin, 7 fuair a aniim. Dala Sir Galiard iar-siii, rogluais roime a cenii diuice na Lumbairdi, 7 roiar Sir Heront air rena aisic do Sir Gyi, 7 rodiult in diuice uime e. Doraidh Galiard co racbadh fein fare Sir Gyi do cogudh 7 do cathudh risin diuice tri gan Sir Heront do tbabairt do dia aisic do Gyi 0 Berbuic, 7 ni ciur (?) ') cairdi duid gan dul do denmu do dithi acbt auocbt amain. Is ann-sin dothainic ridiri ele do muiudtir diuice na Lumbairdi do comruc re Gy, 7 doronsad comrac frithir, fergach, furniata reroile, 7 tug Sir Gyi sathadli sirsbauntach slegbi isiu ridiri, 7 rotrasgair é,^) 7 rotbuirrling fair dia dicennudh. Dixit an ridiri: 'A Gyi', ar-se, 'tabair m'anum dam, 7 dober braigbi maitb diiit asum fein .i. Sir- Heront'. 'Da tuctba t'firinne ris-sin', ar Gyi, 'doberuind h'anum duit'. Tug iarum, 7 fuaii- a anum, 7 rogluais roime a cenn diuice na Lumbairdi, 7 roiar Sir i/eront re aisic [327a] do Gji, 7 fuair sé sin co prap, 7 ba lutbairech le Sir Gyi Sir Heronft] do tbecbt. Is ann-sin dolen diuice na Lumbairdi cona muiudtir Sir Gyi iarna faicsiu a n-uatbadh sluaigb, uair ni roibi fare Sir Gyi in tan-sin acht Sir Tirri 7 Sir Heront. Dospor Sir Gyi in sdéd a certlár sluaigb na Lumbardacb, 7 nir sbail Tirri na Sir Heront a faiesin co bracb, 7 tarrla diuice na Lumbairdi re Sir Gy isiu cathlathair- sin, 7 tug builli bailc, brigmur, boirbnertmur don d[i]uice, 7 roclirom in diuice roim in mbuilli-sin, 7 robenadh an cuid siar da ceinnbert de, 7 roscris in t-eideth ara druini, 7 rogerr in dilat aluind, oraigbi trithi, 7 in cursun caillti, cnaimremur d'snbeim; 7 roimigb dia [ajindeóin asta amacb amesc a muindtiri, 7 docuir SB mersi-') Sin Seoirsi re crann, 7 rob ail leis bualadli ar na sluagliaibh. Adubairt diuice na Lumbaird:') 'Dorindedur siid ilimud uilc duinn aniu', ar-se, 7 atait agar sanntug[udh] co sir- calma anosa', ar-se, '7 secbnam iad, 7 eirgem co cathair na Páni, uair ni fuil fius"») ar ndigbtlii aniu aguind', ar-se. Tainic Sir Gyi tarais co catliraigli Aimbri co n-ilimud gacha maithusa ') For ciur read tiur? For the form see pp. 302a, 341a, 3+7a. •) MS. re, repeating final r of rotrasgair. ') 1. me>-gi. *) 1. Lumbairdi. '■") MS. nut quite clear. THE IRISH LIFE OF OrV OF WARWICK. 71 iar mbiiaidh oosgrair ar nainidibli. lar n-ergi do diuice na I.iiiii- bairdi asa othrus. tanicc sé mur a roibi diuice Loren, 7 adiibairt fris: 'A diuice Loreu", ar-se. 'benfa Sir Gyi 0 Berbuic 7 Sir Tirri do tigerntus dit. 7 dodenuid in cetna rium-sa da feduid, 7 dena mo coniairle-si ', ar-se '.i. cuir techta ai- cenn Sir Tirri 7 G\i 0 Berbuic, 7 gell clemnus do denum re Tirri 7 sidh re biarla Aimbri 7 re Sir Gji, 7 abuii- co mbia fledli bainnsi agud doibh. 7 Bed-sa con mo muiudtir inar trealam comdaingin catlia a ceilg agud, 7 gebum Tirri 7 Sii- Gyi 7 Sir Heront, 7 belli Sir Tirri 7 Sir Gyi 7 Sir Heront agum-sa ina cimedhaib crapaillti, 7 bidh iarla Aimbri cona muiudtir agud-sa, 7 doena') do bhail fein dib'. Adubairt diuice Loren nach feilad sé ar Sir Gy co brach, ar an diuice, — 'uair ata ilimiid da cumain form'. Dixit diuice na Lumbairdi: 'Ni da riribh adubartsa súd', ar-sé; 'y gidedh tabur cuccud iad 7 dena sidh riu". [327 b] Conidh amlaidh-sin rocomhuuligh diuice na Lumbairdi fell for Gji. 28. Dala d[i]uice 0 Loren iaruiii dochuLr-se esi)ac uasal- gradhach ar cenn iarla Aimbri cona muindtir, 7 rogell sidh 7 clemnus doibh, 7 fledh buan-tigluictech bainnsi do beth urrlum fora cinn. Ba luthairech le hiarla Aimbri na briathra-sin. D/xi7 Sir Gyi: "A iarla Aimbri', ar-se, 'na creid na briathra binnbrega, blasta ugud; 7 rofheall diuice Otun fa dhó roime-so orum-sa, 7 is e is comui'lech do diuice Loren, 7 docreidhfinn co n-ingnadh in treas fecht da fedadh'. Dixit iarla Aimbri: 'A Sh- Gyi', ar-se, 'na bidh uaman na imegla fort, uair ui ferr linne sidh na ndiuice dha ud d'faghail na leo-san ar sidh-ne, 7 ni fell- fuid foruind'. I^oraid Sir Gyi: 'Da ndechuir-si ann siud', ar-se, 'beridh trealaidi comdaingni catha lib'. Dixit iarla Aimbri: 'Ni berum", ar-se; "os do denum sidha rachum, ni biadh greann coguidh oruind'. Is ann-siu roimidh iarla Aimbri cona muindtir CO dunadh diuic 0 Loren gan arm, gan eideth acht gunaidhi somaisecha sida co fér umpa. Is ann-sin docunucadur diuice na Lumbairdi^) ina ndocum co sluagh n-armtlia, n-eidighti, 7 rogabsat Tirri 7 Heront 7 na sluaigh uüi archena laLs. Dala Sir Gyi robi sé idii- na sluaghaibh co seitreach, sirchabna a[g] gabail da dornaibh co dana 7 da uillennaib forra. 7 Roben bata buna, borbremiu" as lamaibh ridiri acu, 7 robuail builli air feiu de co ») MS. not quite clear; perhaps daeTia. Kead dejia- ') MS. Lumbaimt. 72 F. N. ROBINSON, torcair lais. Dochuimaic Sir Gyi ridiri ina docum, 7 sdét íira- lainn fai, 7 adubairt Sir Gyi fris: 'Da thucta in t-ech-sin') fiid damh', ar-se. 'da mairinn do déniiind do les fos". •Tuingini fam Dia CO fuigliii'-si hí', ar an ridiri ac tuirrling, 7 docuaidh Gyi fuirri CO firaibeil, 7 rosbaitli foua sluagliaibh co sircalma, 7 torcuir dias ridiri co firluath les, 7 tnc a n-eicli don ridiri tug in sdét do roime-siu. Dala Sii' Gyi iarum dochruinnigedur bvciiraidh linmair, lancalma na Lumbairdi ina hurtimcill, 7 do- rindi conair coitcenn, congairech do fein trithu, 7 dolenadur na Lumbardaig e, 7 tarrla sruth domuin ris, 7 doben leim lutbmur, lanedrom [328 a] asa sdet fon inbir, 7 docuaidh tar an sruth, 7 ni dechaidh as dia cuidechtain gan gabail no gan marbadh acht Sir Gyi 7 Sir Gailiard. Conidb e scela in fill conicci sin. Dorug diuice na Lumbairdi Sir Tirri crapaillti leis, 7 dorug diuice Loren Sir Heront 7 na braigdi uili 0 sin amach. 2D. Dala Sir Gyi iarum, docuaidh mur a roibi iarla Aimistir Amunndit, 7 rofer in t-iarla failti re Sir Gyi. Dixit in t-iarla: 'A Sir Gyi', ar-sé, 'is let fein misi con m'uile maithes. Ann-sin roinnis Sir Gyi mur dofealladh air. 7 mur dogabadh iarla Aimbri 7 a mac 7 Sir Heront 7 ua sluaigh uili archena. Doriudi iarla Aimistir truaigi 7 tromgeran trit na scelaib-sin. Robui Sir Gyi teora la co dubach, dobronach isin cathraigh-sin. 7 adubairt: 'A iarla Munndie', ar-sé, 'is tuirrsecli duind mur -so'. Adbert iarla Munnd*: 'Ata cathair catharrdha conaicb ar comghar duindi ann-so, 7 aderur curob e treas parrtus na cruinne ar conac e. 7 Ata Turcach trennertmur na triath 7 na tigerna ann, 7 ni dechaidh jienduine ina cenn riam tainic beó tarais, 7 dogabhter comlunn éintir ann 7 comlund deisi. 7 in met is ail le nech'. Adbert Sir Gyi co rachudh fein isin cathraigh-sin. 'Na herigh', ar iarla Aimistir, 'uair ni tiucfa beó tar th'ais as Slid a frithing na conuire cetna'. Doraidh Sir Gyi: 'Ni din- gnuind-si ar ilimud niaithesa gan dul ann, 7 ni ber fenduine lium'. "Co deimin racliad-sa let', ar Gailiard, 'uair ni sgeradh CO crich mo bais rit'. Roimgedair rompa iarum isin fiirais, 7 tug Sir Gyi builli tenn, trenueitmur aran mbarr mbuabuill robiii fo braigid. larna clos sin don Turcach adubairt co luinde 7 co lanferg: Tia rolemadh in coscur-so do cluir am forais?' ar-se. ') sin repeated in MS. THE miSH LIFE OF GUY OF WAE^aCK. 73 Docuaidh ridiri do niuiudtir in Turcaigh mur a roibi Gyi, 7 adubairt ris techt a comdhail in Turcaigh. Tanicc Sir Gyi mur a roibh in Tu[r]cacli. Doraid in Turcach ris: "A ridiri", ar-sé, •ni heir huair shein na amanntair tughuis in builli ud aran mbarr nibuabaill', ar-sé. Doraid Sir Gji: 'Ni fedar'. ar-se, 'gur misdi in builli ugud do thabairt, uair ni raibi cosgur fiadha na fethuidi agum acht mhé ar merugndh 7 d'fhail eoluis'. Robui sdét') firnertmur fon Turcach, 7 adubairt [328 b| Sir Gji: 'A tigerna toicthech. troraconaich, tabur in sdét-sin fud damh-sa', ar-sé. Doraidh in Turcach nach tibradh. 7 co tibradh bas co hobunn do. Adubairt Sir Gyi: 'A tigerna', ar-se, 'ni treisidi sibh dias ridiri tanicc ar bar n-incaibh do marbadh co mitrocar, 7 masa-) ferrdi let ar nderbadh inar ngaisgedh. cuir do rogha deisi ridiri dod muindtir do chathugudh frinn. 'Cia fein?' ar an Turcac. Doraidh Sir Gj-i: 'Eidiri suaithne Saxanach me', ar-se, '7 Gyi 0 Berbuic m'ainm'. Dala in Turcaich rofer sé fircain failti re Gyi, 7 adubairt ris: 'Dorindi-si maith dani-sa roime-so', ar-se, 'uair torcair brathair do diuice Otun let, dorinde dochar dam-sa roime-so. 7 Bith in t-ech maith so agud-sa, a Gyi', ar-se, '7 ni full isin cruinne co comhcoitcenn a comaith d'ech, 7 da mbeth a tri letheid acum dogebhtha iat'. Tug in Tuixach sdét deg- maisech ele do Gailiard mm- anóir do Gyi. Dorug Sir Gyi bui- dechus in bronntais-sin risin tigerna, 7 docuadm- ronipa a cenn iarla ilunnds. Conidh i cuair[t] Sir Gyi a crich na Tiu-cach comiicci-siu. 30. Dala Sir Gyi iar mbeth noi') la do a farradh in iarla adubairt: 'Is fada ataim', ar-se, 'gan dul d'faghail seel Sir Tirri 7 Sir Heront, 7 atá a uaman orum da mUltir iad, 7 rachud da fisrugudh budesta'. Doraidh iarla Muimdae: 'Cuirfed-sa deich <) cet ridiri do muindter let'. Adubairt Gyi gui- fada les beth ag fuirech riu, 7 nach beradh »nduine leis. 'Eachud-sa let', ar Sir Gailiard; 7 dogluaisidar rompa iarum, 7 adubairt Gji re Gail[i]ai'd: 'Eh-igh ar hech', ar-se, 7 cuir in t-ech maith-so a t'aici'. 7 dorindi Gailiard sin. Dala Gji dono, rochoimil sé ') Written below the line in MS. ^) MS. masa a with punctum delens under a. •) MS. .9. *) MS. .i. c. 74 F. N. EOBINSON, duaibhsech d[o]ibli ') ina lulias, 7 docuir sin iath dubh, duaibhsech, doaitlieiinta orra, 7 docuadur isna rechtaibh-sin a cenn diuice na Liiiiibairdi. Doraid Gjä: 'Is fada tanaf? cugud a crichaibh na fer ngorm", ar-sé, '7 docuala nach fuil sa doman lam is ferr na do lamh, na diuice is mó couach na tu. 7 Tug me cugud in t-aeneacli is ferr isin domun co liimlan da reic rit, 7 ni fuil do lucht acht mad penlocht .i. nach fuilngeim si ara da glacad acht an t-ara ata riam aga rognatugudh '. *Ca-) [329a] h'ainm tu-sa?' ar an diuice. 'Gibun Marcel m'aiiim", ar-se, '7 Seoirsi in gilla'. ' krochen fur torachtain cugum', ar an diuice, '7 dob ferr iium na iiinuul maithesa co mbeth in t-ech-sin agum in uair far- gabus in braighi iil agum. uair da mbeth ni rachadh Sir Gyi 0 Berbuic as le luas a eiclr. 'Cia hi in braigi fil agud?' ar Gyi. 'Sir Tirri, mac iarla Aimbii', ar-se. 'In fuil se agud?' ar Gyi. 'Ata CO derb', ar an diuice. 'Is truagh gan misi farit-sa isin uair-sin', ar Gyi, 'uaii' domuirbfinn co-^') mitrocar in mac-sin', ar-se, '7 ni diugnuind braigi de, uair romarbh Sir Tirri der- bi-athair dam-sa ', ar-se. ' 7 Tabur si cúimét na braigid-sin dam- sa, uair is me nach dingna troccaire dó'. Is ann-sin dothug diuice na Lumbairdi eochracha an prisun do Gyi. Imthusa Gji iar-sin, docuaid isin prisun pennuidech i n-aroibi Sir Tirri, 7 fochtuis scela de cinuus robiii. 'Cia thu-saV ar Tirri. 'Is misi G^'i 0 Berbuic', ar-se. 'Is olc ataim-si mur-sin', ar Tirri, "uair robui siiil i'e m'furtacht agum bhuaid-si coruigi anois, 7 gideth is mesa Hum tu-sa do beth isin guasacht a fuilidh na me fein', ar-se. Robi'ii Lumburdach do lathair ag eist[e]cht risin comradh- sin. Adubairt an Lumbardach: 'A Sir Gyi', ar-se, 'ni fuicfe tu-sa in prisun-sin co crich fur mbais'. Doraidh Gyi: 'Déna dethrún orum', ar-sé, '7 dogebuir ilimud óir 7 innmusa buaim'. Dodiult an Lumbardach sin do gabail 0 Gyi, 7 rogluais roime d'innsin seel dou diuice, 7 rolen Gyi é, 7 robuail builli nert- calma dou eochair arracht[a] iarnaidhi robui ina laim fair, 7 torcair marbh gan anmaiu, 7 dothoit se a fiadhnuse in diuice. Doraidh in diuice: 'Toitfir fein isin ngnim-sin, a treturaigh fhallsa', ar-se. Doraidh Gyi: 'A tigerna', ar-se. "ni fedar-sa gur misdi a marbadh, uair robiii se ar li Tirri do goid asiu prisun. ') MS. obscure. ') Ca repeated in MS. ') CO- written indistinctly above the line in MS. THE IRISH LIFE OF GUY OF 'WABWICK. 75 7 tug roga bidb 7 dighi na catlirach do'. Adubairt an diuice: 'Is coir roniarbuis é', ar-se, '7 dobermiiid cairt do sidha duit festa'. Docuaidh Sir Gyi sin prisun. 7 doscáil na geim- [329 b] lecLa glaisiaraind robin fur Tirri, 7 tug a lorda?tliain bid 7 dighi do, 7 adubairt ris: 'A Tirri', ar-se, ' imigh roniliud a n-urrthosuch na baidhci anocht a cenn iarla Aiiuistir, 7 an rium-sa ann; 7 masa thoil le Dia é, is gerr co mbet-sa 7 Uisin, ingen diuice na Lobeine, f arit aun '. Mar-sin an aidhci-sin do Gyi, 7 adubairt diuice na Lumbairdi re hingin diuice Loren: 'Ullraaigli tu, a a baiimtigerna', ar-sé, 'uair dogéutur ar n-aitlifreann pósta amarach, uair ni riarais acht cairdi da la dec gan do pósudli, 7 tangadur chena'. Adubairt Uisin: 'A tigerna', ar-si, 'dodén-sa do thoil-si air-sin'. Dala in diuice docLuaidli roime fan furais firalaind fasaigh do raarbadh muc 7 agh 7 ainmindti a n-oircill na baiimsi iarna marach. Docuaidh Gji in tan-sin mar a roib an bainntigerna, 7 adubairt ria co suilbhir, solasach: 'A rigan', ar-se, "an tabraid aithne orniV 'M tabraim', ar-si. 'Is misi Sil- Gyi 0 Berbuic ', ar-se. Adubairt in righan : ' Nirb é-sin iath docunnac-sa ar Gyi', ar-si. 'uair is é rob aille don droing daena'. Is ann-sin rothaiselb Sii- Gyi coniurtha robui air don righain, 7 roaithin si é iarum. Doraid Sir Gyi: 'A righan', ar-se, 'fagh arm 7 eideth maith damh anocht, 7 do deoin Dia berud tu lium ona LumbardachaíM'; 7 tug si arm 7 eideth co hincleith cum Gyi. Dala in diuice ar maidin iarna marach docuir se Uisin ar mul glegeal docum an tempaill. 7 Dolen Sir Gy iat fui'a sdét, 7 eideth daingeu, dobreoiti uime, 7 aii-m laeich ina laim, 7 dorug nrra, 7 adubairt: 'A diuice Otun', ar-se, 'is misi Sü- G5Í 0 Berbuic, 7 bidh fur do choimét festa, uair rofeUais teora fecht orum, 7 romarbhuis mo ridiri ar fasach na crichi-so '. Is ann-sin roshailh Sir G3Í slegh co sanntach, sarcalma tri curp in diuice, 7 tue beim cloidim do iarum, 7 roben a cenn de, 7 doscoilt co- ruigi a imlinn e. 7 Tug cenn in diuice leis, 7 docuir ingen diuice na Lobheine ar culaibh') Gailiard, 7 rofhagadur an cathair mur-siu. Dorugadur Iseich hinarrachta na Lumbairdi forra, 7 adubairt brathair [330 a] don diuice: 'A Sir Gyi', ar-se, ' is f elltach romarbhuis diuice na Lumbairdi, 7 is olc an lesugudh thii fein ann'. Adubairt G^i: 'Ni ferr duid na ligeu in coniiir do ceimniugudh, uair rotuill in diuice uaim-si co minicc a ') MS. ar a culaibh mth punctum delens under a. 76 F. N. ROBINSON, marbadlr. Eoiinpo Gyi re brathair in diuice, 7 roben a ceud d'aenbéim de, 7 romarbh deichnemar') ele dona LumbardachaíM') marsn ris, 7 lofagadnr in Lunibuird niur-sin. Anuair farchuir ingen diuice na Lobeine a hegla di, adubairt: 'Is truagh in gnim dodenuid na Lumburdaigli budesta .i. Tirri do marbadh co mi- trocar'. Adubairt Gji: 'Ni hegail leis ^uní', ar-sé. 'uair adubart- sa risin seigliler beth co maitli ris, 7 do dheúin Dia Ls gerr co faicfir-si é'. Docuadur rorapo iarum co cathraigh IMunntani, mur a roibi iarla Aimistir. 7 fuaradur Sir Tirri ara cinn aun, iarna fothrugudli CO firglan 7 iarna leighc.s 0 crechtaibli na cep 7 na cruadliiarann. Dala na Lumbardacli iar n-inipo dóibh 0 Gyi, do- cuadur docum in prisuin do marbadli Tirri. 7 ni fuaradur acht a ait ann. Is ann-sin dorugadur diuice na Lumbairdi annsa leglus'')(y) 7 rohannluicedli leo é. Conidh amhlaidli-sin docrich- naigli Sir Gy a cogud re diuice na Lumbairdi, 7 mur dodighail a ridiri. 3L Dala Sir Gy iarum, adubairt co rachadli se do lor- gairecht Sir Herout. 'Eachud-sa coic cet*) ridiri let', ar iarla Amaistlr. Dogluaisidur rompa iar-sin, 7 roinnradur 7 roairgedur gacli cathair 7 gacli caisteol dia raibi rompa do thigerntus diuice na Loblieine, co rangadur co cathair na Goirmisi mur a roibi iarla Aimbri; 7 rogab luth lanmör iarla Aimbri ar faiccsin a maic 7 Sir Gyi ina dhocum, 7 rothoit taisi 7 taimneoll faii- tri uille a luthaire. Is ann-sin docuir Sir Gyi cenn diuice na Lum- bairdi ar beinn cuailli eg crois cathrach ua Gormisi, 7 roghoii- cuigi Sir Gailiard, 7 adubairt ris: 'A ridiri uasail. firindigh', ar- se, 'doberim-si nuirusgalaclit mo sluaigh 7 a cennus duid, 7 her se cet'') ridiri lancalma let, 7 tabur braighdi cumum-sa«) a ngill re Heront'. Dala Sir Gailiard iar-sin, docuaidh roime sa Lobhein 7 robui aga milludh co mitrocar, 7 rogab ac coic'') caislein dec innti 7 secht**) n-iarlaigi 7 deiclinemar'') barun. Dorangadur na ') MS. .X. nemar. ') MS. Lumbumbardach'. ') 1. aniisa n-cgluis"! •) MS. .u. c. ') MS. .s. c. •) 1. cugum-sa. ') MS. M. ») MS. .7. ») MS. THE IRISH LIFE OF GUT OF WARWICK. 77 scela-sin cum diuice Loren, 7 rogab [330b] uamlian 7 imegla é, 7 docuaidh mur a roibb a sdibbard budbein, 7 doroine coumirle fris. Doraidh in diuice: 'Doniilledh 7 domorairgedb mo tigerntns", ar-se, '7 atait sluaigb 7 sarmuindter Gyi 0 Berbuic ac teebt do gabail ua catbracb ina fuilim orum; 7 cia is ferr dam dul ar ecli luatb 7 teitbem do denum, na anmain rem gabail na rem agabail?' Doraidb in sdibard: 'Dena mo comairli-si ', ar-se, 'mas ail let do les do denum, uair roboin Gyi 0 Berbuic a cenn do diuice na Lumbairde, 7 docuir sé in cenn-sin ar chuailli ag crois margerf catbracb na Goirmisi, 7 tug sé Sir Tirri mac iarla Aimbri les. 7 Uisin .i. b'ingen-sa fein. 7 Ni heidir cathugudli na comrug ris, 7 gebuidb se in domim masa') leis e; 7 fos atá ridiri calma, cosgurcruaidh da muindtir a laim agud-sa, .i.-) Six- Heront, 7 lig amach é a n-anoir Sir Gji, 7 na braigbdi uili marten ris, 7 tabur a maitus fein doibb, 7 moran ele marten ris. 7 Cuii* na braighdi-sin fein a tecbtarecbt cum Gyi d'iarraidli gras fair 7 d'fagbail cairti do sidba, uair is e Heront indera comiu'lecb is treisi isin domun fair .i. Sir Tirri 7 Sir Heront; 7 ata se fein trocureacb'. Adubaii-t diuice Loren: 'Mo bennacbt co bitburrlum ort', ar-sé, 'uair is maitb in comurle tuguis damb'. Dala diuice Loren iarum dosgail se a nglais 7 a ngeibinn dona braigbdibh uili. 7 tug doibb gacb uili maitb dar-benadb dibb 0 bee co mór, 7 ilimud da maitbus marisen ris. 7 Docuir iat docum Gyi, 7 roearb forra a maitli do denum 7 a sidb do cengul re Gjn ar gradb Dia. Ann-sin roinnis diuice Loren do Sii" Heront mm- romarb Sir Gyi diuice na Lumbaii-di, 7 mur tug se Sir- Tirri 7 Uisin leis, 7 gacb gnim ele dia ndernad. Ba binn le Sir Heront na scela-sin, uaii- ni roibi énfocul do sceluibb Gyi aigi 0 gabadb é fein co b*s na liuaire-sin. Dala Sir Galiard. rogluais roime cona se ^) cet ridiri CO cathraigb [331a] na Gormisi, 7 robi'ii Sir Gyi a n-oirecbtus an la-sin ar ind tulca re tiébb catbracb na Gormisi, 7 ni roibbi ina fan-adh ann acbt Sir Tii-ri 7 iarla Aimistir. Adubairt Aimistii': 'Is ingnáth lium ce biat na sluaigb ud', ar-se, 'uair mas lucbt cocaidb 7 coinglecca iad is rogar duiud atait siat, 7 racbud fein f ui- mo sdét ina comdbáil '. 7 Docuaidb iarum , 7 roaitbin se Sir Heront, 7 roferudur failti muiutreamail re cbeile. ') 1. masa ail lets? •) A. corrected from .s. ») MS. .s. 78 F. N. ROBINSON, Doraidli Sir Heroiit : 'A Aimistir'. ar-sé, 'guidliim tu. 7 aigill Sir Gjü damli d'fagliail cairti a sidha do diuice 0 Loren, uair is am buidecli misi de, 7 is na cuibhrinn docaitiun biadh 7 deocb, 7 nir cuir se glas na geibenn form, 7 ni fhuil enrét don ditb rem gabail na na mbraiged uili, 7 is mór ar n-edáil da taburtus'. Docliuadur rompa iarum a cenn G,yi 7 Tirri, 7 roiarsad uili ar Eenslighi sidli do diuice Loren, 7 rodii'ilt G3'i sin do tbabairt doib. Roeirigli Sir Heront ara gluinibh a íiadhnuse Sir Gjl 7 na boclit cet') ridiri nianvn ris, 7 roiaradur mur toclimare inoine iai'la 0 Berbuic le Sir G}-! conuigi. 34. Dala Sir Gyi iar-sin, robui se da ficliit^) la 7 aidhci ag luigbi le liingin iarla 0 Berbuic. A cinn na hainisiri-sin docuaid Gj'i la cbum f[i]adaigb, 7 romarbadh ilimud tiaigb lais an la-sin. 7 Ger bbi binn sin ui hann robui menma Sir Gyi acht ina duailchib budheiu, uair robui egla in duileman fair. 7 Eoba menniarc lai.s a lesugudh asa oige. Docuir Sir Gyi techta uadlia in tan-sin arcenn lohannes de Alcino^) .i. athair unemtba ei-side, 7 tanicc cuigi co prap. Doraid Gyi: 'A athar na;nitha', ar-sé, 'cuirini cuniairci m'annia ort, 7 eist ma faisidi co luath a n-anoir tri persann .i. Athar 7 Maic 7 Spiruta Na?m. Uair is inidha mo pecmni/i, nair co rimthar gainem mura 7 fér faithchi 7 duilli feda 7 relta an aigher ni dingentur rim na rocumdach a torcair lern do dhainibh 7 d'anmannaib indligtecha do gradh ill t-Sieghail-so d'faghail alluidh 7 ardnósa dam-fein do cur mo clua OS each, 7 gideth nir uiarbus a?nduine ar gradh Di'. Tiixit lohannes de Alcino: 'Dia ndernta a trian-sin ar gradh Dia, roba [334 b] buidech Dia dit, 7 domaithf edh do pecud duit '. Adubairt lohannes de Alcino; 'A Sir- Gyi', ar-se, 'dena mo comurle-si festa .i. coiméd na deich ') n-aithnighi rofagaib Crist a talani itir claruibh ag Maisi .i. tabur gradh dod Dia os cinn gach uili gradha a nim 7 a tala»«, 7 cetera; 7 sechain na peca/rf/i marbtha .i. dimus 7 ferg 7 leisgi 7 tnuth, druis 7 craes 7 saint 7 athim- radli; 7 bi co cenusa, umal, urnaightech, dercach, trocurech, buidh[ech], bennachtach'. Doraidh lohannes : ' Fechar let, a Gyi ', ar-se, 'mur fuaradur na nseim ata ar nim fla?7//emnus .i. drong dibh CO n-aine, co u-eirnuigthi, co n-oili[th]n, co fighlib, co coibh- sinaibh minca, co n-almsauaib imdha; 7 drong ele co pais, co pianad, CO purgadoir saghalta, co loscadh, co crochud, co n-aingcis gacha galair 7 gacha peine do gradh ísa'. 7 Adubairt lohannes: 'A Gyi', ar-se, 'tabiu' do choibhsena co glau, 7 bi umal do Dia, •) 1. inadaibh. «) MS. .XX. ^) Perhaps Dealcino, though the separation of the parts is supported hy the probable derivation of the name from 'Alcuin'. See p. 16, above. ') MS. .X. 6* 84 í'- N. ROBINSON, 7 bi tarcuisnecli imud fein, 7 bidh a fis agud nacli roibi ar seinnsir gan vecadh a parrtus acht tri huaire tri melladb in aibhirseora forra. 7 Docuiredh a parrtbus iat, 7 fuaradur inovan uilc isua talnumnuibh coitceuna 7 docbuadur a u-ifirnn iar-sin, 7 ni biat fein amain acht gacb ar geined uadba, no gnr fulaing Crist pais 7 pennuid diar slanugudb. A Gyi, ar-se, 'creid niur adubradar na bespail in •) ere .i. creid in t-sndia uilicumacbtach dorinde nem 7 tal«Hí; 7 creidb bhéos a n-ísa Crist do geineniliaiu 0 lluire ein ditb n-oigbe, ein lathar ferrda; 7 creid é docbennae sbil Aduim ar urbir in croinn cesta; 7 creid gur eirigb 0 mar- haihh an tres la iar u-indrud iíirrn, 7 co udecbadh fur des a atbar iaruni, 7 co tiucfa do figill bratba idir béoduibb 7 niar- laibh; 7 creid annsa Spiret Na?m 1 an treas parta na diacbta, 7 tuic beos curob »ndia treodata ann-sin e .i. Atbair 7 Mac 7 Spirat Nann; 7 creid toduscadb ferr udonuui 7 niathf?» na peccui/// 7 in betba sbntbain, 7 ciimtanus na nwm 7 na [n-ajingel ait a fuil betba ein bas 7 slainti gan galar'. 35. [335 a] Tar coimlínad da ficbet^) la do Sir Gyi a farradb a bancheile, robi'ii in aroile aidbchi 7 ingen an iarla, 7 a n-ucbt ar fuindeoig an t-sbeomra, 7 adubairt Sir Gyi: 'A Fbeilis', ar-se, 'atái-si torracb, 7 beruidh mac, 7 tabnr Roigbnebron fair, 7 budb maitb in mac e. 7 Tabraid do Sir Heront da altrum e. 7 A Fbeilis', ar-se, 'ni lia relta doci tii sa firmamint na duine torcbair lem-sa ar do gradh-sa; 7 da mad do grad Dia dodenuind sin dobetb se buidech dim; 7 dogén fogbnadb do Dia festa'. Adubairt Feilis: 'A Gyi', ar-si, 'dena-sa mainistreacba 7 tempuill 7 sepéil 7 droiccbid 7 oibrecha spiretalta arcbena, 7 deua tegh n-aidbedli do bocbtuibb in Coimdbe, 7 dena coninaigbi festa'. 'Ni dingen". ar Gyi, '7 racbud do sbiubal na tahnan rosiubail mo tigerna .i. ísa'. Tug Gj-i a cloidliem do Fbeilis, 7 adubairt re a coimét dia mac, 7 adubairt se nach roibi sa cruinne co comcoitcenn cloidem rob ferr na se, 7 rogerr a slegh, 7 dorindi lorg di. Doraid Feilis: 'Ata ben a talajH ele agud is annsa let na misi, 7 is cuicci trialla/>'.3) 'Ni fbuil', ar Gyi, '7 gideth ni anum co deimin gan imtecht don dul-sa'. 7 Ropogsud a ceile asa haitbli. ') 1. Miil? ') MS. ..r.K. *) MS. Itiall-, sliould the expausiou be ttiitUai? THE IKISll LIt-E OK GVY 01' WARWICK. 85 7 rotuitsit a naimneoll ') iaruni. 7 roeirigh Gyi iar-sin, 7 rogluais roiuie. 'Au imthecht rob ail let co deiniin', ar-si. "Is edh co derb', ar-sé. 'Beir leth iu faindi-so let' ar-si; 7 roglac Gji in fainne, 7 rogerr é, 7 rofagaibh leth iu faiune aici; 7 dorug fein iu leth ele leis de. 7 AdubairtGyi: 'Na créid co fuighir-sa bás uo CO fagair mo leth-sa don f haiuue '. Conidh amlaidh-sin docuir Gyi in saegal de. 36. Dala ingiue in iarla iar n-imthecht do Sir Gyi uaithi, dobi tri hi 7 tri haidhci ina seomra gan biadh gan colladh, 7 tug si cloidemh Sir Gyi cuicci, 7 rob ail [335 b] a ligen trithi budheiu. 7 Adubairt: ' Domuirbhlimi me fein', ar-si, 'acht muna beth a uaman oruni co n-aibéorthaigh comad e Sir Gyi domuirb- fed me '. 7 Docuaidh iar-sin mur a roibhi a hathair. 7 roindis do Gj'i do imthecht. Adubairt in t-iarla: 'Is dod derbadli-sa dorinde sé sin'. 'Ni hedh co deimin', ar Feilis, '7 ni feiceab-sa co brach é'. Dala iu iarla iar clos na scei-sin do, dothoit se a n-anmainne. 7 Docuir iarum arcenn Sir Heront, 7 roindis na scela-sin do. Doraidh Sir Herout co cuaLrtheochadh se in domun no co faghadh é. Eoimigh roime aris;', 7 nir fagaib tir dar shiubail riam fare Gyi gan cuartugudh; 7 docuartaigh an Roim do, 7 ni fuair a scela, 7 tarrla da ceile iat a cathraigh ele, 7 ni raithin Sir- Heront Sir Gyi^) iar n-athrugudh anma do .i. Séon Bocht aga gairm de, 7 a curp arna truailledh le treighinus, 7 a finnfed ar fas co fada, 7 nir lig se a aitline cum Heront. Tanic Sir Heront tarais a Sasanaib, 7 roinnis nach fuair enfocal do scelaib Gyi, 7 ba mór na nuallgartha doronsad na Saxanaigh a cainedh Gyi. Conidh i dichuma na Saxauac im Gyi, 7 lorgaii'echt Sil' Heront connici sin. 37. Imthusa Sir Gyi dorinde se oilirthi iumolta iu domun ^) CO cathraigh larusalem, 7 as-sin co h-Alaxanndria, 7 robi se teora [bliadhna^] a siubal na cathrach-sin. 7 Tarrla don tsebh amuigh don cathraigh senoir testa fair a[g] geran co domeumach. 7 Rofiarfaigh Gyi fochuin a dhobroin, 7 nir indis do. Adubairt •) 1. a taimneoU? -) MS. ar after Gyi. Perhaps we should read ar Sir Gyi, since aith- gnim may be followed by this preposition. ") 1. donminf Ci. p. 306 a, above. *) No space in MS. 8ß ' F. N. KO]tI\SON, Gyi: 'Guidim tu a hucht pais^i Crist scela d'iunsiu (ianili'. 'Dogéu budesta', ar an senoir. "larla Tonutas m'ainm', ar an senoir, '7 cristaidlie me; 7 tanic Craidliamar .i. ri Alaxandria cona niuindtir d'innrud mo criclii 7 mo oatlirach, 7 tugus-[s]a cath doibh, 7 robrises forra, 7 robamur aga marbadli co niitrocar coruigi') in cathraigh-so. 7 Dorindedur comnaiglii ceilgi oruinn [336 aj isin coillú//i ugud, 7 rofilladh-) oruind, 7 rogabadh nüsi 7 nia cnig mac dec, 7 romarbadh mo muindtir; 7 atamaid seclit^) mbliadna; 7 ni fuaramar ar lethdil bidh na dighi risin re-sin. 7 Bes bithbuau ata agan t-Sablidan doiii se -mvacAi festa comainm in h« dorugudli é gaclia bliadlina, 7 bid a muindtir uili faris aran festa-sin. 7 Docuaidh Craidhamur .i. tigerna na catliracli-so 7 a mac .i. Faber cum na fleidi-sin, 7 roiar Sodoni .i. mac an t-Sablidain er Faber cluitlii do imirt ris, 7 roimredur in cluitlii. Rogab ferg mac in t-Sabdain, 7 robuail dorn ar Faber, 7 adubairt Faber: 'Da mbeth fiadhnuse air, ni licfiud nvesonoir let', ar-se. lar na clos sin do Shodoni robuail aris e, gur doirt a full. Koferfgjaigedh Faber, robuail dar in cluithi ina cenn. 7 torcuir marbh gan anmain. Docuaidh Faber mur a roiblii a atliair, 7 roinuis sin do, 7 rotheithedur sa cathraigli-so, 7 ni rabadur acht tri la faris in Sabdan, 7 robui in tledli-siu se^) la da caithem. Dala in t-Sabhdain iar faghail fis báis a maic do, docuir teciita arcenn Craidliamar do suidhiugudh in gnima-sin air. 7 Docuaidh rigli Alaxanndria 7 a mac a coindi in t-Sab!idain. Adnbairt in Sabdan: 'A Fabeir', ar-se, 'is olc in gnim dorónuis .i. mo mac-sa do marbadli gan fochuin'. 'Ni gan adbur domarbus é', ar Fabér, 7 roiunis mur doroine in gnim-sin. Doraidh in Sabdan: 'Dober-sa da fichit"') la 7 bliadain do cairdi duit d'faghail fer comhruic, 7 ma treisi dot fer comruic-si dober-sa lesugudh ad litechus duit, 7 da toiti fer comhruic-si dober-sa bás duit-si 7 dot atliair, 7 boinfet bar tigerntus dibh'. Tangadur iarum coruigi in cathair- so', ar iarla lonutas, '7 adubradar") rium-sa co tibraidis m'anum damh fein 7 dem cloind da faghaind fer comruicc docoiscfedh comrac in t-Sabhdain dibh ; 7 mina fhagaind-sin doibh co tibradais ') coruiyi repeated in MS. ») 1. rofdladh. s) MS. .7. -) MS. .s. °) MS. .XX. ») MS. a. 'I TllK IKISII I. IKK OV iter isin comruc deii-sa do bail fein re hiarla lonutas'. Adubairt in ri: 'Doden-sa sin co craidhi maitli', ar an righ, '7 a fhuil do cime- daibli comdaingne do Cristadliaibh agum ligfed amach iat, mad duid-si bud treisi; 7 ni dingen cocadh ar Cristaidhi co cricb mo báis, mad let-sa buaidh in comruig úd'. Adubairt Gyi: "Fag-sa airm arrachta 7 eideth mar an cetna dam'. Adubairt in righ: 'Ata sin agum-sa, da fathaidh ') fer feramail, firarraclita da tiucfadh a n-imcur, 7 ni frith 0 fuaradur na fir aga rabadur has .i. luirech Ector maic Prim 7 a cloidem, 7 ceinnbert Alaxander maic Pilib c;i^ich'. 'Tabraidh cugum-sa iat', ar Gyi. Tugadh in t-edeth co Gyi, 7 docuir uime é, 7 is maith roail-) in trealam- sin do Gyi. Dochuadh iar-sin mur a roibh in Sabdan. Adubairt righ Alaxandria: "A tigerna', ar-sé, 'is ullum in fer comraic-si'. 'Dogebuir comrac mas«?', ar-sé; 7 docuiredh ar oileu iad do denum in comraic. Roathaigh Craidhamar na dee do nertugudh le Gyi .i. ilathgamain 7 Terragont. "Diultaim-si doibh-sin", ar Gj'i, '7 iaraim furtacht aran mac dorug in ogli nemheillnigthi, 7 rofulaing pais arson in cinid dsena'. Tanic Amoront .i. in t-athach a narrthaisc Gyi. Adubairt Gyi aga faicsin : • Is cusmaila in fer ud re diabul na re duine', ar-sé. Dosaitedur in dias-sin a comdail a cheile, 7 roferadur comrac feramail. furniata, fir- arrachta reroile, 7 robuail Amoront builli borbnertmur ar Gyi, 7 darindi [da n-ordainj^') don sdét robui fai, 7 tarda Gyi da chois. (337 b] 7 Dorinde in Sabhdan gen gaire aga faicsin-sin. Docomrac Gyi co greannmur, 7 tug builli d'Auiaront. 7 roscris in clogud curadach 7 in t-eideth arrsaid, ingnathach, 7 rogerr in dilat, 7 dorindi da n-ordain don ech, 7 tarrla Amoront ar lár, 7 dorinde rig*) Alaxandria gaire. Eoeirig Amoront co luath, 7 robuailsit a ceile asa haithle. 7 Robui tesbach teinntemail isin ló-sin .i. an la iarna marach tareis hv Eoin Baisti isin t-samrud. ') fathaidh. I am doubtful about this form. Is it 2 pi., = faighbliaidh, or of 3 sg. pass. = faighthe? (But faiyhthi occurs p. 340b.) ') For doail (taill), the preterite of ailim in the sense of 'suited, fitted'? ') No space in MS. The words are supplied form the passage which follows. ') The nominative rig, which is of course a mere spcUins:, has been noted above. See foot-note to p. 336 b. Tine IKISl! I.IKE OK (il'Y OK WAinVICK. 89 Adubairt Amoront: 'A treinfir', ar-se, '[tabair]') dam mur anoir do Dia fein ced dul sail usci dorn fothriigud'. 'Doberuind'. ar Gyi, 'da tugtiia in cedna dam aris, da n-iarainn é'. 'Dober', ar Amoront. Docuaidh in t-athacli annsan usci, 7 rofhothruic ann é, 7 roib ni de, 7 robui co feramail, firarraclita dia eis, 7 docomraicsit CO calma iarsin. Dogab tesfacli Gyi iarsin 7 roiar cet dul san usci. 'Doberuind', ar Amoront, 'dia tucta a fhis dam ce tu fein". 'Doberuind', ar Gyi, 'uair is misi Sir Gj'i 0 Berbuic' Adubairt Amoront: 'Berim-si a buidechus-sin rem deib, 7 tu-sa do cur cugum, uair is tii romarbli mo dias derbrathar 7 mo tigerna .1. in Sabhdan, 7 ar or in domun uili ni tibrainn ced dot festa.' Dobuail Amoront builli borb ar G}'! in tan-sin, 7 rotrasgair ara gluinibli e. Adubairt Gyi: 'Ar cumairci na Tri- noidi dam 7 Muire', ar-se, 'uair nir ed armo gluinibli doni ainn- deoin me riam roime-so.' Eoeirigh Gyi co grib, greannmur, 7 rosaitli cloideam co seitreach, sircalma a n-ucht Amoront, 7 tug fuindeog fhairsiu,-) firdomuin fair, 7 rosil a fuil co dasaclitach, 7 tarla ar lar e. 7 Docuaidh Sir Gyi san usci risin re, 7 ro- fothrnic ann e, 7 roibh a lordastliain de, 7 tanic as. Adubairt G3Í: 'Ni rabusa riam uair is mo mo nert na anosa-, ar-se; 7 is é fedh robui sin comruc-sin aga denum .i. deich n-uaire^) roim methon ké [338a] 7 a sé ina diaigh; 7 dotoit Amaront a crich an comraic le Gyi, 7 rob[e]n a ceuu de. Adubairt Craidhamar: 'A Sabhdain', ar-se, 'doci tii anois curub litechus ecoir dorindis ar mo mac-sa; min budh edh, ni leis doberthai buaidh in comliruic úd.' Adubairt in Sabhdan: 'Dogebuir-si cairt do sidha arason-sin, 7 lufachj-») h'esonora.' Conidh e comrac Sir Gyi ó Berbuic 7 Amoront conici. 38. Tangadur iarum tara n-ais co cathraigh Alaxanndria .i. in ri 7 iarla lonutas 7 Sir Gyi, 7 tucad a clann 7 a muindter!") uile cona n-uili maithus d'iarla lonutas, 7 docliuadiir iarsin co cathraigh an iarla. 7 Robiii Sir Gyi caeicis a farradh an iarla, 7 dothairg iarla lonutas ilimud maitliusa do Sir Gyi, 7 rodiult ') Xo space in MS. ') 1. fhairsing. ä) MS. has .db. huaire repeated. ') Xo space in MS. for the niissiug letters. ') MS. nuindter. 90 F. N. KOBIXSOX. fíj'i sin, 7 rofial) lamli ar initeclit. 7 dornaidli in t-iarla ai- föd ') foleth leis. Adubairt in t-iarla: 'Ar grad Crist', ar-se. 'innis dam-sa ce tlui bndiiein". 'Dodén', ar-se, '7 na liindisi do nech ele nie. uair is nie Gyi oBerbuic'; 7 rofliagaibh a bennaclit aigi a haitli. Initiis Gyi dorinde sé treiginus 7 irnaiglitbi 7 oilirthe i ngacli talrtwi da rimigli Crist, 7 ui dö labrus in sdair seal ele. 39. Dala Feilisi ingin iarla 0 Berbuic, iar n-imtheelit do Sir Gyi uaitlii, dorne si mac a cinn a hinniaiglii, 7 dobaistedh é, 7 tugadh ]\oiglinebron fair. 7 tucadh do Sir Heront dia oileamain é. L)ala Feilisi iar-sin, dorindedii niainistreacha 7 sepeil 7 detlioi- bredia le ar anmain Gyi 0 Berbuic. Dala Roighnebron a cinn a dha bliadan dec ni roibhi a Saxanaibh fer ocht nibliadan dec fa nió na se. Is anu-sin tainic long saidhbir fa cennaidacht isin crich-sin, 7 docuadur mar a loibi in righ, 7 tiigadur seoid uaisli dö do ciiid ced cennaigheclila do denum. Sir Heront imniorro, is aigi robui coiniét na cuanta don [t]a?ibli-) tlies do t-[Slijaxaii- nilih [iV.)S b] in tan-siii. 7 tngadur na cennaiglii-sin ilimud niaitlius do cinn a les do denum. 7 Docuadur co dunad Sir Heront, 7 docuncadur in macanili mernienniacli, niileta. mordhalacli aniesc in teglaigh. 7 fochtuid scela cuidli é. Adubairt Sir Heront: 'Is e Süd niac in enridiri is ferr taraill tabfi» riani .i. Sir Gyi 0 Bei-buic'; 7 nir cian iar-sin gur fagaibli in dunadli 7 robadnr foireim na luingi cennaigli dia eis isin catliraigli. Dogoidedar furenn na luingi Koignebron leo iar ngelladh slieod nasal dö da ndecliad se leo amach, 7 docuaidh leo mur-sin, 7 tucadur conia ele dona doirrseoraibh ara ligen amach leo. Docuadur ina luing. 7 roimgedur ronipa. 7 rogabsad cuan san Afraicc, 7 dobronnsad Koiglinebron do righ lui liAthfraice, 7 roindsidur gur mac do Gyi 0 Berbuic é. 0 roairigh Heront uiresbaidh a dhalta fair do- cuartaigh moran don doniun aga iarraidh, 7 ni fuair a scela. 7 tanic tarais iarum. Is ann-sin tangadur Lochlannaigh do gabail Saxan, 7 tue ri Saxan craidhail do maithibh a muindtiri teacht ina doclium, 7 itir gach nech da tanic ann tanic Sir Heront doshinnrud cona inuindtir ann, 7 rofer in rig failt[e] ris, 7 dorne les a comurli é, uair ni roililii ann-sin comurlech catlia dob ferr na se, na ridiri dob ferr hun no is minca roderbadh. Rogab ') f(jd repeated iu MS. ') MS. (tiblt with 110 s ipace for the ^ Till'. IlíISIl LIKE Of GUY OF WAUWICK. 01 tiiutli 7 furraod Moduiant .i. diuii'e Conuibal trit-sin. 7 Adubairt: •A tigeriia'. ar-se, "is olc in breath-siu dorugais oruinde .i. sinne do treigiu ar an treturach fliallsa, feilcerdach dorec mac a tigerna 7 a dalta ar becan fiach re cennaigliib". Adubairt Sir Heront: 'Is brég rocanuis. 7 doracliainn da suidiugiuili curob edh'. Do- '•aidh iu righ: 'Coiscidh da ceile', ar-se. Adubairt Sir Herout: •A diiiice Cornubal', ar-se, 'cuairteocha me in domun uili ag iaraidh [339 a] mo dhalta, muna fagliar nisa tusca é, 7 co cuirer a ceill do each curob imdergadh ecoir tugaisi dam; 7 a diuice Cornubal', ar-se, 'da fedar, cuirfed a aitbrechus súd ort fos'. Adubairt Sir Heront re righ Saxan: 'X tigerna', ar-se, 'cuir misi 7 mo uiuindtir, 7 ridiri oga Saxan marsen rum, in dream dibh aga fuil do chennach 7 do thuarusdal, do cur catha a n-aigi[d] na I.ochlannach'. 7 Nir cian iar-sin co ndechaidh Sir Heront do cur in catha-sin anaig/(//i na Loclilannach, 7 docuiredh in cat[li] les. 7 dobrised arna Lochlanuachaibh, 7 docuiredh a n-ár. Do- cuaidh Sir Heront iar-sin do lorgaireclit a dalta, 7 nir imdha tir isin doman nar iar se do, 7 ni fuair enfocal da scelaib, 7 docuiredh san Afraice é. 7 robui ag taistil in tiri-sin no cathrach moir rigii na bAfraicci, 7 robiii in tir uili na fasach, 7 robi in cathair ina lethfasacii, 7 fochtuis Heront fochuiu na cathrach do beth iua letlifasacli 7 in tir uili ina lanfhasach. Adubairt aroile fris 'Anibrail nertmur, nemtrocureach rogabh in tir-sin uile acht in cathair-si amain, 7 ata se sei anosa a gabail na cathrach-so acht mina beth enridiri óg, anssmur, ata innti aga cosaint co calnia'. Dala Sir Heront dono ag dul on luing do, 7 taria in Turcach robiii a gabail na crichi fair, 7 rogab e cona muindtir, 7 robui secht ') mbliadbna ina chim -) crapailti, cruadhcuibrigthi, 7 ni roibi enfocul do scelaib Roighnebron aran fedli-sin. Conidh i cimiacht Sir Heront isin Afi-aic connici-sin. 40. Dala Sir Gyi 0 Berbuic, iar ndenum oilirthi inmolta in domun 3) do, dosmuain irapo tarais dia thir dhuthaig, 7 aroile la dia roibhi se ac siubal na Lumbairdi tarrla duine doim do ac diucaire io bun croisi. 7 Rofhiarfaigh G.yi fochuin a gerain don doim. Adubairt an doim: 'Ní fuil feidhm ar mo sc[eljaibh ■) MS. .7. -) 1. chime. ') For domun in the gen. sg.; cf. p. 306 a. foot-note. 92 F. N. HOBINSON, agud', ar-se. 'Iniiis a n-anoir do Dia danili'. ar Gyi. '7 doher digeann mo coniurli duid'. ar-se. 'Ineosad co fir', ar Tirri, 'uair is misi Sir Tirri, niac iarla na Goinnisi', ar-se. '7 Tughus cath 7 ') da ceile 7 Berard [339 bj .1. diuici na Lumbairdi, 7 do- brised forni-sa in cath, 7 docuii-edh är mo muindtiri, 7 dogabadli [nie]!) fein, j ataim secht') nibliadlma a lainr, ar-se, 'a cathraigh an impir, 7 adiibliairt cacli a coitcinne co roiblii an ecoir agan iniper gum cunnmail-si am cime na catliraigh. larna clos-sin don imper, roordaigli se misi do ligen amacli ar ordugudh d'airiglitlii .i. fer coniruicc d'fagail as ufucht fo cenn da mis 7 l)liadlina; 7 da toiti in fer comruic-si ann-sin, bas d'imirt orum fein 7 mo tigerntus do beth ag diuice na Lnmbairdi; 7 da mad treisi dom fer comraic-si, m'auum d'faghail dam, 7 mo tigerntus do tliabairt danili: 7 ni fliuil isin domim wnduiue is ferr lamh na diuice na Lumbairdi, 7 is é is treisi agan imper, 7 is é is [sjdibard aigi, 7 ni liincomruic misi ris. 7 Eobui cara cairdemail agum tug fa dhó 0 bás me .i. Sir Gyi 0 Berbuic 7 ataim da mi 7 bliadain aga iarraidli a cricliuibh Saxan 7 a moran d'oilenaibh ele in domun, 7 ni fliuarus enfocal da scelaibh frisin re-sin; 7 rogoidedli in t-a?nmac robui ag Gyi 0 Berbuic. 7 Ata Sir Herout aga lorgaireclit ar fud in domain, 7 ni faglithar scela cecht[ar] acu; 7 is iat-sin mo scela-sa', ar Tirri. Adubairt Gyi: 'Eachad-sa let a cenn an imper ', ai--se, ' 7 ca fis nacli dinghnad mo comurle ort?'; 7 rogluaisidur rompa asa liaitlili. 7 Adubairt Tirri co roiblii ailges codalta'') air. 7 adubairt Sir Gyi: 'Codail 7 cuir do cenn am uelit-sa ', ar-se. 7 1 )ocuir Tirri a cenn a n-uciit Gyi, 7 rotuit a thoirrtim fair, 7 docunnuic Sir Gyi cusmailius coluim no esoigi a ndatli glegel ac techt as bei Tirri 7 a dul asdech a poll talma« a carraicc comdaingin cloichi ar t?ebh cnuic adhbul- moir; 7 tainic in betliadhacli tharais iarum, 7 docuaidh se a mbel Sir Tirri, 7 roduisigb Tirri asa cliolludh. 7 Adubairt: 'Is truagh donte docum nem 7 tal««* nach fuil in us docnnnuc na firindi". "Cred í sin?', ar G\-i. 'Docunnac', ar-se, 'mur dorachaiun fein 7 Gyi 0 Berbuic annsa cnoc iid dociid ar do comair, 7 co ') Omit 7? Or add coiidann^ ') MS. indistinct. ») MS. .7. ') Expansion uncertain. I have adopted the common form of the genitiye, but the abbreviation in the MS. seems to indicate a form with U, perhaps collata. THK lUISH LIKE OF GUY OF WARWICK. 03 fiiijilniiis uaim domain, [340 a] dorclia ami, 7 dragfun na cliolludli innti 7 a bod ina bei é a mod comi)ais, 7 cloidem ciuiidaisli astigli ina lar, 7 ilimud oil- ina timchiU'. Adubairt G}ü: 'Each- maid da fechain-sin', ar-se; 7 dorug G.yi eolus mur a ndechaid in bethadhacli gel isin cnoc 7 docuaid astegh ') ann, 7 docunnuic in draguu na colludh 7 in cloidhem na lar. 7 Docuaidh Gj'i co beodha do leim ar lar in draguin, (7) tue in cloidhem les. 7 adubairt se-) Tirri: 'Atamaid anvn a terci loin', ar-se, '7 tabur ni don or let'. 7 Docuaidhar amacli asin uamaidh iar-sin, 7 tug an cloidhem asan truaill alainn oir, 7 adubairt: 'Ni fuil sa cruinni cloidhem is ferr na so'. Adubairt Tirri: 'Ni fuil acht tri mili buain cathair in imper', ar-se, '7 eiigem innti'. Docuadur iarum co dorus na catbrach, 7 adubairt Tirri: 'Ni ligenn an egla dam fein', ar-sé, 'dul sa cathraigh anocht, 7 anum annsa tegh osta bec-so don thieib amuigh don cathraigh'; 7 doronsat amlaidh. Adubairt Gyi ar maidin iarna marach: 'Racud-sa cimi aithfrinn', ar-se, '7 an-sa ann-so co tiger-sa cugud, a Tirri', ar-se. 7 Docuaidh Gyi don tempull, 7 roeist aithfrenn, 7 do- chuaidh aran conuir arcinn in n-imperi, 7 dorin^) umla do, 7 roiar derc aran imper, 7 adubairt: 'Len dom palas me', ar-se, '7 bidli ar do cuid ann, 7 dogebuii' derc'. Dala Gyi iarum, do- cuaidh se CO palas an imper, 7 fochtuis in t-imper de: 'In nderrnais moran oilir[th]i?' ar-se. 'Doronus', ar Gyi, 'uair ni fuil oilirti inmolta isin domuu nach derma', ar-sé. Adubairt in t-imper: "In cualais imrad orum-sa isna crichaibh-sin ? ' ar-se. Adubairt Gyi: 'Docuala-sa maith 7 olc da rada rit ', ar-se. 'Créd é fochuin uilc do rad rium?' ar-se, 'uair is coir maith do rada rium '. Adubairt Gyi : ' Sdibard uaibrech agud .i. diuici na Lum- bair'di do gabail iarla Tirri, 7 do buain a thigerntuis de, 7 tu-sa arna fulung-sin 7 arna métugudh leis'. [340 b] Adubairt diuice Berard: 'Tuingim fan a?udia', ar-se, 'gui* fhoibres do gabail ar [h']^) ulcain 7 fliiacla do crothadh a t'ucht'. Adbert Gyi: 'Doberim-si mo briathar da nderrnta-sa sin co mbuailfind-si mo sgripa 7 mo lorg ar aenslighi a firmullach do chinn-si, no^) lei- cinn hincinn trit c'oicinn'. Adbert in diuice: "Dobadh ferr ') MS. astegh istegli. ») 1. re. ') 1. dorinne. *) MS. indistinct. ') 1. no co'i 94 F. N. noniNsoN. liniu na mor do maithus in (loniun co mad nech aderadh sin rium doracliudh da suidiugudli cugum'. Adubairt Gyi: 'Do- r[ach]amn-si da suidiugudli ort', ar-se, '7 ag siud mlie fein a laim an inii)er a ngell re coniall in coniruic-sin ar maidin amarach', ar-se. Is ann-sin docuir diuice na Lumbairdi cor 7 slana air fein co til)radh comlirug don oilirtech ar maidin iarna maracii. Mar-sin doib an aidlici-sin. Roeii-igli Gyi a nuiclia na niaidni moclislioillsi, 7 roiar eidedli aran iinper, 7 fuair a lor- dliffitiiain airin 7 eidedh, 7 dorug in cloidliem fuair san uaniaid fan dragun leis. 7 Kobadur 0 noi 1) mbuilli don clog co dub nél dorcha, doeolais na liaidhci ag ledairt 7 ag lanbualadh a ceile. 7 Rogab in t-imper comosudli comraic eturra, 7 docuir in t-imper Sir Gyi da coimét co seomra a ingine. 7 Adubairt leigis 7 lesugudli do deuum do. Adubairt diuice na Lumbairdi rena muinntir: 'Xi fuarusa riam conirac roba doilgi liuui na comruc an lin aniugir, ar-se, '7 ata egla in ];(■ amaracli orum, 7 is truag dam', ar-se, 'gan a beth do conigad agum nech ecin domillfed an t-oilirtecli ud anoclit inniis nach fuighthi cum comraic amarach é'. Adubradar drong do gíeltaibh in diuice co ningendais fein sin. Dala Sir G\i, iar fotlirugudh do, 7 iar caithem a choda, rocoduil asa liaithle, (7) rogoidhedh cona lebaidh é, 7 robui an lau nnira fái in ngrianan in uair-sin, 7 sruth [341 a] ruadh ro- barta fái ag imthecht amach isin muir, 7 peileir primarrachta a cunnmail in grianain a n-airdi os cinn na mara, 7 rotilgsit Sir Gyi risin srutli-sin Dala Sir Gyi iarum. rofuadaighedh a n-aigein e, 7 roduisigh sé asa colludh, 7 roeirigh na suidhi ara lebaidh, 7 rofhech osa cinn, 7 roataigh Dia co dichra da furtacht. 7 Adu- bairt: 'A tigerua', ar-se. 'ata a fis agud nach do chinu luaigh- echta''') 7 nach d'fagail airim docuadus do comrug, acht d'furtacht mo carud on ecoir doronad air; 7 a thigerna. gab agum', ar-se. Is ann-sin doconuic Sir Gyi an luingin iascaid ina docum, 7 fochtuid scela de. Adubairt Gyi: 'An cualabur', ar-se, 'luagh') aran duine nibocht dorinde comrucc aniug a catliraigh an iniper?' 'Docualamar', ar-siad, '7 robo maith a maisi do é'. 'Is misi doroine sin', ar Gyi, '7 rofelladli orum am cholludh 7 ni fedur cinnus docuiredh ann-so me, 7 a n-anoir Dia tabi-aidh cabuir ') MS. .9. ') 1. luaighidhcchta. ') 1. luadh. THE IRISH MKE OF Gl'Y OF WARWICK. 05 orum'. Dorug in t-iasgaire Sir Gyi isin luiiig- leis. 7 dorug- da tigh fein lie auusa [cajlliraigli, 7 dorinne fothrugudh fair. 7 tucc biadli 7 deoch do, 7 tue air suan 7 sinoUadh do demim ar imdhaidli uasail. oiiedlia. Dala in diuice iarum. roeirigh amaidin iarua niaracli. 7 doiar comruc, 7 ni frith in oilirthecli a n-neninadli, 7 aduliairt in sdibard: "Is teithedh doioine an t-oilirtech', ar-se. Docuir in t-iniper teclita niur a roibi a ingen d'iarraidh in oili- thrigli, 7 ni f uair a scela aici. Adubairt in t-imper : ' Is e diuice na Lunibairdi ro furail in duine bocht do milludli'. ar-se, '7 doberini fom breithir niina faghar é co tiur bás dorn ingin 7 don diuice'. 7 Adubairt in diuice nach é fein roordaigh a milledli, 7 CO rachadh da suidliiugiid nacb roibhi cuid do ann, 7 co rachadli ina diaigh-sin faris in Sablidan da digailt aran iniper breg air. Is ann-sin adubairt G3'i risin iasgaire: 'Iniidh', ar-se, 'mur a fuil in t-imper, 7 fagh do breath fein uadha do cinn ma scél-sa d'inusin do'. Teit iarum in t-iasgaire mur a roibh in t-imper, 7 roinnis scela do, 7 ba luthairech leis na scela-sin d'fagliail. 7 Dorugad iarum G3'i mur a roibi in t-imper, 7 tucadh a trealadli comruic do, 7 rocomraic [341b] risin diuice, 7 dothoit in diuice la Gyi a furcenn in comruic. Docuaidh techta mur a roibhi iaria Tirri, 7 adubairt ris: 'Is truagh duid in comrac is calma dorindedii sa domun riam aga denum a n-éncathraigh rit, 7 gau til aga faicsin'. Docuaidh Tirri itir each d'fechain in comruicc- sin, 7 ar marbadh an diuice la Gyi, docuir se aii', 7 adubairt: 'ilina betli an ecoir agud', ar-se, 'ni fuil sa domun senduine dotiucfad beo od comrac'. Doraidh: 'A tigerna imperi', ar-se, 'tabur a cert fein d'iarla Tirri festa'; 7 tugadh Tirri co lathair, 7 tugadh a tigerntus do, 7 sdibardacht an imper, 7 cairt a sidha, 7 robui Gyi tamall fare liiarla Tirri. 7 Dorug Gyi Tirri leis mili ceimenn on cathraigh, 7 adubairt : ' Tirri ', ar-se, ' in n-aithnigheun tii me? ni aithnighenn tu me?' 'Ni aithnighim', ar Tirri. 'Is mi.si Sir Gj'i 0 Berbuic; 7 is me romarbh diuice Otun ar do shon-sa; 7 is me romarbh na coic*) ridiri dec an uaii- fa fuarus a rieht mairb ar coill tii; 7 is me [romarbh] ^) in cethrar ridiri robui gud breith-si dod milliudh a cenn diuice Otún'. Adubairt TÜ-1 i : ' Is tu ', ar-sé, ' 7 tugus baramail dod mareaighecht in uair robaduis a comrac re diuice na Lumbairdi'; 7 ropogadui- a eeile, ») MS. .M. ") No space in MS. 96 r. N. RotíiNso>f. 7 rotuit in t-iarla a n-anmaiime ianiiii, 7 loimigh Oyi iarum. Dala iarla iniiiiorro, robui caiiúdliis ina slieomra gau biadli, gun dip:h, o-aii cliolladh. 7 rofiarfaigli a bauceile focliuiu a dobroin. Doi-aidli in t-iarla: '8ir Uyi 0 Berbuic', ar-sé, 'robui a riclit oilirtliigli am farradh, 7 is [e] <) romarbh diuice-) na Lumbairdi ar mo son, 7 fuaii- mo tigerntus dam, 7 au la roimigh buaim tug deimin a seel damh. 7 ni ba buan mo betlia dia eis'. 'Truagh duid gan a cunnmail agud', ar an riglian. Conidh i cuair|t] Sir Gyi fare iarla Tirri conicci. 41. Dala Gyi iarsiii docuaidh roime a Saxan, 7 fodituis scela ca roibli cing Caulog .i. ri Saxau. Adubairt aroile fris co robhi in ri a Fuindsistuir'. 7 ata righ Loclilaimach ar techt do gabail Saxan, 7 tri íichit^) mili ridiri maraen ris; 7 ata athach agarb, aniarmurtach ami; 7 docuiredur na Lochlannaig 7 na Saxanaigh a cert 7 a coir ar coralunn deisi, 7 is e in dull du[b]. [342 a| duaibsech, diablaidi-sin tic ona Lochlannchaibh cum in comraic; 7 ni faghter a Saxanaibh fer a dingmala, uair ni fuil isin talmain fer a coisc. 7 Is uime-sin is ecin dona Saxanachailih umla do thabairt 7 eis cinnti do thabairt dona [Loch]lannacbaiblL 7 Ata rigli Saxan, 7 espaidh, 7 diuicidli, 7 iarlaidiii 7 luclit gaclia dana archena ina troscad tri la ar arau 7 ar usei, 7 iad a guidi in a'udia docum nem 7 tal«)» fa fer coisgi Colobroin d'fagail doibh; 7 is iad-sin scela na crichi-so', ar an t-oglach. Tainic Sir Gyi co Fuindsistair. Aunsan aidhchi iarum tainic aingil cum an rigli, 7 adubairt ris: 'A tigerna', ar-se, 'eirigh co moch amaracli docum an tempuill, 7 boclit De dogebuir ann abair a n-anoir paisi Crist comrug Colobron do cose dit'. Roeirigh in righ immorro co moch ar maidin cum an te[m]paill-sin, 7 fuair Sir Gyi a croisfighill ar belleic*) in tempaill ag edurguidhi in duileman. Beannaigus in ri do Gyi, 7 rofreagair Gyi sin co humal 7 fecus aran righ, 7 doni umla do iarna aithne, 7 loiar derc fail'. Adubairt in ri: 'Dogebuir', ar-se; '7 tabur-si athcuinge dam-sa'. 'Da rabh aguni', ar Gyi. 'Coisc comrug Colobron dim-sa', ar-se. 'Ni hathcuingi enesta dam-sa sin do iaraidh orm', ar Gyi, 'air is am senoir anbanu, anarrachta nié', ar-sé. ') MS. 7 t is. ') Ma. .d. diuice. >) MS. .xx. *) Perhaps ar bei leic? I am not sure what part of the church is meant. beilleac occurs iu Egan O'Kahilly's poems in the sense of 'tombstone' (of. THE IRISH LIFE OK GUY OF WARWICK. 97 Is ann-sin roleig an ri fora gluinibh é, 7 maithi Saxan marsen lis itir cill 7 tuaitli, 7 roguidhedur uili Sir Gyi im Colobron do cose dibh. Gabus aduaire in bithuasal man ngreasacht tugadur na Saxanaigli fair. Adubairt iarum Gyi co rachadh se cum an coniraic-sin a u-anoir ísa, '7 faghaidh trealam comruic dam'; 7 tugad ilimud eide//i, 7 dobrised asa ceile re crothadli [342 b] gacb eidetli dib. 7 Adubairt Gyi: 'Tabraidh eideth Sir Gyi 0 Berbuie cucum", ar-sé, 'uair ba companacb dam-sa é, 7 toiledh a eideth dam, 7 ') ^^ taisgi aga mnai; 7 na fágaidh in cloidliem CO braclr. Tugadli trealam gaisgidh Sir Gyi co lathair, 7 dogabli in senoir uime é, 7 dochuaidh a uglaic dilaiti in sdeid co socair gan necli ele aga cunnmáil do. 7 Ba maclitnugudh mor lesua Saxanacliaib febus na hergi dorinne in senoir isin dilait 7 truime in trealaim robi'ii uime. 7 Docuaidli roime co latliair in comliruicc, 7 rotuirriing anu, 7 roleig ara g[l]uinibh é, 7 roaigli'-) Dia co duthraclitach, 7 adubairt: 'A Tigerna', ar-sé, 'mata in coir agum, sier on guasacht-so me le da mirbuilibh mora fein, mur dosluérais Enóg 0 bás, 7 Isác on cloidem, 7 losebh on prisun, 7 pupul Maisi on Eigipte, 7 Duid 0 Golias, 7 Subhsanna on cair breige, 7 Dainial 0 log na leogan, 7 Abacú on gorta, 7 Lasurus 0 bas. 7 lonas a broinn in mil nioir, sser misi, a Tigerna, le da trocuire moir fein mur-sin', 7 cetera. 7 Docuaidli Sir Gyi fura sdét iarum, 7 docliuaidli a coinne Colobron, 7 dorünsud comruc feithfhuilech, fergacli, firneinmecli re liedli 7 re hathaigb. Tug Sir Gyi satbad sanntacb, sarcalma slegbi ar Colobron, 7 robris in t-eideth dubullta robui uime, 7 tug crecht crolinnteach, comurthacb air fein. Tug Colobron beim bitbnertmur do Gyi, 7 rotrascaii' é, 7 roeirigh Sir Gyi co prap, 7 robuail builli cruadh- nertmui- cloidim ar Colobron ina gualainn, 7 tug cnedh domain fair iar ngeiradli a eiiedh. Tug Colobron beim bitbnertmur ina cenn, 7 rogerr na clocha brigmura buadha robui ina ceiunbeirt, 7 roscris in buill-sin co talma/H, 7 nir der[gj3) fair, 7 dobrisedh cloidhem Gyi don dubbruathar-sin. Adubaii-t Colobron: 'Tabair tbu fein festa", ar-sé, 'uair ni full nert do cosanta agud iar mbrisedli do cloidim ; 7 tabraid Saxanaigh 7 ^) eis 7 cain dona Fr. Dinneen's glossary.) According to the Middle English versions the pilgrim is found not at church, but at the north gate of the town. ') ata, or some equivalent expression, omitted? ') 1. ataig^ ») Omit 7. Zoitjchrift f. cell. Phllologio VI. 7 98 F. N. ROBINSON, Lochlannacliaib co fiiin'. [343 a] Adubairt Gyi: 'A Colobroin', ar-sé, 'ill feicenii tii-sa ridiri lancalnia ag techt le liarmaibli cucuni ? ' Fechuis Colobron secha do thoirmesc na n-arm do ligen CO Gyi. Is ann-sin do ritli Gyi cum iia cartach iua rabudur airin Colobrou, uair robiii cairt fo lan airm aigi, 7 rofuadaigh Sir Gyi biail bélletliaii este, 7 robuail fco] borbnertmur ar Colobron di. 7 robuail indera fecbt é. 7 rodiceuu fo deüidh. 7 doben a cenn de, 7 doriig in cenn leis a fiadhnuse in rig. Tanic in rig 7 maithi a rauindtiri 7 luclit uird na cathrach ina proseisiam a coindáil Sir Gyi, 7 rogab an righ ar laim e, 7 rofer failti fris, 7 dorug leis ar laim isin catliraigb mur-sin e. 7 Rotbair in righ a roglia diuiciacht a Saxanaib do Gyi. 7 rodiult Gyi sin do gabail, 7 roan sé tri lá faris in righ, 7 rogabh ced imthechta iarum 7 froimigb] ') roime asa haitlili, 7 docuaidh in righ ar fod fo leth leis. Adubairt in righ: 'A muidh De', ar-se, 'innis dam cé til fein, 7 ca tir duit'. Adubaii't Gyi: 'A tigerna', ar-se, 'da tugtha firinne gan mo scela di'nusin co cenn da flehet^) la, d'inneosaind mo scela duit'. Tug an ri in daingen-sin do. Adubairt in senoir: 'Is misi Sir Gyi 0 Berbuic', ar-se, 7 roscar risiu righ iarum. Conidh e comrug Colobron 7 Sir Gyi conici. 42. Dala Sir Gyi iarum dogluais roime co Berbuic, 7 fuair Feilis a ndorus an halla 7 da boclit dec aca ndil aici ar gradh Dia 7 ar anmain Sir Gyi 0 Berbuic. 7 Eoiar Sir Gj'i derc fur in righaiu mur gach mbocht ele, 7 rofiiecb Feilis fair, 7 tug toil 7 gradh dichra, dofulaing don t-shenoir, 7 nir aithin é. 7 Adubairt ris: 'Tarra lium don halla', ar-si, '7 dogebuir betha aniugh agnm-sa ann'. Docuaidh Sir Gyi don halla, 7 fuair anoir na righna, 7 fuair oirchisecht [.343 b] da meis budbein. Doraidh Feilis: 'A muidh De', ar-si, 'atai-si anbann, 7 ni hinaistir tu budesta, 7 an agum-sa gud bethugudh ar gradh Dia 7 ar anmain Sir Gyi 0 Berbuic'. Adubairt Sir Gjü: 'Co n-ica in firdhia furordha in anoir-sin rit-sa, a bainntigerna', ar-sé, 7 gebhud-sa in derc-sin uait, 7 rachad-sa fan furais-so reuar ta'bh", ar-se, 'd'atac 7 d'edurguidi mo Dhia 7 mo Duilemun, uair ni hiiiadh cradb«/(//i amesc morsluaigh; 7 cuirfed mo gilla gach hí' arcenn mo proiune sa cathraigh'. 'Dogebba tu-sa sin ") No space in MS. ■') -MS. .XX. THE IRISH LIFE OF GFY OF WARWICK. 99 CO craidhi', ar an cunndais. Dala Sir Gyi iarum docuaidli sé sau furais, 7 fuair ditreabach aim a ii[d]uiirtliecli ') ag edurguidhi an duileman, 7 robennaigli Sir Gyi do, 7 roiar pairt don duirrtecli air CO fuin an betha. Dercus in ditreabhach fair, 7 adubairt: 'Dom dóigh', ar-sé, 'robadhuis uair ecin 7 roba dil anora tu, 7 dogebuii- oired rium-sa dhe in fedh bus beo tú'. Dorug G]^ a buidechus-sin risiu ditreabach. Dorindi Gyi slexbtain co fliirluatli lar-sin. Dolabuii- in t-aingel osa cinn, 7 adubairt: 'A Gyi, ullmuigli til arcinn do tirna-) .i. in t-Athur Nenidha an t-ocbtmad la ó niúgh'. 'Deo gracias', ar Gyi. Mur-siu do co cend an t-ochtmad la, 7 docuir a gilla in tan-sin co Feilis, 7 adubairt Ms: 'Ber mo noi') mbennaclitad d"innsaiglii na bainntigerna, 7 ber leth an fainne-so niur comurtha cuici, 7 inuis di co fuigbii'-sa bás san uair-so; 7 abair re guidhi ar mo son docum Dia, 7 ticedb si do breit a nibethaidh orum'. Docuaidh in gilla co firluath co Feilis, 7 roinnis scela Gyi di, 7 tug leth an faindi di, 7 roaithin si é, 7 roaithin gurb é Gyi robúi a rieht duine ») aici is derthech. Dala na cunudaisi iarum rogluais roimpe ina reim roretha coruigi in derthach, 7 fuair-si Gyi sinti [344 a] ar ui'lar in dertaighi, 7 a aghaidh soir, 7 é ag fagbail na hanma; 7 ro- sgrech in rigan co rechtaicenntach 7 roger iar n-aitbni Sir Gyi di. Eofhech Gyi fur in righain, 7 docrap sé a cosa cuigi in tan-sin, 7 tug se builli uadha dibh co prap, 7 doben se cloch don urlar ag fagbail na hanm,'^) 7 ata feidm moirseisir a himcar ar bara. 7 Dochunnaic Feilis cusmailius coluim gleghil ag tiacht as bei Sir Gji 7 ag dul si'ias a fla!7/rNSON, or rich, landed chieftain in the west of Europe, that has not conceived a g^reat love for me, — as many of them as are in iinmari-ied and single state; and I have not granted the retui-n of his love to any man of them; and it is improper for thee, my servant and attendant, to think of taking me as wife". Felice said: '0 Guy', said she, 'leave me instantly; and it shall he upon pain of thy life, if thou return where Í am until the time of thy death.' Then Guy went to his chamber, and the increase of his disease and his sickness, lasting and grievous, grew upon him because of the answer of the fair woman; and he was lamenting and complaining and defying death, for he j)referred death to life; and he was reproaching and reviling love. It M'as then that Guy looked at the strong tower of stone where the lady was, and said sorrowfully and piteonsly: 'It is fair for thee, tower', said he, 'if only thou hadst reason, for fair is the sight that is within thee; and it is sad that I cannot get a glimpse of her with my eye.' The noljle baron, Guy's father, was sad because Guy was in such danger, and so likewise was his mother. And as for the P]arl of Warwick, he himself and all his company were full of grief and sorrow because Guy was sick. One day, then, Guy said in lamentation: 'I shall soon get my death from the sharp- ness of my love for the lad\', [p. il] if I remain long in this state; and Í will rather meet death at the earl's hands after behold- ing his daughtpi-, than be killed by love'. Then Guy went to the tower where the lady was, and gazed upon her, and fell straight- way unconscious; and he rose quickly from his swoon, and no one observed him in that state. And it was reported to Guy that the lady was in a secret arbor beside the tower,') and Guy went into the arbor, and knelt at the lady's feet, and begged her favor. And Guy said: "I have come to thee, lady', said he, against thy command, and I liave deserved to receive death, and have thou mercy upon me.' The lady refused him, and threatened him, and said: 'If the earl were to hear that speech, Guy', said she, 'he would put thee to death'. A\'hen Guy heard that he fell in a swoon and a fainting tit, and there never would have come to burial anyone who was fairer in form and countenance than he(?).2) The woman who attended upon the earl's daughter said: 'It is a pity, my lady', said she, 'for it is cruel, hard and merciless thou art with the gentle, kindly squire. And I give my word", said she, 'if I were the daughter of the emperor, and the high kingdom of the world in my power, I would not leave him there to get his death fi'om love of me without the .succor of gentle, sweet-sounding words.' Felice answered the girl: ') One indistinct wonl is omitted in the triinslation. ') 1 am not .sure about this sentence. THE IIIISH LIFE OF GUY OF WAIUVICK. 109 ■Raise Guy', said she, 'to a sitting-posture, and support biui against thy bosom and thy shoulder'. And the damsel did so. And Guy rose then from his swoon, and again addressed the lady; and she refused him, and threatened him on her father's pai-t, and told him that he would meet his death because he had addressed her. Guy said: 'Lady' said he, 'it is in thy power to put me to death, justly or unjustly, for it is fi-om thee that I choose to receive death', said he. And he fell in a collapse and a heavy swoon after these words. The lady seized him by the hand and said: '0 Guy', said she, 'I will not give my love to any man except to a knight surpassing in form and in fair figure, surpassing in speech and eloquence, surpassing in honor and wisdom, surpassing in deeds and in feats of war. And if there were any one like that, I would give myself to him'. Sweet were these words to Guy, and he quickly left the arbor, and went to his chamber, and put on his accoutrements for the tourney and the assembly, and went where the Earl [p. "28] of Warwick was. and he was made welcome there. Guy said: 'Gracious lord', said he, 'every good deed that I have ever done, it is for thee that I have done it, and every good deed that I shall do, it is for thee that I shall be pleased to do it; and do thou now give me the order of knighthood.' The earl said: 'I will give it to thee with good heart, and a great present besides. ' And then the earl made a knight of Guy after hearing mass on the Sundaj- of the Holy Spirit, and twenty were raised that day to the rank of knighthood as an honor to Gu}\ And the earl with his company prayed the one God who made heaven and earth that the choicest gift of grace and of knighthood should be upon Guy. It was then that Sir Guy, full of joy and love, went in his knightly armor to the daughter of the earl, and showed himself to her, and said: 'Lady', said he, 'understand that until now I have been in great suffering and duubt because of my love for thee, and it is for thee that I have taken upon me the order of knighthood.' Felice said: 'Eejoice not in being a knight in the hope of winning my love, for it is a young knight thou art without proof yet of bravery or deeds of arms. And if thou prove thy strength, both near and far, in battles and in conflicts, then I will do thy will. ' Guy thanked the lady for these answers, and went afterwards to his father and mother. and told them that he had taken order of knighthood, — ' and I shall set out to make a circuit of lands and peoples to prove my strength and my bravery'. The baron said: •Qm- blessing upon thy adventuie and thy success', said he; and his mother said the same. And thereupon Sicart called to him Sir Eront, a brave, victorious knight, and Sir Uront and Sir Uri. and told them to be 'three strong, brave picked men, and three pillars, manly and truly courageous, about Sir Guy to keep and protect him in the distant foreign lands in which he plans to go ; and guard 110 F. N. UOBINSON, hüll well.'') And the}' look it upon themselves to do their best for him. The noble baron put a full supply of food and drink into the ship with them. Thus far the illness and peril of Sir Guy of Warwick for love of the daughter of the earl, et rcli) Literally 'them'. The constniction changes. -) Possibly sé is the pronoun. Bnt if sé cnicis is to be taken together It means 'three months'. Culland is literally 'calends'. ' s) XLe exact sense of rcchtaiqenntach is doubtful. It occurs twice in the -Battle of Ventrj'': at p. 48, where Meyer did not translate it, and at p. 01, where he rendered it 'right courageous'. But the first element seems to me more likely to be recht, 'rage, fury'. Cf. rechthnith. EC. XXTT, "503 4^9 and recht, rechtmar in this text. (See the Glossary.! Furthers reference in 'Irische Teste' IT, 425, s.v. sirrechtach. üeiUchrift f. celt. Philologie VI. a 114 T. N. HOBINSON, and destruction ;it once.' It is thus tlie knight was [armed]: a slender, long spear in one hand, and a short, strange (?) ') jousting spear in tlie other. 2) And tliey spurred their horses one against the other, and Sir Guy passed under the long, sharjj-bladed spear which tlie knigilt iiad. and put a spear tlirough his side, and held him fast 3) on the spear. Sir Uuy leaped down, and seized the knight, and said to him: 'Ask mercy now, or thou shall get instant death.' Then the knight uttered a threat and made light of Guy's words. And the knight blew a fierce, mighty blast on the end of tlie liorn that was under his neck, and his followers came to him. Sir Guy said: 'I understand, knight, that thou art a traitor and a fratricide ', said he, "and now defend thj"self.' He spoke tlms, and bared his sword, broad-trenched and deco- rated,') and struck the knight a strong, bold blow, so that he drove the sword mightily through his heart, and the knight fell down dead, without life. The other ten hundred brave knights came on the field at tlie call of the horn, and they fought a hard, fierce figlit witli one another, and fiive liundred of them fell at Guy's hand before mid-day, and two hundred moi'e fell [p. S'J] after mid-day. and two hundred made off at full speed of their horses. Thus far the destruction of the Lombards by Guy. 5. As for [Guy], then. | ] and went to tlie land of Britaunj'; and there was an earl in Bntanny wiiose name was Earl Birri. '•) and he iiad a fair, unmarried daughtei', and she wislied no one for Iiusband but the clioice of the warriors of the wliole world. And tiic earl proclaimed «j a tournament of three days to be held by the brave kniglits of the world for his daughter; and three liundred bold, warlike French knights were coming to this tournament. As for Sir Guy. now. he maimed and wounded six hundred strong, valiant kniglits full readily on tlie first day. some of them on horses and some on foot. Then on the second day Sir Guy came to the tournament, and no man answered him (i. e. accejjted his challenge), and some of them said : ' He is the knight who slew [six hundred] warriors in Lombardy in a single day.' And they began to recount and to praise his deed and ') For the various applications of gremimur in tliis text see the Glossary. ') Literally, ' in his hand in his hand '. ä) docmmaibh = docongaibh. Cf. KC. XIX, 384. ') The various uses of cumurthach in this text are collected in the Glossary. As applied to a sword it might mean either 'decorated' or 'gashed, scarrred'. Cf. Meyer, 'Contributions', sub voce. '••) But cf. Vhiice 0 Birri, p. 30fib. He has no counterpart, so far as I know, in the I'l-ench and English versions. Cf. p, 13, above. ") 1 am doubtful about the source and exact meaning of craidhail. For the cases of its occurrence in this text see the Glossary. Is it a loan-word from French crier or its Middle English equivalent? 'Í'he Irish might also go back to 'trial' (OF. trial), substituting cr for tr as in Craxdhamar, 'Triamour', below. TITE IJiISH I.IFE OK (iüY OF WARWICK. 115 . his bravery, and they all refused to fight with Sir Guy on that day. And on tiie tiiird day Sir Guy came to tlie tournament, and challenged all the hosts before him to fight with him; and they all refused him. and set out thereafter for their own castles. As for the Earl of Birri, moreover, he sent messengers to Sir Guy with two horses, pure white and swift in action; and he offered Guy his daughter as wife with all his possessions be- sides; and he said there was no man in the whole world whom he would rather have marry his daughter than Sir Guy. Sir Guy thanked the earl for the honor of his offer, but he refused the maiden for tlie sake of the daughter of the Earl of Warwick ; and he said that in recognition of his offer he would serve the earl's jirofit and advantage in every difficulty he might be in. And Guy gave forty nobles of red gold to the messenger of the earl. Thus far the course of Sir Guy of Warwick in the mighty land of Britanny, et reliqua. 6. As for Guy, then, he returned to England, and went to the king; and the king and the nobles gave Guy a very fair welcome because of the greatness of his fame and honor in the distant lands where he had gone. Then the King of England gave Guy gold and silver and every treasure besides. After this Sir Guy went to the Earl [p. 3-1] of Warwick, and the earl with his followers paid honor to Sir Guj'. And thereu))on Sir- Guy went to the beautiful bower of Felice, and said to her: 'I have done many deeds of bravery and prowess for love of thee, ladj\ and in thy honor', said he, 'and now fulfil thy promise to me.' 'If I should do that', said she, 'thou wouldst do no more fair deeds of valor and of bravery ; and in truth thou shalt never be my husband unless thou win the prize of bravery and prowess from the knights of tlie whole world.' Sir Guy said: 'It is not likely that I should win that prize', said he, 'for there are many brave knights of good renown in the world, and it is hard to win the prize. Yet I will fall before them or conquer them. ' Then he went to his father and mother, and took leave of them, and both young and old were sorrowing after him. Thus far Guy's course in England. 7. As for Sil- Guy after this, he went on to Xormandy. And the King of France at that time had a young unmarried daughter, surpassing in form and figure ; and the King of France took an oath by the one God almighty that he would not give her to any man except to him who should bear the palm of bravery of the entire world. Moreover the king of France proclaimed a three days' tournament to be fought for his daughter upon the green of the castle in the presence of the kings; and whoever should be strongest among them, he should receive the maiden as his wife, along with all her possessions. Now the 8* ■ IIG F. N. HOBINSOX, son of the Duke of Birri came to this touruameut ou llie first day, and six bold knights were very quickly laid low before him. Then Sir Guy came to the spot, and he laid low the son of the Duke of Birri together Avith his horse at the first attack; and the followers of the duke's son quickly and courageously lifted him up, and put him on another steed, and he returned boldly and confidently to meet Sir Guy in the battle. As for those two worthy and noble knights, they broke their long, sharp-tipped lances on each other, and Sir Guy dealt the son of the Duke of Birri a mighty blow with his spear upon the top of his breast and his bosom, so that he threw him backward upon his saddle, and broke Ids long, slender, fair-thighed back with that blow, [p. 35] and he died instant!}'. And Sir Guy [challenged toj combat after this exploit, and every one refused him; and the hosts departed in every direction when Guy had Avon the victory in the tournament. The King of France offered his daughter to Guy as wife, and Guy refused her. 8. As for Sir Guy, then, he went to Germany, and he saw a great, noisy city before him, Bruges by name, and the rich, prosperous lord of that land was in the midst of his great retinue on the edge of the mai'ket-place with a numerous company. The fierce, strong lord of Bruges said: 'Sir Guy', said he, 'thou hast killed my brother without cause, and thou shalt die for it thyself.' Guy said: 'It was not without cause that I killed him, but fighting with him in battle and in tournament; and if he had had the sti'engtli, he would have killed me; and I gave him back such payment') that he fell before me.' As for the king of Binges, then, he sent seven hundred strong, brave knights to fight with Guy and his three knights. Nevertheless Guy fought skilfully, fiercely, savagely'^) against those warriors, and they all fell by mid-day; and at the end of that fight Sir Guy received a deep, incurable spear-wound in his side, so that he was not able to guard or defend himself longer at that time. Thus far Guy's journey to Bruges. 9. After ])erforming this gi-eat feat Guy set out through the broad, vast deserts of Jjonibardy. When Ottun heard this, the Duke of Lombardy, he sent fifteen knights, who had been often tested, to go against Gu}' in their strong accoutrements of battle. And there was a noble, famous earl at the head of them, and the rest were barons and knights. And they were in ambuscade against Guy in a narrow pass of the forest. And these are the orders the Lombards gave to their followers: to kill without mercy the three knights who were in Guy's ') Not quite literal; cumain has tlie seuse of 'payiueut', ' Obligation'. '') géraniiach, literally 'sharp-armed'. THE IRISH LIFE OF GTTY OF WARWICK. 117 companj-, and to deliver Gu}' himself to them for his punishment. As for Sir Gu}' now, there was no avoiding that road for him, and he was not long advancing- on the way when he heard the neighing of the horses in the wood and saw the tops of the helmets. Guy said: 'Noble knights', said he, 'defend yourselves bravely and doughtily, for treachery has been played upon you, and there is an ambush before you in this wood". 'Leave us', said they, 'for thou art not able to light: and if there is a swift horse [p. 3(j] under thee, make for the broad and open country ') and leave us to settle with everyone. Guy said: 'Not for the wealth of the whole world would I do that', said he. It was then, moreover, that the ambuscade -sprang to attack them, and they fought with each other bravel}', manfully and bitterly; and Guy killed two knights quickly, and Eront killed a knight and overthrew another, and Front killed a knight, and a knight fell at the hands of Uri. And Uron and Uri were slain in that fight. Then [came] Sir Gincadh, the son of Duke Otun's brother, to Guy and said: 'Guy', said he, 'yield thj'self. and I will take thee captive to Otun: and thy three knights have been killed, and thou thyself art not able to fight against me, for I see the blood of thy body flowing: and if thou wilt not consent to be captured, I will certainly kill thee." Guy said: 'I had ratber die", said he, "than be taken captive by the Lombards". Then Guy struck Sir Ginchadh a fierce, hard blow with his sword, so that he broke off half of his beautiful helmet with violence, and pierced his armor upon his shoulder; but he wounded not his body or his fair flesh. However. Guy gave him anotlier blov.' and struck off his right arm at the shoulder; and then Sir Gincadh fled, after being disfigui-ed with scars, and Guy pursued, but did not overtake him; and the knight brought the news to Duke Otun. Guy returned to his followers in high spirit, and found them dead on the same road; and there came back alive of the fifteen knights only one knight with a single arm. Guy leapt down, and found Sir Uri and Sii- Front dead before him, and Sir Eront with little life in him. Guy put Sir Eront across his j^saddle?] in front of him, and left the forest full quickly, and there was a deep wilderness to be traversed. And a hermit met him, aud Guy greeted him. and asked information of him, whence he came. The hermit said: 'In the seclusion of this forest I live', said he. Guy said : ' Do thou bury in the forest beside thee the two knights of my company who are dead, and I will give thee a strong, ') fairsingi y fireitech occurs again on p. 313 b. The second word is not clear to me. Is it for fir-reitech? Cf. modern Irish reidhUach, 'plain, field', and äee the note on the uses of Sc. Gaelic reiteach in Carmichael's Camiina Gadelica, 11 ,S20. O'Brien's dictiouarj- gives a form eithreach. 'wilderness', which suggests the emendation fir-eithrech, but the repetition of fireitech on p. 313 b is against this. 118 F. N. EOBINSON, brave steed in reward for thy work'. 'I Avill do that gladlj-', said tlie servant of God. And they went through the forest togetlier. and took the bodies of the knights with them, and buried them iionorably. Then Sir Guy set out. with Sir Eront in front of him, and it was not long for him before he saw a gi'eat. famous monastery, and the abbot and the company of canons in its door. Sir Guy begged them for God's sake [p. 37] to give lienor of burial to the dead knight before him. and promised that he would pay them the reward of their labor. And he told how the Duke of Lombardy had betrayed him, and how his company liad been killed. The congi-egation took pity ui)on him, and received Sir Heront from him. .\nd it is thus that Duke Otun betrayed Guy. 10. As for Sir Guy, then, he set out from the monastery, and it was not long for him before he saw a special servant of God coming toward him on his road, and he fell on his knees before Guy, and begged alms of Idm. Now Guy gave him twenty nobles to secure his prayers for himself and his three knights, because he expected that he himself would die of his wounds. The hermit thanked Guy for his alms, and the old man said: '0 Guy", said he, "stay with me for thy liealing and for the cure of thy wounds, for there is not in the whole world a healer of wounds who is better than I.' As for Guy, then, he stayed twelve days with the old man for his healing, and he was whole and sound thereafter. Thus far the healing of Sir Guy. 11. As for the Abbot with whom Heront was left, he bade every priest of his convent say tlrii'ty masses for Sir Heront's soul. And one of the canons said, taking hold of Sir Heront: 'This knight is still alive', said he, 'and let him be cured'. The abbot said: 'It is a good reward I would pay for his cure',') said he. Three months and five days was Sir Heront in illness, and thereafter he was well. Thus "far tlie illness of Sir Heront, et reliqua. 12. As for Guy, after getting up from his illness, he pro- ceeded to the castle of the King-) of Apulia, and the king and his household made him welcome. And Guy told him how the Duke of Lombardy had deceived iiim, and how his kniglits had been killed by him. The king said: -0, Guy', said he, '1 will be in alliance with thee; have good courage, and I will give ') adicfuindsi. The translatiüii is conjectural. ^) On the form cing here aud in cing Caulog (p. 341 b) sec p. 11, aboTr Perhaps the Irish writer regarded I'oil as the king's name. Of. p. 309 a. THE IRISH LIFE OF urV OF WARWICK. 119 thee three knights, proved and manly and brave, and three squires like them, and I will give thee a full complement of hold, brave followers of those six '. [p. 38] Sir Guy gave thanks for this offer to the Heavenly King and to the King of Apulia. And Guy remained there for a while in very great honor. 13. As for Sir Heront now, after getting up from his ill- ness, he said to the abbot and to the community, 'I will put on the garments of a penitent', he said, 'and I will go to seek my lord; and if I lind him alive, I will pay wel' for my healing; and if I do not lind him, there is nothing for me but to pray for you in return for my healing." And the abbot and the canons gave him leave to go. As for Sir Heront, then, he pro- ceeded to the country where Sir Guy was. One day when Sir Heront was travelling about that countr}^ Sir Guy came upon him clad in his armor of battle, and he on a hmit and a great chase. ') and Sir Heront was weeping and complaining mourn- full}'. And Sir Guy asked him the cause of his sorrow, and Sir Heront said: 'It will not profit thee to know it', said he. Sir Guy said: "Tell me the story for His sake who suffered the passion on our account'. 'I will certainly do it', said Heront. •I am journeying about the lands and provinces of the whole world in search of my lord; and if he is alive, there is not in the world a single warrior stronger and braver than he; and if tliat brave warrior has fallen, could I learn where his grave and his resting-place is, I would dig up the earth, and I would stretch myself upon his neck, and in that manner I would die '. Guy said: "What is thy land', said he, 'and who was the lord thou hadst?' Sir Heront said: "I am an Englishman', said he, 'and Heront is my name, and Sir Guy of "^'arwick is my lord. And the Duke of Lombardy deceived us, and slew'-j three knights of us. who were in attendance upon Gu_y, and two of us were buried, and I got up after a long illness; and there were wide, deep wounds on Sir Guy's body^ and he came out of the slaughter alive but wounded,'') and I do not know whether he is living or dead, and that is the cause of my grief, said Heront. Guy said: -Art thou ErontV said he. 'I am he', said Heront. Guy leaped down quickly, and cast off his helmet from his head, and gave Heront three kisses when he had re- cognised him, and a swoon and a heavy faint came over both of them becau.se of the greatness of their joy. Guy lifted up Heront [and. put him] behind him , and then they went into the city, and Guy took leave of the king, and left a farewell for ') fian-chosgar, literally 'fiau- breaking -up, slaughter (of deer)'? Cf. Stoke.s, Irische Texte, IV, Glossary. ^) Literally ' killed ", though this was true ouly of the other two. ") beogonta apparently means not fatully wounded', cf. EC. XXII, 408. 120 F. N. KOBINSON, him and Ins household. Thus far the course of Sir Guy in Apulia. ') 14. [p. 39] As for Sir Guj-, then, lie proceeded with his com])any. and when he came where Duke Milon was | J, and the Duke paid him honor and respect; and tjie Duke ottered Guy gold and silver and abundance of goods, and Guy took them not from him. And he went thence to Flanders, and he was on the point of going to England, and a pilgrim met him at the end of the day, and Guy asked news of him. And the pilgrim said: "I have news', said he, 'for there is a war and conflict between the Emperor and-j Rener and the Duke of Lorraine, and the Emperor's brother fell in that fight against the Duke of Jjorraine. and the Emperor has plundered and laid waste the land and fair territory of the Duke of Lorraine, and that is my news', .said the pilgrim. Guy said: 'Stay with me to-night, man of God', said he, "and thou shalt have food and sustenance for the night in honor of Jesus'; and thus the night passed for them. In the morning Guy said: 'Heronf. said he, 'what is thy counsel for us to-day?' Heront said: 'My counseí is ready', said he, 'namely, that thou shalt go to the support of the Duke of Lorraine, who has shown thee favor and great honor, and who offered thee gold and silver and an abundance of goods. And take with thee fifty knights, strong, tried and invincible, of the fierce, l)rave men of France'. They decided upon that plan. As for Sir Guy he set out, and sixty knights with him. into Germany to meet the Duke of Loiraine. and the Duke gave Guy three kisses fondly, fervently, faithfully. The Duke said: 'Dear brother', said he, 'it is well thou hast come to my aid. for I was never in such plight or such need as I am now'. The Duke of Lorraine said: 'Guy", said he, 'I give thee command over myself and whatever I "have of i)ossessions.' Guy said: 'It will not be long till I win the battle and conflict with the emperor for thee', said he. Then they went to mass, and the Duke set Sir Guy on the same seat beside him in the church; and they went out of the church, and Sir Guy saw a host, armed and equipped, surrounding the city, and he made inquiry who they were. Someone said: 'That is the Emperor's steward", said he, 'coming to cajiture the city from the Duke of Lorraine", \\hen Guy heard this he stuck two spurs into the horse, and went to meet the steward. The stewaid of the emperor said: 'I see a knight, [p. 40] bold and brave, coming out to meet us. and beneath him a nervous, swift steed that is swifter than any horse in the world; and I think it likely that that horse will remain with me", said he. The steward came out ') Or '«itb Pueir, takiiiii it to be tlu> kiuir's name. ■) Or perhaps the 'Emperor Keiier". THK IRISH LIFE OF GFY OF WARWICK. 121 fiercely and com-ageously to meet Guy, and they spurred the horses against each other, and dealt each other two blows on the breast, and the steward was thrown to the ground by that onset. And they bore off the steward in spite of Sir Guy, aiul his followers were weeping and lamenting about him; and Sir Guy pursued them, and they fought each other boldly and bitterly, and the stewai'd and his followers were defeated by Guy. And [Sir Guy] captured the steward himself with the best of his army, and took them with him as captives, fettered and hard bound, and put them in prisons. Guy told the Duke of Lorraine to be kind to tlie prisoners of the emperor, and that it would be easier for him to make peace by guarding the emperor's followers and protecting them from death and slaughter. Then Sir Guy sent a message to his friends and comrades, in whatever quarter they were, to aid and defend liim in tliat conflict: and they came to him tiiereupon in companies and troops ') and con- federated (?)2) battalions from ever}- ([uarter where they were. As for Sir Guy, tlien, by him were captured the cities and castles and strongholds ^) of stone that had been captured before this by the emperor from the rule of the Duke of Lorraine. Thus far the first battle of Sir Guy against the emperor. 15. Then news readied the emperoi- that his followers iiad been captured and killed by Guy of Warwick. "Wrath and keen anger and a red burst of fury (?) ■") seized the emperor when he lieard this news, and he made a i"ally and a muster of his people from every (piarter where they were. Wlien the em- peror's followers had gathered in one place before him, he com- plained to them of those exploits. The Duke of Pani^-) said: 'My lord", said he, "I will give thee good counsel: namelj-, to let me and Rener, Duke of Sision^), and Duke Vadiner seize the city of Greasmont: and we will take it, and make fettered, fast bound captives of the Duke of Lorraine and of Guy of Warwick, and we will slay their followers.' The emperor said: 'That is good counsel', said he. Then the tliree dukes came boldly and bravely to lay siege to the city of Greasmont, and terrible, vast armies along with them. And there were a hundred full bold warriors in the armies of these three dukes against eveiy man who was in the city of Greasmont. Fear and terror seized the Duke of Lorraine with his household upon ') cedaih-; literally 'hundreds'. -) catharda means primarily 'belonging to a city'. Its exact sense here is not clear to tne. Sc. Gaelic catharra, 'warlike', suggests a possible emendation. ^) cuirtenna, ordinarily 'courts, palaces". *) buinne roda rechtaf The translation is uncertain. '■) On the form Pani see p. tl, above. *) On the form Sision for Saxony cf. p. 11, above. 122 F. N. ROBINSON, seeing [p. 41] these hosts coniino' against them. The Duke of Lorraine said: 'Sir Guy', said he. 'what is to be done now?' ' To do bravelj' ' '). said Guy. Then Sir Guy called Sir Heront to him, and took counsel with him. and said: "Sir Heront', said he, 'take with thee three hundred knights in their strong battle- l)halanx about thee, and fight a brave, hard fight with the Duke of Pani, and conquer the pride and the haughtiness and the high si)irit of the Duke of Pani. because he has called us both false and fratricidal traitors, and has put shame and insult upon us. And I will be behind thee, and a thousand knights with me; and 0 Sir Heront, make a brave fight, for I will be near thee.' The Duke of Lorraine said: 'I will be near you, and the hosts of the city, in our defence; and we pray the God of all power to strengthen us to-day", said he. Now Sir Heront entered the fight fiercely, bravely and valiantly, and he saw the Duke of Pani coming against him, and he recognised him. And he said: '0 fratricidal, false and envious duke, thou didst twice deceive my lord and me myself, and by the will of God thou shalt have evil return for this to-day', said he. Then they fought with each other bravely and bitterly, mightily, manfully and madly; and afterwards they unhorsed each other, and rose again quickly and very lightl_y, and bared their decorated swords, and made a fiery, fierce attack upon each other, and the Duke of Pani was thrown on the back of his shield by Heront's mighty blows. Then came the bold, valiant hosts of the Lom- bards to the aid of the Duke of Pani. When Sir Heront saw them he sprang (luickly and very lightly upon his steed, and the duke did the same. And they fought witli each other anew *'^*-) and tirelessly, and the Duke of Pani avoided combat'') with Sir Heront. As for Hei-ont now, he took to cutting down and .slaughtering the Lombard warriors. The Duke of Pani said with a loud, terrified and trembling voice: 'One single knight is killing and slaying us all', said he, 'for our friends and com- rades have all fallen at his hands; and now figlit boldly". Then the battle was fought angrily and fiercely, and a multitude of mighty, violent blows were dealt upon Sir Heront"s shield at that time. Then anger and great rage seized Sir Heront, and thereupon his followers closed about him, and [p. 42] the followers of the duke of Pani did the same. And this is the number of the army of the duke that fell by Heront's hand in that onslaught: a hundred and twenty knights, either captured or killed, did Heront defeat there. And Heront was ten hours ') This question and answer constitute a recurring formula. Cf. p. 353 a, below. ') I do not understand numaigi. nnnarvsaid ought to mean 'not old'; here -freshly, tirelessly, unweariedly'. ■•) Literally 'place of combat'. THE IRISH LIFE OK liVY OF WABWICK. 123 of the daj' in that fight, and no one came against him in that time whom he did not valiantly overthrow or kill. The Lom- bards, however, gatliered \evy bravely, and the (Germans very boldly, abont Sir Heront, so that he could not put his hand upon his bosom nor upon his girdle nor upon his fine garment because of the pressure of the warriors on his back in that tight. It is tiien that small, broken') pieces were made of Sir Heronfs shield, and his beautiful, soft-silken standard was lowered and badly torn, and the fair, golden helmet was shattered that shielded his head in the tight; and at thac time Sir Heront had no strength to guard and defend himself, but only to endure pain and suffering. Then Sir Guy went into the battle against the Lombards, and he left Sir Heront behind him. Then Sir Guy saw Otun, the Duke of Lombard}', and said to him in a high, clear voice: "0 fratricidal duke', said he. 'wickedly and boldly didst thou deceive me. and didst kill my followers.' The two made for each other swiftly and madly, and they fought a blood}-, warlike and ferocious fight, and the Duke of Lombardy was overthrown by Guy on that battle-field. And the duke got up bravely, and mounted his steed, and fought with Guy again. and Guy quickly overthrew him a second time. And he mounted his steed again, and Guy overthrew him the third time, and drove a spear through Íiis shoulder-blade after splitting his shield. But when it pleased Guy to dismount to behead the duke, there came between them a thousand Lombard and German knights, swift and bold and very brave, and they took the duke with them away from Guy. And they all fought together against Sir Guy, and six knights of the fierce, bold warriors fell at that time at the hands of Sir Guy. Guy's followers, moreover, were on every side of him cutting down and utterly destroying the Lombards. Then the battle was won by Guy, and the Lombards fled to a deep, dark glen that was before them, [p. 43] And the Duke of Sision and Earl Vadiner of Cologne were in this glen with their armies, and Guy saw them and told nis followers that they were in that ambuscade. Guy said: 'The Lombards and the Germans have joined into one force against us', said he, 'and we have no way of escape from them; and fight boldly in our defence, and let us rise in the name of God and of John the Baptist to make an attack on them yonder.' Then did each of the battalions make the attack on the other, and no civil strife was ever to be compared to it,'-) for the sore combat there was keener, and the enmity was fiercer, and ') bordbristi The first element appears to be bord, 'edge, border'. Cf. CO na m-bordaib d'or, 'Leabhar na g-ceart', p. 166; bord-nuide, 'Battle of Magh Rath', p. 224. Possiblv we should read borbbristi, cf. boirb-briseadli, Life of Hugh Roe 0' Donneli ', p. 298. ^) Translation uncertain.. 124 F. X. KOBINSON, the strong men were stronger, and tlie warriors were braver. Then did Sir Guj' see Rener, Duke of Sision, and he fought with him fiercely and savaijely, and laid him low with the first blow, and weakness and infirmity seized him after his fall. Moreover Sir Heront and Earl \'adiner of Cologne came together, and fought hard and bra^■ely, and the earl fell at the end of the fight and a knight of his company along with him: and Sir Heront was brave and victorious in that combat. Then Duke Eener rose from his swoon, and mounted his steed, and fought again with (iluy desperately, fiercely and savagely. Gny gave the duke a mighty blow, rough and strong, so that he laid him low full bravely for the second time. Then Guy saw Sir Gilmin coming toward him, — a brave, victory-bold knight of the followers of the emperor, and brother to the Duke of Louvain was he; and he had a high commission from the emperor to keep every fair forest that he possessed; and there were a thousand fiei"ce-s})irited, arrogant knights in his own strong battle-troop around him. And this was the desire of Sir Gilmin and his company, that Sir Guy should fall full quickly at their hands. Then Sir Guy and Sir Gilmin fought with each other manfully, mightily and full bravely, and Sir Gilmin fell at the end of the fight before Guy"s i)erilous. horrible blows. There- upon the Duke of Sdragburn, and terrible, mighty hosts about him,') came into the fight to seek Sir Guy, and there was not of tlie great armies of Ijombardy, nor of the brave, warlike men of (-rermany a single hand that was stronger at winning battles and combats than that duke. And fear and terror seized Sir Guy, after being tliree days and three nights in his armor without food, without drink, and without sleep. Sir (luy sent messengers tíien to the city of Greasmont to the Duke of Lorraine to ask for aid. The Duke of Lorraine said: 'Whatever be the danger or peril in which Sir Guy is ', said he, ' he is no more glad to receive aid and succor than T am to give it to him'. And he set out (|uickly and very readily, and three thousand [p. 44] knights, fierce-spirited and courageous, along with him. Then those two slaugiitering armies attacked each other. As for Gu.y, then, it was not credit, or fame, or honor in his eyes that a battle should be fought and maintained against him; and his lion's wrath, and his serpent's venom, and his soldier's strength, and his warrior's spirit, and his champion's ardor awoke, and his fianie of battle rose ujion his breath,-; and he staked his fame on the fight, and he brought defeat upon the Ijombards full bravely, and upon the Germans full swiftly, and made a slaughter of them in that battle; and there were captured dukes, ') I liave not been able to identify tlie name Sdrayburi}. Sec ji. 11! above. '•') i((i,s [a\ uitúil. For this expiessiou see Windiseli's Wörterbuch . s. v. audi, aud his editiou of the Táiu Bó Cúalnge, p. 64. THE IRISH LIFE OF GUY OF WARAVICK. 125 and earls, and barons and manj' nobles and high men of the army. And Sir Gny returned to the city of Greasmont in victory and triumph with many spoils ') and with an abundance of all kinds of possessions. And Sir Gny told the duke to keep the hostages of the emperor well, because 'it is they whom we expect to bring us peace yet from the emperor.' Thus far the tliird fight which Sir Guy fought with the followers of the emperor. 10. The emperor, then, on the day of that great fight, was in his own city, and the King of Hungary along with him, and games of chess goiug on between them. And they saw Sir Tirri, the son of Earl Aimbri, coming towards them, and a broad- trenched, decorated sword bared in his hand, and wide, deep wounds on his body, and blood flowing in streams down the sides of his bod}', aud his shield in broken fragments at his side, and TiiTÍ himself with a very sad face upou him. Tirri said: 'My lord', said he, 'though thou art gay and cheerful, strange and unrecognizable are tin- followers, for of those who went to battle and to combat against the Duke of Lorraine there remains in safety and alive no one but myself only; and Duke Otun Avas heavily wounded, aud not much remains of him; and Duke Eeuer and Earl Yadiner have been captured. And it is Sir Guy of Warwick who has done all these deeds, for no one tastes of life upon whom he deals the force of his blow, and the men of the ponderous '■') world could not defeat him by reason of strength or prowess. After the emperor heard this news, wrath and quick anger seized him, aud his sense aud reason left him entirely. The emperor said: 'I swear', said he, 'by the One who made heaven and earth, that I will never stop until I capture tlie city of Greasmont, and until I hang the Duke of Loiraiue and Guy of Warwick.' The emperor made a rally and a muster of the armies of the whole empire in one place, and then he advanced with them to the city of Greasmont. [p. 45j Sir Gayer, moreover, a fierce-spirited son of the emperor, and another noble earl along with him, and five hundred knights, bold-hearted and splendid, came in advance of the armies to reconnoitre the city; and five thousand knights were sent after them to defend aud support them strongly aud irresistibly, and five thousand more as a reinforcement to these, and three thousand behind them; for there were thirteen thousand knights and half a thousand supporting each other at the entrance of the road, and the emperor with a great host behind them. Then the people of the city of Greasmont saw the mighty, ') MS. CO ndaib? O'Eeilly has neal, 'noble'. But the text should doubtless be emended to read co n-édálaibh imdha, 'with abundant spoils'. Cf. p. 317 b, below. '; troiHoidigh (= tromfhóidigh). literally ' heavy-sodded ". 126 F. N. ROBINSON, multitudinous armies coming against them, and fear and terror seized tliem at the siglit. Tlie Duke of Lorraine put on his battle- armor, and mounted his horse, and went to Guy, and told him the news. Guy said to the duke: 'Do thou keep the city secure ' said lie, ' and 1 will go out to figlit the army ', — and a thousand knights along with him. As for Guy, then, he went into that conflict quickly and very swiftly, and he saw a detachment of strong, bold footmen coming behind the five hundred knights who were at the head of that heavy army. Then Sir Guy saw the emperor's son coming, and he went straight to meet him, and they fought a bold, valiant battle with each other, and Sir Gayer was thrown, and afterwards captured, and three hundred of his followers with him, and the remaining two hundred fell before Guy. Sir Guy went to the city with the captives for their safe keeping, and afterwards went [back] to fight with the same ami}', and he saw nothing over all the land at that time except the host, armed and equipped for battle. When the emperor heard that his son had been captured, sorrow and melancholy seized him; and those heavy forces, strong and brave, came in one body against Sir Guy when they recognized him. And a blood}', angry, violent battle was waged between them; and though there were many strong, brave warriors in that battle, it was Sir Guy and Sir Heront who had the upper hand of them on every side. And though it was thick about every one in that fight, it was broad and open field ') about them both. Then a multitude of brave hands were laid on them, and it was hard for them at that time, and at that time was the be- ginning of slaughter for the hosts of the city of Greasmont. The Duke of Lorraine [andj three thousand knights came out of the city then to help (iuy. Then Sir Tirri, the son of Earl Aimbri, met the duke, [p. 4(>] and they fought a manful, angry fight, and the duke was thrown by Sir Tirri, and he got up quickly, and struck Sir Tirri a mighty blow, and it is a long, lasting****-) that he gave there. There collected bold, irresistible troops of soldiers, iierce-iiearted and haughty, around the Duke of Lorraine, and he was suffering pain and iiuiiisliinent. and was wounded bloodily, and had no strength to defend himself. Sir Guy saw the danger and the peril that the duke was in, and went to his aid, and killed four knights around the duke with four mighty, mortal blows. Now a fierce-spirited knight was killing and slaying and cutting in pieces and utterly destroying the duke, and he cast him from his saddle, and struck him to the ground, and would fain have beheaded liiiii. And Sir Guy came to the scene of this heroic fighting, and he gave the knight a ') On fireitech cf. the foot-iiote to p. 307 a. ") I cannot translate uiltigi. Perhaps ' it is a compound of fail (fuil- lige, 'hlood-heil'?) and means 'wound, hurt, injury". THE IKISH LIFE OK GUY OF WARWICK. 127 mighty blow so that he made two exactly equal pieces of him with one sti-oke; and Sir Guy then put the duke on his steed. The man') said to (lUy: 'I am weak and sorely wounded, and 1 cannot give thee support or assistance", said he, -and I had rather thou wouldst go into the city with thy followers, for we are not in sufficient number to light against them yonder, and it is not befitting us to be taken in bonds'. Sir (juy said: 'I will do thy will in this matter, mj- lord', said he. Thereupon they went together into the city. The emperor told his followers to sack the city boldly and fiercely. Then the army of the emperor came against the gates of the stronghold; and there were many beautiful, variegated standards on the gates of the city, and they began to destroy and to raze the walls and the fortifications. The people of the city began to defend it bravely and strongly: some of them with short, terrible javelins, and some with arrows, sharp-tipped and skilfully made,'-') some with dangerous, i)erilous guns, and others with bulky') stones fi'oni slings, and others with spears, flat-tipped and smoothly-polished; others still with great rocks and with stones of the wall, big and destructive^), throwing them down from the turrets of the great city. — and all sorts of projectiles besides. Fifteen days they continued that labor and that hardship without peace or rest or repose; and this is the number that fell in that time at the hands of Guy and of Heront, a hundred fierce-hearted horse- men and I p. 47] a thousand strong, bold footmen; and there was no count of those who fell before the armies of the city in addition to them. There came, then, to Guy secretly a dear and beloved fi-iend from the forces of the emperor, and said to him: 'Sir Guy', said he, "I have good news for thee, for the emperor will come to-morrow morning early with five hundred knights, without arms or weapons, to hunt in this forest; and a tusked boar has been put in it for him; and do thou, Guy, be in the forest to-night with men enough to destroy them, and do thy will with the emperor'. Sir Guy said: 'For that news', said he. 'I will give thee a thousand plates of beautiful, refined gold'. The traitor said: 'Keep me with thee till thou provest it, and if thou do not find it to be truth, I give thee the right to hang me'. Then went Sir Guy and Sir Heront. and three knights with them, to the duke, and he in his chamber playing skilfully and cleverly at chess; and Guy greeted him, and told him that the emperor was to be alone in the forest in the morning. When the duke heard this news, he rose quickly to ') Read 'the duke'. -') seghmura, 'curious, ingenious, well-wrought'/' segh 'strength"? '■•) tairthecha is probably for toirtecha; toirtech means 'bulky', from toirt 'a bulky mass'. *) mileta, properly 'warlike, soldier-like'; here applied to the stones. 128 F. N. ROBINSON, Lis feet, and lie gave Guy three kisses, and said: 'Forgive me. warrioi-, that I liave allowed thee to come to me with a message ", said he, 'and that it was not I who went to thee'. Guj- said: 'I will go out yonder to meet the emperor, and I will bring him with me by consent or by force to make peace with thee.' And the duke praised that plan. As for Sir Guy, then, he proceeded to his inn; and when the early part of the night had come, Sir Guy set out from the city secretly and silently, and a thousand knights along with him, and went into the forest, and they went to (or upon) the hill that was there. In the morning, then, Sir Guj' saw the emperor coming into the forest with a small company about him, namelj', five hundred knights, without weapons or armor, of the gentlemen and noblemen of his company. Sir Guy said to his followers: 'The emperor is coming upon us', said he, 'and we are between him and his company, and he has no power to escape us; and fight bravely and well, my bold knights!' said he. Then the emperor looked off, and saw the hosts, with weapons and armor, coming to sur- round him. The emperor said: 'We have been sold and be- trayed to Guy of Warwick', said he, 'for I see Sir Guy with his followers coming against us'. Then fp. 4S] Sir Guy went before his followers to meet the emperor, and a branch of olive in his hand as a sign of peace. And Sir Guy said to iiim, as he approaclied the place: "Let no man of you offer battle or conflict to the emperor's company', said he, 'and if he does, I will strike off his head'. Sir Guy said: 'God be tiiy life, noble and brave empeior'! said he, 'and there is a feast prepared for thee to eat by the Duke of Louvain; and do thou come to partake of it and to make peace with Jiim; and he will give up himself and all his possessions to thee'. Then came up the thousand horsemen who were with Sir Guy, and a branch of peace in the hand of every man of them, and Guy bade tliem paj- homage and honor to tlie emperor, and tliey did so. Sir Guy said to the emperor: 'Let us be off now to the city', said he, 'for thou hast no power to refuse to go with me whatever way 1 wish'. The emperor said: 'Sir Guy', said he, 'if thou wouidst swear to me surely that I shall not be betrayed, 1 would go with thee'. Sir Guy said: 'I swear', said he, 'by Him who suffered the passion for the human race: have no fear of anything in the city yonder'. Thereupon the emperor dismounted, and put his two hands about Sir Guy's neck, and gave him three kisses fondly, fervently and faithfully, and then said: "Brave and victorious knight, pious, merciful and viituous. I will go with thee now'. After that they went to the city: and there was no wasted (?) ') old man, nor tender }'outh without yeans, nor brave, triumpliant ') spalmnch. The translation is wholly conjectural. I have not seen the word elsewhere, spcalaim sometimes means 'I waste, grow poor'. THE IRISH LIKE OK GUY OK WARWICK. 12P hero, nor strong and valiant warrior, nor soldier courageous and tamous. nor maiden fair and very comely, in the whole citv who aid not pay homage and honor and great re.^pect to tlie emperor and to buy. After that they went to the duke's iialace. and tlie emperor with his retinue was served and provided by Guv witli the choicest of every kind of food and drink, and the duke did not come to them on that night. As for tlie duke, he arose nH Tm '"^'"""8^- f^-i '-el^a-^ed the prisoners of the emperor, and to d them to take tlie roads they cliose. and enjoined upon them to ask ot the emperor favor for him; and the prisoners all gave thanks to tue duke. As for the prisoners, then, they a^ked the duke to go with them to the emjieror; and he went leadily. and took oft his splendid, silk garments, all except one fine ) silk shirt next the brightae. 'en done hiii DukeRener said: "Do this, my lord", said he; 'for it was justly that he slew thy brother's son, and though he should Iv F^l v'.':fin"'' ''f • r\ ^'1"^^^ ""^^'-^^i^^ to p?ove it on him^ Eari Yaduier said: -Do this, my lord', said he. 'for the duke an'd Z i"'Z?^ '''f ^™"^. '' ^"^"^^^"^^ ^'^''"^d be done C, and he has always been a friend to me. though I am noW against him: and If peace is not made with him quickly I w'Tl go back to the city of Cologne, and I wül bring hosts of eS ÄlÄp'nfi ' ^^^! ""''}'. "''' ^^'-^^"^t thee °n company with the Duke of Louvain'. And the emperor said iiothin- at hat time Su- Guy said: -My lord', said he. -fulfil the promise hou madest to me in the forest. And dos thou not seeThat 0 be soí'FÍf L^'"^ T ""'' ""T"'- ^"^ ''^^' ^« might refís to be so? For he is stronger here than thou art. my lord- and I give my word that unless assurance of peace Ts ..iVen fhv fSoS-s' ^'rJ''''' '''''''''r ■''"' ^"i° «' thee and oS thLw r fi. ■ ^^^ emperor said: 'It is for the duke to -ive thanks to the one God who made heaven and earth for the "day ') On comaUhes see the foot-uote to p. 308a, above. Zeitschrift f. ceh. Philologie VI. 130 F. N. EOBINSON, one man who was dearest to me of all wlio were ever on the eartli. — Sir Sado»:, my own brother's son; and I give him assurance of peace". Then all the hosts rose to their feet, and gave the eiiijieror three shouts of blessing for the merc,y he had shown to the duke. And the hosts turned together to Sir Gu.y, and gave him shouts of blessing, and said with the voice of one man: '0 brave, victorious knight, and strong, valiant warrior, it is because of thy braverj- and prowess, and thy wisdom and skill, that this peace has come to be made'. The news of this peace was heard by the hosts that were outside around the city. Then came Otun, the Duke of Lombardy, angrily and wrathfully to the emperor and said: 'My lord', said he, "it is wrongly that thou hast made peace with the two traitoi'.s. the most false and envious who are in the whole Avorld. the Duke of Louvain and Sir ("ruy of Warwick '. ^^'llen Sir (ruy heard this, he clenched his fist right boldly, and struck the duke on his nose, ai.d [p. 50] his blood spurted out quickly, and he threw him to the ground. He would fain liave struck him again, but the emperor asked him as a favor not to strike him the blow. 'I wUl grant thee that favor, not to strike him or any other man to-day ', said he. Sir Guy said : ' fie has betrayed me twice without cause', said he; 'and with God's permission I will not leave that without vengeance yet', said he. Then the two hosts kissed each other in the greatness of their joy because of this [peace]. And then ended the war between the emperor and the Duke of Louvain. Duke Rener of Sision said that he would take the daughter of the Duke of Louvain. and that he desired to have friendshij) with him. and this betrothal was made. And the emperor gave tlie daughter of iiis fathers own brotiier's son to the Duke of Louvain for his wife, and jjromised him great wealth and sovereignty with her, and that alliance was made. Sir Guy said that he would depart. 'Do not go', said the Duke of Tjouvain, 'for I will give tiiis cit}' to tliee, and half my realm; and do not leave me'. Sir Guy thanked liim. but did not take it. 17. As for the emperor, tlien, after making that jieace and that alliance with liim, he took leave of the Duke of Louvain; and Sir Guy set out along witii him. As for the Duke of Louvain. he was fifteen days without food or drink or sleep from grief at Sir Guy"s dtsparture from Iiim; and little i-emained of liim because of his love and strong affection [for Sir Guy]. Then the emperor came into Germanj', and Sir Guy along with hini; and the emperor offered Sir Guy cities and castles and parks and beautiful forests for hunting; and said that he would give him a dukedom, and that he would give him abundance of gold and treasure and of all kinds of riches. And Sir Guy refused to accept it, and then took leave of the emperor. THE IRISH LIFE OF GUY OF WAEWICK. 131 18. As for Sir Guv, now. he went on las way and took witli liini for followers only a hundred tried, brave "knights of the German uoblemen: and he proceeded along the margins of the vast sea until he saw a great ship with an abundance of all kinds of goods, which had entered the harbor: and Sir Guy asked tidings of it. A brave, well-spoken man of them answered and said: • ^^'e have come from the city of Constantinople, and this is the reason why [p. 51] we have come: because the Sultan [has won] the realm of the Grecian Kmi)eror. ynd his followers have been killed in battles and contiicls; and there is none of the realm of the emperor left, which has not been taken from him by the Sultan, save only the city of Coustantinople. And the Sultan with his hosts is coming to take it; and we came aboard the sliip here to seek some place where we might find peace and quiet to dwell in. and we have brought some part of our possessions here with us. and those are our tidings', said the young m.an; -and now do your pleasure with us'. And there was fear and terror on the [ship's] company. Sir Guy, however, went up ashore, and collected two hundred other 'knights in addition to those he had, and went to the same ship. And he told the company to make the ship ready, and that they must go back with him over the same course to Constantinople. Thus far Sir Guy's course in Germany. 19. As for Sir Guy, then, he went aboard the ship with his three hundred knights, and the ship's company along with him. And they took a swift course, eager and very bold, through the streams of the ancient sea, and through the perilous, awful waves of the blue sea; and thev were fifteen days on the ocean because of a great storm, and they found a harbor, sheltered and secure, in the city of Constantinople. And they rai.'jed the lofty standard of the English, the banner of St. George above the boat. The emperor was tlien on the battlements ') of the castle prajnug the Lord for help out of the difficulty he was in and he saw the ship, full of men and verv great and the standard of St. George raised upon it. And he sent a messenoer to get news, and to make the English welcome, and to bri'n<^ them into his presence. The messenger went to the ship, and asked tidings of the ship's company. [Sir Guyl^) arose and answered: "An English knight is here', said he, 'and Sir Guy of Warwick is his name; and there are three hundred fierce com-ageous high-spirited knights in his company, who have come to the support of the emperor'. Moreover Sir Guy gave ■p„fi '^ /''m '''Í^'t,*°, }^ emended to laibhlib. For this form see CZ. I, 437- Battle of Mi.^h Eath, p. 168; 'Life of Hugh Koe O'Dounell' pp. 146 162 The spelling taulhUi is noted by Stokes, CZ. I. 398. ') Nauie erased, but no other substituted. 9* 132 F. N. ROBIXSON, a scarlet gown to tlie messenger, and lie proceeded to the emperor, and reported this news to him. When the emperor had heard it, he looked up to God, and gave him thanks for it. And he said: -If it is Sir Guy [p. 52J of Warwick that is there', said lie, 'tliere is not a knight in the world that is stronger of hand '. And the emperor bade the people of the citj' go in pro- cession to meet Sir Guy. Then came the men of evevy chui'ch in the city witii tapers and with ***** ij. and with bright lamps, with bells and with staves and with relics; and the people of the city with splendid garments of silk and of gold thread, and the king with his crown on his head, tiglitly bound, ^) set with jewels and adorned, and the musicians of the city playing the organ, and the guitar (?), ') and the trumpet, and the tabor and the pipes and the fiddle and the harp, and all the other instru- ments besides. And they all went out tims to meet Sir Guy, and a great welcome was given him; and the emperor kissed him three times fondly, fervently and faithfully, and took him by the hand, and put his other hand about his neck, and it is thus that tlie emperor took Guy with him into the royal palace, and the emperor placed Sir Guy at his own side to eat his food. Then the emperor ordered a high chamber to be made ready for Guy and his followers, [and] everything to be given to them that they might ask for. Then the emperor went to the chamber with Sir Gu.y. After this the emperor said: "Sir Guy', said he, 'I look to thee for protection, for the Sultan has taken fiom me all my realm except only this city; and he is coming to capture this from me. and twice twenty thousand of my followers have fallen in a single day at their hands; and I have no children besides one daughter, and she is my heir; and I will give her to thee as wife, and do thou win my land and my sovereignty for thyself. Sir Guy said: 'It is not to get a wife that I have come, but to fight in thy support; and 1 will do my best for thee, and I take it upon myself to protect thee'. And it was not long like this with Guy, after the emperor left him, when he heard a cry and a shout of terror and complaint througliout the length of the city; and Guy sent a messenger to get news, and this is what someone told him: "An Amiral«) Avhose name was Coscras, the son of the Sultan's uncle, and king of the Turks, has come with a thousand Turks to capture this city; and they have laid siege around if. ^^'hen Siriiuy heard this, he told his followei-s to put on their armor, and to tight bravely; and Sir Guy went out of the city [with] the three ') I cannot translate priceduibh. ^) For the various uses of cengailte in these texts see the Glossary. ') ifttart. I Imve not found this word in other texts. Perhaps organ should be translated rather ' pipes '. Cf. Irische Texte II, 2, 27. *) In the Irish Ambrail seems sometimes to be mistaken for a proper name. THE IKISH LIKE OF GL'Y OF WAKWIfK. 133 bimdred knights, [and] was himself in the face of the enemy, ') and he fouglit a tierce, bold, destructive fight in the midst of the brave warriors. And Sir Guy and Coscran^) fought with each other, and Sir Guy drove a spear through Coscran's shield Iiowerfully [p. 5:{] and valiantly, and through his heart mightilj-, and leaped down upon him. and struck off his head. And he •sent a messenger with the head to King ') Heirrneis. which was the name of the emperor; and he never received, before or after, a gift he was more glad to get than that. The king of the Turks and Sir Heront met each other in the battle, and they fought boldly and valiantly, and the king of the Turks fell a^ the end of the tight from the warlike, mightv blows of Heront. And six hundred of the Saracens fell at Guy"s hands before morn of that day came, and two thousand seven hundred after mid-day. Three da^'S and three nights was Guy fightina- that battle. As for Escladata. a strong knight of tlie Sultan's army, he left the battle with a spear through his body, and half of his head missing, and he went to the Sultan and said: 'I have bad news for thee, my lord', said he, -for thv brother [has been slain (V)J, and I saw his head struck off him'. And the king of the Turks has been killed, and there has not come out alive any of thy company but myself alone, and I shall die in this hour'. The Sultan said: -They have rallied some strong army'. said he. The knight said: 'They have', said he; 'namelj-, a Christian knight whose name is Sir Guy of Warwick, with three hundred knights in his companv". The Sultan said- -I swear by the gods', said he, ^that I 'will captiu-e that noisy city within fifteen days, and I will hang the emperor and Sir Guy on a single cross'. Then the knight who brought the news fell down and died. As for Sir Guy of ^Varwick. now, he came into the city, after winning victory and triumph, with plenty of spoils in his possession, and he and his followers were wearv from the fighting after that battle, having been three days and three nights making the fight without food or drink or sleep And after this the people of the city gave him three shouts of blessing. 20. As for the emperor, moreover, he said that there was not in the world any pursuit that was dearer to him than the hunt and the chase—, -and I have not dared for a long time and a great while to go out bevond the gate of this city for fear and for terror of the Sultan and of the [p. 51] Turks, 'until Sir Guy came to my help. And to-morrow I will go into the forest to the hunt and the chase, and I will stay fifteen days in the ') I haie supplied words to complete the coustruetion. ') I^^ inconsistency in the name (Coscras. Voscran) is iu the Irish =) On cing cf. p. 11, above; 134 F. X. ROBISSON, forest, and we will have sport and diversion there for that time'. "\Mien the next day came they went into the forest; and some of them set to hunting on the sea with nets to catch fish, and others with hawks to catch hirds. and others with do^ and nets to catch stags and tusked boars and swift hares and all the other wild creatures besides. Then the pangs of jealousy came upon the steward of the emperor, — Sir Morgad[ur] the stewajd"s name; for hateful envy towards Sir Guy seized him, because the emjjeror had offered him his daughter in marriage, for the steward [felt] great and enduring lo\'e for the emperor's daughter. As for Sir Morgadur, he was considering how he could harm Sir Guy, and he came where Sir Guy was in the forest, and said to him: 'Sir Guy', said he, 'I cannot bear') in my body and mj- flesh the strength of my love for thee; and I have courts and castles and land and pi'operty and gold and silver and all kinds of wealth besides; and it is to thee that I wish to give them all to control and to enjoy. And come with me to the emperor's daughter, and let us play chess in her presence; and we will return to the emperor, for he will not leave tlie forest this week'. Tiiereupon Sir Guy went with the steward into the city to tlie empemr's daughter; and Sir Guy won three games from the steward at first. The steward said to Sir Guy: •"\\'ait a while here", said he, 'until I go on some business'. The steward went to the emperor in the forest, and the emperor asked him for news, and the steward said: 'It is bad news I have', said he, 'namely that the false, treacherous knight that is with tliee. Sir Guy of Warwick, has forced tliy daughter in her own chamber; and let him be put to death at once. And 1 will go at my own cost to the German Emperor to obtain a force and an army to aid thee '. The emperor said : 'I do not believe wrong of him', said he, 'for I am full of love and great affection for him'. And since the emperor did not believe that evil report, the steward went to the city to Sir Guy and said to him: 'So great is my love for thee. Sir Guy', [p. 55] said he, 'that I cannot make a secret of the thing tliat miglit come to harm thee. Leave this city quickl}', for if the emperor find thee in it, he will put thee to death'. Sir Guy said: 'It is hard to put trust in a lord after the emperor', said he, 'for great is the good I have done him, even though he is on the point of killing me; and still more good would I have been glad to do him until now; and now I will go to the Sultan to get revenge upon the emperor". Then Sir Guy went to his followers, and told them to put on their armor of battle and to leave the city of Constantinople; and they put on their armor quickh', and raised their standards on staffs, and proceeded out of the ') tuillinn. Literally, 'the stveugtli of my love tits uot (lieiice, is too great for) my body '. " THE rBISH LITE OF GlY OF WARWICK. 135 city. The emperor was then on the summit of a hill in the forest, and he saw a brave and terrible host') leaving the city, and he asked who they were. Someone told him: "It is Sir Guy of Warwick yonder', said he, "going away with his followers, since trouble has been made between him and thee'. The emperor said: "Do ye all remain here', said he, 'and I will go to Sir Guy'. And the emperor went eagerly and full swiftly, and asked Sir Guy the cause of his departure. Sir Guy said: 'I heard', said he, "that thou didst not desire to have me with thee, and that thou didst wish me to leave thy land and thy fair realm, and that I am of no more use to thee'. The em- peror said: 'I swear', said he. 'by the God who endured the passion for my sake, that I did not say that, and that there is no man in the world who is dearer to me than thou art '. And thus he was reconciled to liim. Thus far the injury which the steward did to Sir Guy, et reliqtta. 21. As for Sir Guy. then, [his] messengers were getting news in the land of the Sultan; and they came to him and told him that the Sultan would come in full force on the next day to rase and destroy the city; and Sir Guy told this to the emperor, and then they took counsel. The constable of the city said (and he was a noble duke, and had a long white beard down to his breast, and he himself a venerable old man): 'Do as I shall tell you', said he; 'for there is a high mountain between us and the Sultan, and they can not vary their course, and let us take up our position against them in the open space on the mountain, and let us keep the [p. äG] Sultan and his followers below us in the steep places, and there will be narrow forest passes between us and them. And we will send missiles among them from every kind of engine for projectiles, and neither a wound nor a scratch from them will reach us against the ascent '. And Sir Guy and everybody praised this plan, and they carried it out. Then the emperor with his troops came upon the mountain: and they did not see a single bit of the land vacant, but all full of battle-equipped horses and armed men. Then Sir Guy went to the road that leads up the mountain, and he de- termined that he would not let any man pass him on that road; and the army of the city of Constantinople from this time forth was to defend the narrow passes that led up the mountain. The Sultan bade Eliman of Tyre lead the attack, — 'for there is no man in the world who has overcome thee in battle or in conflict or in combat';-) and he was a noble, brave king. So Eliman of Tvre came to the entrance of the road, and a thousand fierce, valiant knights along with him. and they fought a bloody, 0 Reading uncertain. -) For parallels to this clause of direct (luotatiou see j). 303 a, foot-note. 136 F. N. EOÜINSOX, violent and venomous battle with each other, until the thousand brave, fierce knights fell b}- Guy's fearful, perilous blows. Anjrer and true rage seized Kliman of Tj-re, and he said that he would not desist until Sir Guy and his company should fall at his hands in jjayment for his own company. Then Sir Guy and Elimau of Tyre fought with each other courageously and spirit- edly, savageiy, fiercely and implacably, and Sir Guy gave Eliman of Tyre a strong, bold blow with his spear, and drove it out through his body backwards so that he fell dead, without life. The Sultan said to the king of Nubia: 'Dost thou see my men being slain at the hands of a single knight, and that we are a hundred gallant and noble knights i)ut down by the knight of those who are against us? And do thou take my followers with thee, and surround the enemy there, and bring death and destruction upon them, for I shall have no happiness or rest until mischief is wrought for them there. And after this they went together against Sir Guy, and he withstood them alone, and began to kill and destroy them without cessation: and the horse was killed tliat was under Sir Guy. and his siiield was broken. An strong and savage, so that he separated his head from his body; and after that he picked up his head, and placed it in the ....'■) of liis shield. As for Sir Guy. then, he set out after this exploit, and a cry was raised after him on the east aud the west, and on the north and the south, and Sir Guy was cutting down and slaying the warriors around him. Then they seized him by the bridle, after they had surrounded him. and they killed the steed that was beneath him. and it was the driving of a flock of birds-") that he wrought upon them, cuning off their heads and their feet. As for Sir Guy, moreover, he advanced toward a round-topped, rocky hill, and in spite of them he got to the top and summit of the hill: and he began to throw down the huge rocks tipon the warriors full mightily : and whoever reached the I'lace, Guy killed him with one stroke of his sword, and he made a great cairn of the bodies of the soldiers and warriors round about him for his defence. And there fell before him thirteen hundred of them at that time. Then two thousand very brave knights of the army surrounded liiiu, and thej' discharged a swift shower of arrows upon him at that time, and they pierced the body of the valiant tighter with sharp-tipped, easily hurled lances, and with sharp, terrible, dangerous javelins, and with eveiy otlier missile besides. And Sir Guy at that time was like the fierce wild boar of the wilderness torn to pieces among the hounds, — wounded by every keen, bold thrust that was given him A\ithout restraint; [and] not one of the enemy escaped without heavy injury from Guy's perilous, terrible strokes. And yet he did not have strength to guard and protect himself at that time against the heavy fighting that was prostrating him and overwhelming him. Sir Heront was in deep sleep in the city of Constantinople, and he saw a terrible vision, as it were a field full of lions around Sir Guy, and Guy being slain in the midst of them. At this Sir Heront sprang up from his sleep, and summoned his followers to him. and said that Sir Gu.v was in difficulty and overpowered by numbers; and he set out full quickly, and the three hundred knights along with him, and they found Sir Guy in the midst of the hosts [p. 61J being beaten and lacerated. As for Sir Heront. now, he burst upon the hosts strongly and valianth'. and seven hundred strong, brave warriors fell before them in that charge. And from the sea of sand in the south to the fierj' sea in the north-') there was not a Saracen ') gail a sceith. .Ipparently in the hollow, or on the spike, of his shield, but I have no other cases" of gail in either sense. Is it an error for gaiU, •stomach"? For various terms for the hollow of the shield cf. Dr. Hyde's 'GioUa an Fhiugha", I. T. S. 1,202. -) A recurring comparison. See, for example, Oided mac n-Uisnig, ■ Irische Taxte ' 11. 2, 138. ") These geographical indications are not in the Middle English versions. I am uncertain ahout the identification of the • fiery sea '. One thmks naturally 140 F. N. EOBIKSON, capable of fighting wlio was not in that one armj'. And tliey all fled at that time before Sir Guy and his followers, and [Guy's men) wrought great slaughter upon tlieni at that time. Sir Guy came, moreover, with tlie meed of victory and triumph, with plenty of booty, and laid the head upon the ground in the presence of tiie emperor. •) Such was the end of the war between the Sultan and Sir Guy. 23. As for the emperor, on the next day he went to the hunt with his retinue, and he was sitting on the top of a hill, and Sir Guy in his company there; and they were not there long before they saw a lion, sharp-toothed and full brave, and a dragon, bold, chirk and unconquerable, in straggle and conflict with each other; and the Hon was weak and lame, and the tail of the dragon coiled around the lion, and the horrible, dark- yawning-) jaw of the dragon opened so that a knight with his armor on could enter its mouth. Sir Guy said that he himself would go quickly to the help of the lion, for it was weak in the fight, and he said that no one should dare to go with him into that tight. When the emperor heard this he fled with his followers for fear of the di'agon. Sir Guy mounted his steed, and spurred the iiorse against the dragon, and gave the dragon a strong, bold blow of the spear in its mouth, and drove the spear out through the back of its head, and jumped down upon it, and struck off its head. The lion came to Guy, and was licking his feet and his fair body, and Sir Guy stroked the lion's back with liis hand, and the lion followed him thereafter everywliere that he went. One day when Sir Guy was eating his meal at tiie emperors table, the lion was asleep in tlie arbor that day at the foot of a tree, and its tail up towards the sun, and the emperor's steward saw it lying thus, and gave the lion a miglity tlirust with his spear, and pierced it, and let out its vitals and its entrails at its feet. The lion liowled and roared loudly, and went to Sir Guy and crouched [p. (»'2] at iiis feet, and its vitals outside of it, and it fell down thereupon, and dropped dead, without life. As for Sir Guy, then, he took his steed, and of Mandeyille'.s Sandy Sea and of Marco Polo's account of the desert of Lop, and botli of the.se writers were translated into Irish. For evidence that the Sandy Sea was regarded by the mediaeval Europeans as one of the outer limits of the world see the article un 'The Dry Sea and the Carrenare' by Dr. J L. Lowes in Modern Philology III, 1 ff. ') This is the Sultan's head, as appears from the English versions. -) gnus - nhonit. This epithet is used three times in these texts to de- scribe the jaw' of a dragon, of. pp. 3.'j2a and 356 b. I do not know whether to translate it 'dark-yawning' {gmiis, 'fissure', &c.) or 'dark-visaged' (gnúh. 'visage, countenance'). The latter is supported by such compounds as yituin- letlinti, 'Battle of Magh Rath', p. 184: finuis-tiath, ibid. p. 18'2: i/nuis-ihi-yi. ibid. p. IIS; ynus-dordha, 'Life of Hugh Roe', p. ly-i; ymiis-slwtais, I.T.S. I, 140. TETE IKISH LIFE OF GUY OF WARWICK. 141 mounted it, and seized his sword, and went [to] the emperor; and he asked everyone who had killed his lion, and he did not lind out from anyone. As for Sir Gny, he said that if anj-one would tell him who killed the lion he would give him his reward, a thousand pounds of beautiful, refined gold; and he did not tind it out then. Then a female slave, one of the attendants of the emperor's daughter, came to Sir Guy and told him that it was the emjjeror's steward who had killed the lion, aud told him how it was killed. When Guy heard this, he proceeded to the chamber where the steward was, — and h'"s brother at that time in the chamber with him. Sii" Guy said: 'Steward', said he. "I never yet have done thee harm or injury; why didst thou kill my lion without cause ■?" "I did not kill it', said the steward. •Thou" surely didst", said Guy. 'And thou hast deceived me twice before, and thou shalt not do it the fourth time to me or to anyone else'. Aud he spoke thus, and gave the steward a fierce, strong, evil, deadly blow, so that he made two pieces of him. just equal in weight aud size. Now the steward's brother drew out a keen-edged sword, and ga^ e Sir Guy a mighty stroke; and Sir Guy struck a strong, bold blow, and cut off his right hand at the shoulder, and let him go thus disfigured. "When the emperor heard this news, he said that Guy had killed the steward justly, and that he had deserved death before this at Sir Guy's hands. 24. As for the emperor, then, he said to Sii- Guy: 'Great is the benefit thou hast done me, and I do not know how to describe it for its greatness; and be ready to-morrow morning to marry my daughter; and thou shalt have half my kingdom during my life, and the whole of it after my death'. Dixit Guy: •! will do thy will, my lord', said he. When the morrow came. Sir Guy went and his three hundred knights with gowns of silk and fur ( ':') ') about them ; and they went to the church, and there came the bishop of the city and his clergy, and they asked Sir Guy whether he had a wedding-ring. Sir Guy opened his pouch, and this is the ring that came to his hand, the ring that had been as a token of remembrance between him and the daughter of the Earl of Warwick; and he meditated upon it then, and a swoon and a fainting-fit came upon him. And when Sir Guy arose from his swoon, he said : [p. tíS] ' Jly lord ', said he, ' I am not now able to be married, for the pressure of heavy illness has attacked me; and do thou give me time to regain my health'. Sir Guy was fifteen days in bed, and he allowed no one to approach him during that time but Sir Heront alone. Sir Guy ') The translation of co fer (coferl) is conjectural. I have taken fer to be a loan-word from the Middle English feir, veir, familiar in the com- bination feir and gris (Old French vair et gris). Of course the English word 'fur' is etjTnologically different. 142 F. N. ROBINSON. said to Sir Heront: 'Reront', said he, 'what shall I do with regard to the emperor's daughter? For I have a great, unen- durable love for the daughter of the Earl of Warwick: and thou knowest that this is true'. Sir Heront said: 'I know", said he, 'that the emperor's daughter is tiie woman of fairest form and figure in the whole world, and that thou wilt get the emjiire along with her; and if it were the daughter of the earl that thou shouldst marrj". the wealth thou wouldst have would ') be no more than the earldom'. Sir Guj^ said: 'I understand fi'om this, Sir Heront. that thou art displeased with me for not taking the empei-or"s daughter. And dost thou know, Sir Heront ', said he, ' that it was from love and affection for the daughter of the Earl of Warwick that I did what I have done of bold and brave deeds, and was once at the point of death besides?' Dixit Sir Heront: 'I did not know that; and since now I know, 2) I hold her to be better for thee'. Sir Guy got up after fifteen days, and went thereupon to the emperor; and the emperor was glad that day to see Sir Guy well. And Sir Guy passed that day in the emperor's companj'. And Sir Guy said to the emperor: 'My lord', said he, 'I cannot take thy daughter to wife, for there is a pledge between me and the daughter of the Earl of AVarwick. and I would not change it till the time of my death; and I have been with thee seven years, and now T would fain have leave to depart'. Greatly did this grieve the emperor and all the hosts of the city. Then the earl 3) gave Guy three great measures of beautiful, refined gold, since he did not take any other lordship from him. And Sir Guy refused to take that, and said that he had plenty of gold and riches, and that it was not to seek anything else that he had come, but only to help the emperor. When Sir Guy did not take the gold, the emperor distributed it to Sir Guy"s company. Then the emjjeror said: "Sir Heront', said he. 'tiiou art the other knight who is strongest of hand of all I have seen, — Sir Guy of Warwick and thou. And since Sir Guy has refused the damsel for his wife, [p. G+J I would give thee lordship and riches and treasure, 0 Sir Heront', said he. Heront said: 'If thou wouldst give me the whole empire', said he, 'I would not take it from thee and desert Sir Guy'. Then Sir Guy took leave of the emi)eror, and thereafter he departed. Thus far the adventure of Sir Guy with the Kmperor of Constantinople. 25. As for Sir (7uy and his followers, they proceeded on their way, and they made no stop or delay untii they came to the citj' of Cologne in Germany. The emperor with his retinue ') The teuses are inconsequent in the Irish. ') Read os anoin ata, isi is ferr Hum agud. "} Read 'einperur'. TIIK IRISH lAVK OF Gl'Y OF WARWICK. 143 bade Guy welcome, and showed them great honor, and offered Sir Guy treasure and lordship, and Guy refused it, and said that lie would not delay until he should come to Kngland. And after this lie went onward, and he saw an impregnable city before him at the hour of evening pra}-er. And Sir Guy said: 'Sir Heront'. said he. 'take the knights with thee, and enter the city, and find a liostelry for us; and I will leinain here a while to say my prayers and to listen to the song of the birds'. And they did .«"o. As for Sir Guy, then, he was not long walking in the forest when he fell asleep from the son^ of the birds; and this is what woke him out of his sleep, a fearful cry of distress that he heard. And he went where be heard the cry, and found a wounded knight, complaining and in peril, and his blood flowing down the steep places of the forest. Sir Guy asked him his story. The wounded knight said: 'It will not profit thee to have my story', said he, 'for it is not likely thou hast the courage to hear my story'), and my expectation does not turn to thee for help ' (?). *) Dixit Guy : ' For the sake of the one God almightj-, tell me thy own story', said he, 'and I will give thee aid, if I can'. Dixit the wounded knight: 'Pledge thy troth', said he, 'that thou wilt help me'. 'I do', said Sir Guj'. The knight looked up and said: 'Great thanks to thee for any help', said he, *for thou art a strong, brave knight; and before God who made heaven and earth, it is a pity that thou art not Guy of Warwick'. 'Tell me now thy story', said Guy. 'I will', said the knight. 'I am Sir Tirri, the son of Earl Aimbri; and the daughter of the Duke of Lorraine felt a strong, unendurable love for me. and I felt the same for her; and Otun, the Duke of Lombardy. came to take her; and a day was set for theii- wedding, namelj' the seventh day from to-day; and she sent to me to come for her [p. 65] in that time. And I came ', said he, 'secretly with ten very brave knights to the city of the Duke of Louvain; and I sent messengers to the damsel, and she came out to them in the bright, early morning. And I set her behind me, and left the city ; and the people of the city saw me setting off, and raised a cry after me, and the two dukes pursued me with theii- hosts, and my ten knights fell before them at that time. And there fell at my hands a bold, destructive band of this army; and there happened to be a great-waved arm of the sea in ii-ont of me, and I made an eager, light leap on my horse out into the sea, for I chose to be drowned in the sea ratlier than to fall at the hands of the Lombards. And the daughter of the Duke of Lorraine chose rather to be drowned than to be the wife of the Duke of Lombardy. And the steed ') Or, 'thy spirit will not be the better for hearing it'? I am doubtful about the sentence. ') For the idiom cf. 7ii th'ari-siu teit ria (Eriu 1, 13-t)? 144 F. N. ROBINSON, brought US to land, and they could not pursue us in the water, and we came to this wood; and I was wearj' and heavily Avounded. and I luit my head on the woman's bosom, and told her to keej) watch, and that it was necessary for me to have sleep and Ioiiíí slumber. And a fit ot sleep and long slumber fell ujion me, and fifteen knights came against me. and drove their five [fifteen?] spears through my bodj-, and took my wife away from me, and they are in a small tent in the midst of the forest'. Dixit Sir Guy: 'I am in bad plight to go against them", said he, 'for I have no arms'. Tirri said: '.My sword is in the shadow of the oak 3'onder at thy disposal"'), said he. Then Sir Guy seized the sword, and went into the tent, and said: 'Noble "knights, why did you slay the son of Earl Aimbri?' said he. One of them said: ''Thy honor will not be better', said he, 'for the same shall be done to thee'. Then Sir Guy bared the sword, fierce and warlike, and the fifteen men fell before him except a single knight from whom he struck off one hand, and who made his escape. And Sir Guy brought the daughter of the Duke of Lorraine and Sir Tirri"s horse with him to the place where he had left the wounded knight, and he found nothing there but the place where the knight had been. As for Sir Guy, then, he left the daughter of the Duke of Lorraine there, and went in search of Sir Tirri; and he had not gone far [p. 66] when he saw four very brave knights carrying Sir Tirri on a long, firm bier, and Sir Guy asked them for an account of themselves. One of the men said that it was Sir Uighi, the Duke of Lombardy's brother, that was there, and three knights along with him. 'And Sir Tirri, the son of Earl Aimbri, is in our hands, to be taken to the Duke of Lorabardy for his execution '. i)m '''*'. ^^""'-'^^T '^''^^^ ^'"^ ««^"- t*^ the city of (iormisi3) to capture it; and that is [my new.s] ", said the knight. Dixit Sir Guy- Dismount . said he, -and thou shalt stay with us to-night, for it AÍ. ^ "^ Íí^* /'^?" ^'t more likely to get news of Sir Tirri' After that the knight came in, and he found Sir Tirri before Sin ^^T- ^""^ ^r^n- ''^'^ ^"^ I'^^'i ^'^ lio»iage and respect. lleni,n- Tirri said: •Guy', said he. -though thou hast giyen me much help and great honor hitherto. I have more need of thee ?ntL, '''"/?' V''"'-. ^'' f y^ '' I'^™'^"- ^"d pillage in? fathei and to rob and insult fhimj on my account. Dh;it Sfr h^'Afl ^'"^! ,b""g tl^e strength of my hand to thy aid', said undrerl Lh Í L^'"''/'.*'"^ ^'^**' ^^'^ "^y and collected ten hundred bold knights. And they advanced thereupon to the city of Gormisi. And Earl Aimbri and his followers paid homaoe and honor to Sir Tim. Sir Tü-ri said: -It is better to pav honor and respect to Sir Guy of Warwick than to me', said he t1,«t T H'^ WK ^""'if "'•^"^" ^°'" "^«' «»'Í it is in his retinue mat 1 am . A^hen the earl and his company heard that, they ') Or, 'had taken for the pm-pose'. '') Inconsequent change of subject. *) 'Gormoise' in Fr. aud Eugl. ver.^ious. '' bomethiug omitted. Zeitschrift f. c*lt. Philologie VI. 14G K. N. ROHINSON'. paid honor to Sir Guy. Then they heard a shout and a clamor and cries of distress and helplessness throughout the whole lengtli of the city. And Sir Guy asked the cause of those shouts, and somebody told him that it was the crafty, bold hosts of Louvaiu, and the numerous, brave warriors of Lom- bardy, who iiad come to captui-e the city of Gormisi. Dixit Sir Guy: -Sir Tirri". said he. 'take with thee two hundred knights of thy company, and give them brave, victorious battle there, and let us have good knowledge') of thy bravery and prowess in the davs lighting to-day. Äs for Sii- Tirri, then, he went boldlv and valiantly to meet those battle-brave warriors, and ten iiundred soldiers\ fierce and bold and proud-hearted, were set aa-ainst him. and they fought each other madly, eagerly and savagely. Ten bold warriors fell at Sir Tinfs hands in the first onslaught, and not long afterwards [p. (»Sj two Imndred. discomfited and wounded, fell round about him. After this a thousand fierce, proud kniglits were set to fight against him, and Sir Tirri fought the battle anew at that time, and six hundred of them fell quickly before him. Then two thousand knights, heroic and hardy, were set to fight against Sir Tirri. and Sir Tirri was in the battle- Held from lii-ight, early dawn until mid-day without having lielp from anyone but himself and his two hundred knights, and it was hard for him then because of the number of the Lombard warriors about him. Sir Heront said: 'Guy; said he, 'let us bear-) aid and assistance now to Sir Tirri'. 'We will', said Guy. Then Sir Guy with his two hundred knights went to Tirri's aid, and Gny said to hini: 'Tirri', said he, -give up the fight now, and go into the city, and leave the battle to me for the rest of the time'.-') Tliereupon Tirri went into the city, wounded and victorious in battle, and Sir Guy went into the fight, fiercely and resolutely. ^) and burst upon them like a lion, eagerly and bravely. Sir öuy, moreover, was lighting that battle fiercely and valiantly from mid-day until night, and the length of the niglit without cessation, cutting down tlie warriors, until sunrise of the next day. and the leiigtli of the secoiul day until noon: so that at that time there did not remain alive any of them except sixty of them as prisoners, bound and fast fettered, and twenty more maimed and injured, cross- wounded and deadly pale('r'),') to go to the two dukes with the news. One of them ') I take findtim from findaim, fniiiaini, 'I learn, know'. ") Or perhaps, 'shall we bear'? Can da tn-berani, 'if we bear ,_ liave an Interruijative force? t'f. iarruim ort-sa da cathaighliT ris, EC. XIX, 286. ■") Literally, 'leave it between me and the tight'. ') On cetfadach see p. 303 b, above. ') With iros-ledartha d. cros-guinech in Meyer's 'Contributions", p. 530. crobhaiui.ch is not clear to nie. cro-bhdinech might he compared with cro-ban, 'deadly pale'; ero-bhainnech would ajiparontly mean 'dropping gore" (cf. cfO- bliainue, 'Irische Teite' IV, 392). THE iinsn r.TFR of r.i'Y of warwiok. 117 said: 'It is an evil jila«' in wliicli ye imt ns". said he. 'for not a fugitive of our number escai)ed alive except only twenty of ns. wounded and scarred and mutilated, with the loss of limbs and of strength". Anger and great rage seized the Duke of Lorraine on hearing this news, and he asked who did these great deeds. 'J'he messengers said that there were three columns of defence and pillars of valor \\ho had done it. namely Guy of Warwick, terrible and valiant, from the noble, fair land of the English, and Sir Tirri. strong, powerful and conventions, the son of Earl Aimbri. and Sir Heront. brave and high-sjiirited. the bold and resolute warrior. The Duke of Lombardv said: 'I had rather [p. (ii)j come upon those three in the city "of Gormisi tlian have a great part of the wealth of the whole world; and I will surround tliem'. said he. 'to-morrow in the bright, early dawn of the morning". As for Sir Guv, after the triumph and victory in that battle, he came back to the city of Gormisi with the honors of the adventure and with booty. And this was the end of that battle. 27. As for Sir Guy. on the next morning he went to hear mass, and left the church afterwards, and saw the companies and detachments of a good army ajiproaching the city. Sir Guy said to Tirri: 'The strong, brave hosts are coming against us, and let us go out on the smooth plains and into the open country to fight and give them hard battle". They went at once, and they fought a long, brave battle with each other 1 hen came the strong, brave Duke of Lombardv and Sir Heront together in the battle-field, and Sir Heront said: -Envious and fratricidal duke", said he, -thou hast unjustly deceived me and my loi'd . And he spoke thus, and gave the duke a hard, bold blow, so that he knocked half of the helmet, set with jewels and tight-bound,') from the duke;^ head; and he made a wide deep wound in his shoulder, and threw him violently to the ground, and leaped down upon him to cut off his head A^nd then came a himdred brave Lombards between them, and took the duke away from Sir Heront. and Sir Heront pursued him through the troop. Tiien numerous warriors of Lombardv col- ected about sir Heront, and killed his horse, and his sword was broken. And then a manly, A^aliant Freiu^h knight, who was in the retinue of the Duke of Lombardv. came up and said- 'Sir Weront said he. -give thyself up to me now. for thou hast no ^i,':^"8;'''.,.^° ^^^■^"'1 thyself". -What is thy name?" said Heront bir Gailiard is my name', said he. Sir Heront said: -I would give myself up to thee, if thou wouldst give me thy pledo-e to save me -I give it', said Gailiard. Then Heront gave himself upland he was taken in captivity to the duke. Then Sir Guy ■•; Cf. the use of cengailU .Is applied to a eicwn, p. 317a, above. 10* 148 F. N. ROBINSON. asked for news ol >Sir Hcront, and someone told liiiii that he saw him taken captive. Sir Guy said: 'Tirri', said he, 'let us follow Sir Heront. for 1 shall not find a better time to release him than now". And they followed him quickly, and they did not overtake him till he had been brdught into the city. Then Sir Gailiard turned upon Guy. and they fought a fierce, terrible battle with each other, and Sir Guy gave Sir Gailiard a keen thrust with his spear, [p. 70] Sir Gailiard said: 'Sir Guy', said he, 'give me my life, and let me be thy man: and it is 1 who saved Sir Heront from his death", said he; 'and if I can. I will bi-ing him back with me". And he pledged his word to that, and obtained his life. As for Sir Gailiard, after this he proceeded tu the Duke of Lombardy, and asked him for Sir Heront, to give him back to Sir Guy, and the duke refused him this. Gailiard said that he would go to fight and make war with Sir Guy against the duke because he would not give up Sir Heront to be sent back to Guy of ^Yarwick. — "and 1 will grant thee no delay but to-night only before I go to accomplish thy de- struction'. Then came another knight of the duke"s followers to fight with Guy, and they waged a battle, fierce, angry and heroic, with eacli other, and Sir Guy gave the knight a very keen thrust with the spear, and threv\' him to the ground, and leai)ed dovvii upon him to behead him. The knight rf/.r//: 'Guy", said he. 'grant me my life, and I will bring thee a good hosta-' for myself, namely Sii' Heront". 'If thou wouldst pledge th} word to that ', said Guy. ' Í would give thee thy life '. Then he gave [the pledge], and obtained his life, and proceeded to the Duke of Lombardy, and asked for Sir Heront to give him back to Sir Guy, and he obtained this at once: and Sir Guy rejoiced at Sir Heront"s coming. Then the Duke of Lombardy with his company pursued Sir Guy, when he saw him alone without a host, for there was no one with Sir Guy at that time but Sir Tirri and Sir Heront. Sir Guj' spurred his steed through the very midst of the Lombard host, and neither Tirri nor Sir Heront expected ever to see him; and the Duke of Lombardy met Sir Guy on that battle-field, and he gave the duke a strong, hard, violent blow, and the duke bent before that blow, and the back part of his helmet was struck off him. and Guy pierced the armor on his back, and through it he cut his fair golden garment and the strong-limbed gelding") with a single blow; and [Guy) escaped from them in spite of him. and put the banner of St. George on a staff, and he would fain have attacked the army. The Duke of Ltunbardy said: 'The men yonder have done us much harm to-day ', said he, ' aud they have now attacked ') I am nut sure that ciiilttf. •gelded', is ajipropiiate tu the context: lailtteclt, 'destructive', would seem more natural. Cf. also in ciDsuin calmn aiann-emur, p. 332b. THE IKISH I.IKE OF GUY OF WARWICK. 110 US loug and bravely, and let us avoid them, and go to the city of Pani, for we are not able to defend ourselves to-day (?)'.') said he. Sir Guy came back to the city of Aimbri with abun- dance of all kinds of possessions [p. 71J after having won the victory of the enemy. After the Duke of Lombardy got up from his illness, he came to the Duke of Lorraine, and said to him; -Duke of í.orraiue", said he. 'Sir Guy of Warwick and Sir Tirri will take thy realm from thee: and they will do tlie same to me. if they can; and do thou follow my advice', said he: 'send messengers to Sir Tirri and Guy of Warwick, and promise to make an alliance with Tirri and peace with Karl Aimbri and Sir Guy; and say tiiat thou hast a wedding-feast for them. And I will he with my followers in our strong battle-armor in con- cealment near you; and we will cajiture Tirri and Sir Guy and Sir Heront: and Sir Tirri and Sir Guy and Sir Heront shall be bound prisoners in my hands, and Earl Aimbri with his followers in thy hands; and do what thou wilt with them". The Duke of Lorraine said that he would never betray Sir Guy, 'for I am under great obligation to him', said the duke. JDixit the Duke of Lombardy: 'It was not in earnest that I said that then', said he. 'Howbeit, take them to thee and make peace with them'. Thus the Duke of Lombardy planned treachery against Guj^ 28. As for the Duke of Lorraine, then, he sent a bishop of higli rank to Earl Aimbri with his followers, and promised them peace and an alliance, and [said that] a banquet, long and boimtiful, was prepared for them. Earl Aimbri rejoiced at these words. i)/.r?< Sil" Guy: 'Earl .\imbri'. .«aid he. 'believe not those sweetly-false, pleasant words. Duke Otun has betrayed me twice before, and it is he who is counsellor to the Duke of Lorraine, and I would believe tliat lie would do it the third time if he could'. l)/xil Earl Aimbri: 'Sir Guy", said he, "have no fear or terror, for we do not desire peace with the two dukes there more than they desire it with us, and they will not betray us'. Sir Guy said: 'If you go there", said lie. 'take strong battle- armor with you'. Dixit Earl Aimbri: 'We will not take it', said he; 'if we go to make peace, there should not be a challenge to battle upon us'. Then Earl Aimbri went with his followers to the castle of the Duke of Lorraine, without Aveapon or armor, l)ut with splendid gowns of silk and fur-) about them. Then they saw the Duke of Lombardy coming toA\ard them with an army, armed and equipped, which took captive Tirri and Heront and the rest of the company besides. As for Sii- Guy. he was strong and bold in the midst of the enemy, smiting them ') Reading and translation both uncertain. «) See p. 322 b, above. 150 F. N. ROBINSON, bravely with his fists and his elbows. And he seized a stout, strong- club out of the hands of one of the knights, and dealt him a blow \\ith it so that [p. Í2] he fell before him. Sir Guv saw a knight coming against him. and a very tine steed beneatli him, and Sir Guy said to him: 'If thou wouldst give rne that horse under thee', said he, 'I would help thee yet, if 1 shoul : live'. 'I swear by my God that thou shalt have it', said tli knight leaping down; and Guy mounted it instantly and sped bravely away among the liosts, and two knights fell hill (|uickly at ids' hand.i. and he gave their horses to the knight who had given him the steed before. As for Sir (-iuy, then, many brave knights of Lombardy collected around liim, and he made for himself a path through them, crowded and clamorous:') and tli- Lombards pursued him, and there chanced to be a deep streai: before him, and he took an eager, bold leap on his horse into the river, and i)assed over the stream; and iheie escaped of his company, without being captured or killed, only Sir Guy and Si'- Gailiard. Thus far the account of the treachery. 'J'lie Duke -: Lombardy took Sir 'i'irii with him in bonds, and the Duke <- Lorraine" took Sir Heront and the other prisoners away. 29. As for Sir Guy. then, he went to Earl Aimistii- Amunndae."'') and the earl made Sir Guy welcome. Dixit the earl: 'Sir Guy", said he, 'I am thine, and all my possessions'. Then Sir Guy lold how he had been betrayed, and liow Earl Aimbri and his son Sir Herout had been taken, and all the hosts besides. Earl Aimistir made complaint and heavy lamen- tation at this news. Sir Guy was in the city three days, sad and melancholy, and he said: "Earl ilunndae'. said he, Mt is sad for us to be like this". Earl Muiindae said: -There is a great.') rich city near us here, and it is said that the third part of the world is in its possession. And the Turk, mighty and powerful, is lord and chief there; and no man ever Avent against him who came back afterwards alive; and single combat or double is held there, or the number that anyone desires". Sir Guy said that he would go liimself into tha't city. "Do not go', said Earl Aimistir. "for thou wilt not come back from there alive over the same road'. Sir Guy said: "I would not fail to go there for an abundance of wealth, and I will not take any man with me'. 'Indeed 1 will go with thee', said Gailiard, -for 1 will not leave thee till the day of my death". They went on their way then into the forest," and Sir Guy blew a strong, jiowerful blast on ') The sense of coilchcnn ~ louj/ainrh seems to be 'public and noisv'. i. e. like a street. ') This is a corruption of Amis de la Mounteyne. See above, p. i:i. ") inthnrrdhri. I am not sure what this means when applied tu a city. TIIK IRISH LIl'K OF (iUV OF WARTVICK. 151 the end of the bugle that hung: at liis neck. "When the Turk lieard this, he said in anger and in great wrath: 'Who would dare to make this havoc ') in my forest? ' said he. [p. 73] A knight of the TiU'k's compan.y went to Guy, and told him to come into the Turk's presence. Sir Guy came to the Turk. The Turk said to hini: • Knight', said he, 'it will prove to be no time of luck or fortune [for thee] that thou didst blow the blast there on the end of the bugle', said he. Sir Guy said: 'I did not know", said he. "that there was harm in blowing the blast there, for 1 was not hunting deer or game, but only myself astray and seeking information'. There was a very strong steed under the Turk, and Sir Gny said: 'Eich and prosperous lord, give me that steed under thee', said he. The Turk said he would not give it, but that lie would give him instant death. Sir Guy said: "My lord', said he, -it is not warlike of you to kill witliout mercy two knights who liave come into your power; and if it seems best to thee to make trial of us in our armor, send thj' choice of two knights from thy company to fight agaiust us'. '"Who art thou thj-self?' said the Turk. Sir Guy said: 'I am a well-known English knigiif. said he. 'and Guy of AVarwick is my name'. As to the 'i'nrk. lie gave Guy a good welcome and said to him: "Thou hast done a good thing forme before this', said he. -for Duke Otuifs bi'other fell at thy hands, who has done me injury before now. And the good horse shall be thine. Guy', said he. "and there is not in the world altogether a horse equal to it: and if I had three like it. thou shouldst get them". The Turk gave another line horse to Gailiard in Guy"s lionor. Guy thanked the [Turkish] lord for that present, and they went on to meet Earl Muundae. Thus far Sir Guy's adventure in the land of the Turks. 30. As for Sil- Guy, after he had been nine daj's in the company of the earl, he said: 'It is a long time', said he, 'that I have been without going to get news of Sir Tirri and Sir Heront: and 1 am afi-aid they are slain, and 1 will go noAV to find out". Earl Muiindae said: 'I will send ten hundred knights of my company with thee'. Guy said that it would delay him long to wait for them, and that he would not take anyone Avith him. ■! will go with thee", said Sir Gailiard. And they went on their way then, and Guy said to Gailiard: -Mount thy horse", said he. -and take this good horse beside thee'; and Gailiard did so. As for Guy, now, he rubbed black [stain] [p. T4-] on them both, and put a black, dingy, unrecognisable color on them, and in that shape they went "to meet the Duke of Lombard)'. Guy said: 'It is a long wav. T have come to thee out of the land of ') Cf. ficm-chosear, as applied to a huut. V>2 F. X. ROBINSON, the blue men'.') said he; 'and I have heard that there is not in the world a sti-oiiger hand than thine, or a duke who is richer than thou art. And I have brought thee the one best horse in the whole world to sell him to thee: and he has no fault but one. namely, that he will not suffer a driver to mauai:. him except the one driver who has known him well'. •Wli:i is thy name?' said the duke. 'Gebun Marcel-) is my name . said he, 'and Georg-e the gillie'. •A\'elcome is your coming to me', .said the duke; ■and I had rather have had that horse than many riches when I cajjiured the prisoner that is with nn for if 1 liad. Sir (luy of Warwick would not have escaped I. tiie sjieed oi his horse.' 'Who is the prisoner that thou hast? said (iuy. -Sir Tirri, the sou of Earl Aimbri", said he. 'Is he with tlieeV said Guy. 'He is indeed", said the duke. 'It is a pity 1 was not with thee at that time', said (-iuy. 'fori would kill that sou mercilessly', said he, 'and I would not make a prisoner of him; for Sir 'I'irri killed my own brother', said he. "And give me chai'ge of those prisoners, for it is 1 that will have no mercy upon him ". Then the Uuke of Lombardy gave the keys of the prison to Gu}'. As for Guy, aftei- this he went into the cruel prison where Sir Tirri was. and asked news of him how he was. -Who art thou?" said Tirri. ■[ am Guy of Warwick", said he. 'That is ill for me", said Tirri, "for 1 had hope until now of getting help fiom thee; and yet it is worse for me that thou shouldst be in the danger thou art in than that I myself should be", said he. There was a Lombard near by, listening to that conversation. The Lombard said: "Sir Guy', said he. •fhou shalt not leave this piison till the time of thy') death'. Guy said: 'Keep it secret about me", said he. 'and thou shalt have plenty of gold and treasure fromme'. The Lombard refused to accept that from Guy, and set out to tell the news to the duke; and Guy followed him. and gave him a strong, bold lilow with the great iron key that was in his hand, and he dropped dead, withoul life, and he fell in the presence of the duke. The duke said: 'Thou shall fall thyself for that act, false traitor", said he. Guy said: 'My lord", said he, "1 do not know why it was wrong to kill him, for he was on the poiut of letting Tirri out of i)rison. [p. 75] and gave him his choice of the food and drink of the city'. The duke said: "Thou hast killed him justly", said he; 'and now we will give thee assurance cf ') Simiily 'men »I ilark colur". The .Middle English says from •feiie coutree'. For /ii- (loniia (— Xoi-se Bldmenn) ef. 0' Donovan's 'Fragments of Irish Annals", p. lt)2, nnd A. Biigge, 'Oaithrcim (.'ellachain Caisil', p. 141. '') Yon in the Fr. .ind Engl, vei-sions, where (rcorge the CTÍllie is not mentioned. The sonrce of (iehun Marcel, which strangely resembles Gihoin le Mancell in ' Kaoul de Cambrai '. is nnknown to me. Marci/U is the name of a Saracen in the ' Fo\ue Sonnes uf Aymon ". ') The Irish lias /in- m-bais, plnral. THE IKISH LIFE OF GUY OF ■ftAKAVICK. peace'. Sir Guy went into the prison, and broke the gra3'-irün fetters that were on Tirri, and gave him a full supply- of food and drink, and said to him: 'Tirri'. said lie. 'ofo out to Earl Airaistir in the early part of the night, and wait for me there; and if it be God's will, it is shortly that I will be with thee there, and I'isin. the daughter of the Duke of Louvain'. Thus went the night with Gny. And the Duke of Lombardy said to the daughter of the Duke of Lorraine: 'Make thyself read}-, lady", said he. "for our marriage mass shall be celebrated to- morrow; for thou didst not ask for more than twelve days, delay before marrying, and they have passed". Uisin said: 'My lord', said she. '1 will do thy will in this matter'. As for the duke, he went forth into the beautiful, wild forest to kill boars and deer and [other] creatures in preparation for the wedding on the morrow. (4uy went at that time to the lady, and said to her cheerfully and joyously: 'Lady", said he, 'dost thou recognize me"?' 'I do not', said she. 'I am Guy of ^\ar\vick", said he. The lady said: 'That was not the color that Í saw upon Guy", said she. 'for he was fairer than the mass of men'. Then Sir Guy showed the lady a mark that was upon him, and thereupon she recognised him. Sir Guy said: 'Lady', said he. 'get me good armor and weapons to-night, and by God's will I A\ill carry thee with me away from the Lombards'. And she gave Guy armor and weapons secretly. As for the duke, the next morning he put Uisin on a clear white mule to go to the temple. And Sir Guy followed them on his steed, and strong, indestructible armor upon him. and a warrior's weapons in his hand: and he overtook them, and said: 'Duke Otun', said he. 'I am Sir Guy of Warwick; and now be on tliy guard, for thou hast deceived me three times, and hast slain mj- knights in the wilderness of tliis laud'. Then Sir Guy drove a spear eagerly and boldly through the duke's body, and afterwards gave him a blow with his sword, and struck oif his head, and split him as far as the navel. And he took the duke's head with him. and put the daughter of the Duke of Louvain behind Gailiard, and in this way they left the city. Bold warriors of the Lombards bore down upon them, and the brother of the duke said: 'Sii- Guy', said he, •treacherously hast thou killed the Duke of Lombardy. and thou thyself art a poor compensation for him'. Guy said: 'There is nothing better for thee than to let him go his way ('?).') for the duke deserved to be killed by me many times over', [p. <(>] (iuy turned to the duke's brother, and struck off his head with one blow, and killed ten more of the Lombards along with him, and they left the Lombards thus. "^Mien the daughter of the Duke of Louvain had put away her fear, she said: 'It is a sad deed the Lombards will do now', namely, to kill Tirri without mercy'. Guy said: ').Rea(l )ia a ligen, or perhaps na mo liyeu' 154 F. N. HOBLNSOX, "He lias iiotliiug to fear', said he, 'for I told the jailer to he kind to him, and by (íod's will thou slialt see him soon'. Then thej- went on tlieir way to the city of Munntani, where Earl Aimistir was. and they found Sir Tirri awaiting them there, having been bathed clean and healed from the wounds of the fetters and tlie hard irons. As for the Lombards, after tliey turned from Guy, they went to the i)risou to kill Tirri, and they found nothing "tliere but the place wliere he had been. Then they brousrht the Duke of Lombardy into the church, and he was buried by them there. Thus did Sir Guy put an end to his war with the Duke of Lombardy and his kniglits. 3L As for Sir Guy, then, he said that he would go to find Sir Heront. •! will go with thee, [and] five hundred knights', said Karl Aimistir. Thereupon they set out, and they pillaged and laid waste every city and castle that they came upon in the possession of tlie Duke of Louvain, until they came to the city of Gormisi where Earl Aimbri was; and great joy seized Earl Aimbri when he saw liis son and Sir Guy approaching, and a swoon and a fainting-fit came upon him through the excess of his joy. 'I'hen Sir Guy i)ut the head of tiie Duke ot Lombardy on the top of a stake at a ci'oss-road in the city of Gormisi, and he called Sir Gailiard to him and said to Íiirn: ■Noble and honorable knight', said he. "I will give tliee command aud leadership of my army, and do thou take six hundred bold knights with thee, and bring me prisoners as a pledge for Heront '. As for Sir Gailiard. then, he went on to Louvain. and he was destroying it witliout mercy, and he captured fifteen castles there, and seven earls and ten barons, [p. 77] This news came to the Duke of Lorraine, and fear and terror seized him. and he went to his own steward, and took counsel with him. The duke said: "My realm has been laid waste and pillaged', said he, "and the armies and great troop of Guy of Warwick are coming to capture from me this city in which 1 am; and which is better for me, to mount a swift horse and take flight, or to stay and be captured or re-captured?'') The steward said: 'Take my advice", said he. 'if thou desirest to act for thine own jirofit; for Guy of Warwick struck off the head of the Duke of Lombardy and put that head on a stake at the cross-road of the market in the city of Gormisi; and he took Sir Tirri. the son of Earl Aimbri, with him. and Uisin. thy own daughter. Battle or combat against him is not possible, and he will take the world if lie wishes to; and furthermore, thou hast in thy hands a brave, victorious knight of his company. Sir Heront; and do thou let liim out in honor of Sir Guy, and all tlie other prisoners along with him, and give tiiem their own possessions. 'J I tiikf ajabail to be titliyaiail, 'reprisal, rc-capture'. THE IRISH MFE OF OUY OF WARWICK. 105 aud niucli besides along; with them. And send those prisoners in an embassj- to Gu}' to ask favor of liim, and to got assurance of peace, for Heront is one of the two advisers who have tlie strongest influence with him in tlie world, — namely Sir Tirri and Sir Heront; and Guy himself is merci- ful". The Duke of Lorraine said: 'My blessing straightway upon thee", said he. "for it is good counsel thou hast given me". As for the Duke of Lorraine, then, he broke the l)(>uds and fetters of all the prisoners, and gave them every possession that had been taken from them, whether great or small, and an abundance of his wealth besides. And he sent them to Guy, and charged them to procure his advantage and to establish peace for him with Guy for the love of God. Then the Duke of Lorraine told Sir Heront how Sir Guy had killed the Duke of Lombardy. and how he had taken Sir Tirri and Uisiu with him, and every other deed that he had done. This news was sweet to Sir Heront, because he had not had a single word of news about Guy from the time he himself was captured until thai hour. As for Sir- Gailiard, he advanced with his six hundred knights to the city of Gormisi, and Sir Guy was in consultation that day on the top of a hill over against the city of Gormisi; and there was no one with him but Sir Tirri and Earl Aimistir. Aimistir said: "I do not know who the hosts are yonder", said he; "for if they are an army bent on war and battle, they are too near us; and I will go myself on my horse to meet them". And he went then, and recognised Sir Heront, and they bade each other a friendly welcome, fp. 78] Sir Heront said: -Aimistir". said he. '1 beg thee, ask Sir (Tuy for me to give promise of peace to the Duke of Lorraine, for I am indebted to him. aud I partook of food and drink at his table, and he did not put bond or fetter on me; and not a bit of harm has come to me or to any of the other prisoners, and great is our gain from what he has given us". They went on then to meet Guy and Tirri, and all together they begged for peace for the Duke of Lorraine; and (4uy refused to give them that. Sir Heront went upon his knees" in Guy's presence, and the eight hundred knights along with him, and they all together begged Guy to give assurance of peace to the Duke of Lorraine. Guy said: 'I will grant you that request, though it is hard for me'. As for Gailiard, now. he and his hosts were at that time la.ying waste and devastating Louvain, aud a messenger was sent to him, aud he was brought back to the city of Gormisi. And another messenger was sent to the Duke of Lorraine to ask him to prepare a [wedding-feast for liisj daughter, to give her to Sir Tirri. the son of Earl Aimbri. After this they Avent together to the city of the Duke of Lorraine, and they made peace and an alliance, and celebrated the wedding. And thus was waged the war of the two dukes with Sir Guy of Warwick. löG F. N. KOIilNSOX. 32. Ouce wlien Sir Guy went to the hunt in Lorraine, a wild boar started up before him, and he set his dogs upon it, and followed it on iiis horse: and (tuv parted from his company at that time, and luirsued the boar through many well-defended and prosperous lauds. And he overtook it at last, as it was killing- his dogs; and lie dealt the boar a strong, bold blow, and killed it, and gave its heart to his dogs, and blew a loud blast upon the end of the horn that was hanging at his neck, to proclaim the slaughter') of the boar that had fallen before him. And the blast of that horn was heard in the city wliich was called Florentine, and Duke Florentine bade that the man who blew that horn in his forest be brought to him in dishonor. The son of Duke Florentine went to Sir (iuy, and struck him boldly with his fist. Sir Guy said: •Thou hast struck me un- justly for killing the boar that I have i)ursne(l through many lands'. The duke's sou said: -I will inflict death upon thee for that ", said he. When Guy heard this, he struck the sou of Duke Florentine on the head with the end of the horn, swinging it by his girdle, fp. 7i>] and he died. .\s for Sir Guy then, he proceeded through the forest, and saw the city of Florentine before him, and went into it, and asked food of Duke Florence 2) for the love of (4od, because he had been three days and three nights without food, or drink, or sleep, in pursuit of that boar. The duke ordered food to be given to (ruy, and plenty was given him and he was eating it. Then Guy heard a cry of soirow and lamentation in the city, and he saw a body laid on the Úom- in the royal hall, and the duke was asking what body they had. "Thy son', they ^■SLÍd. "who has been killed". 'Who killed him':'' said the dulie. "It seems likely to us', said thej-, ■that the knight who is eating at the table yonder killed him'. When the duke heard this, he seized a broad-trenched, warlike sword, and drew it out, and .struck at {tU,v with it; and (lUy drojtped behind the shelter of the table and let the blow go by. As for Sir tiny then, he seized a sharji-edged dagger that was at his side, and was defending himself bi'avely; and all the people of the city collected around him, and six of them fell at his hands. Guy said: 'My lord', said he, "it is Udthing but treachery on your part to kill in your house a single knight or a single man to whom j-ou have given food; and if thou ') art a true nobleman, give me leave to go out through the gate of the city on my horse, and give me my sword and my shield, and thou shalt have leave to follow me. and it will be less digrace for you ') to kill me like that than to kill me like this'. ') Perhaps comartha should be supphed before cosgttrtha. ^) The names are confused. The Middle English versions have Earl (or King) Florentine. ') The shift of number is in the Irish. THE IKIRH I JFK OF GUY OF WARWICK. 157 The duke said: I give thee leave to depart thus ', said he; 'and take thy horse and thy arms". Guj- seized his arms, and mounted his liorse. and set out: and the people of the city were Ijing in wait for liim, and attached him ou every side, and he killed three of them in that onslaught. And tiie duke struck him a savage blow, and drove a spear through his shield. Sir Guy gave the duke a keen thrust of the spear, and overthrew him. and took his horse from him; and after that he looked upon him. And Guy said: 'Old man, aged and infirm', said he. 'it were more fitting for thee to be alone in church praj-ing fervently to God than to be fighting now'. The duke said: 'It is seventy years now since 1 have taken arms before, and it would be a delight to me to have thee fall at my hands in compensation for my son'. Guy said: 'I will not kill an old man like thee', said he, 'and I will give thee thy horse'. As for Guy, he went on his way, and the assembled people of the city and of the whole land piu-sued him, and he killed sixty of them, [p. SO] and got away afterwards in spite of them. And he was travelling on horseback a day and a night, and came to Lorraine, and the people of the city were all glad to see him, for they did not know what had become of him fi'om the day of the hunt until that time; and Sir- Guy related his adventure to them fi-om beginning to end. Sir Guy said: 'Tirri', said he, 'I have been .seven years without seeing my father or my mother, and now I am going to England '. ' Do not go ', said Tirri, ' for there are many hosts in Lombardy. and they will make war upon me after thy departure, if they hear that thou art gone. And I will give thee the city of Gormisi. and I will stay myself in the city of Lorraine'. Sir Guy said: 'I will not accept that', said he; 'for it is known to thee. Tirri, that I am in love with the daughter of the Earl of '\^'arwick. and I am going to see her now'. As for Sir Guy, he proceeded to England, and went to Winchester where the king was, and the English nobles about him: and they made Guy welcome, and heard of every deed of bravery he had done ou his wanderings. It was not long thus with them when they saw a knight approaching on a steed. The king asked news of him. The knight said : 'I have bad news', said he, 'for a black, devilish dragon has come to this country, and greater than a well-filled tun is the shaggy, deep-dark neck that is on him. And he kills every animal that he comes upon, whether small or big, and the men of the land are not able to combat him, and it will be necessary to give up the land and the country to him'. Fear and terror seized the king at this news, and for a time he was silent. Guy said : •My lord', said he, 'have no fear of this, for by God's wUl I will win the battle of the dragon yonder for you ', said he. And thereupon Guy rose, and put on his battle-armor, and took three knights with' him, Sir Heront and two other knights besides, 158 T. N. BOBINSON. and went against tlie dragon. And lie left the three knights half a mile behind him. and upon pain of death he forbade them to follow him to give liim help. As for Sir Guy then, he was three hours in battle and fierce conflict with that bold dragon, ani he could not injure him in that time. Then the dragon made a strong, tirm knot of his stout, strong-ended tail about Sir Guy and his steed, so that he broke and crushed together the bones and the heart of the brave, strong courser, and Sir (iuj- was thrown to the ground in peril. As for Sir Guy then, he rose in strengtli and courage and struck liim a powerful blow, and broke his tail olT with great might. The dragon struck (Tiiy a powerful blow with the butt of the tail, and gave [p. 8lj him a dangei'ous wound. And when Sir (Tuy could not wound i) him in front, lie began to cut and wound him fi-om behind: and he struck him a strong, brave blow in tlie side, and broke three broad, great ribs in him. and the dragon fell, before him. and let out a horrible howl. And he raised his tail high in the air then, and Guy gave him a swift, sudden blow in the breast, and made two jiieces of him, just e(inal in size and weight, and there issued from him a black, maludorous vapor. And Guy struck off his head, and measured him, and he was thirty feet long; and he went to the king of the Saxons, and showed him the dragon's head, and evei'yone praised that fight. 33. After Guy had accomplished this feat, the king of the English said: 'Sir Guy', said he, 'I will give thee thy choice of the dukedoms in England, besides gold and silver and an abundance of all riches in addition'. Sir Guy said: "If 1 had desired it, my lord', said he, •! might have taken the empire of Constantinople, besides every other possession that was offered to me, and I might have taken a dukedom in Germany, and I might have taken an earldom in France, and I might have taken an earldom in Britanny, and T did not take any one of them, and 1 will not take this from you, my loni ', said lie: 'and much honor be thine.'-) Aiul my father has died", said he, 'and I will go to see my own domain now'. Guy took leave of the king, and went to his own home, and he found an abundance of gold and silver and precious stones besides sent from the king because he had not taken any other domain from him. Guy said: 'Sir Heront ', said he. 'it is long that thou hast followed me, and much of my evil fortune that thou hast had. and thou hast no lordship of thy own; and 1 give tliee this manor, and to thy heirs after thee, and a thousand pounds besides every year'. And in this way he gave away his whole domain to his knights, and said that the earldom of Warwick ') MS. derÍHd{';): doul)t]ess for dtrutidh, as a few lines before. ^; Tliis forimila recurs ou p. 353 b, below. THE IRISH LIFE OF GFT OF WARWaCK. 150 did not seem to him too small tor himself. Then Sir Guy went to the Earl of Warwick, and tiie Earl of Warwick paid him »reat honor, and thanked God that he had come out of the great perils in Avhicii he had been. Then Sir Guy went to Felice, the earl's daughter. Sir Guy said: 'Felice', said he, 'it would have been easy for me to get for a wife a lady wíiose wealth and patrimony was greater than thine, and I refused them all for love of thee". Felice said: 'Sir Guy", said she, 'it would have been easy for me to marry a king, or a prince, or an emir, [p. 82J or a duke, or an earl, if my love uad not been kejtt for thee.') And I should never have had a man or a husband, if thou hadst not retui'ned alive'. Sweet was that speech to Guy, for the lady had not laid bare her love to Sir Guy up to this time. Tliereupon Guy went to the earl. And the earl asked (ruy what kept him without a mfe. Guy said: 'I have felt unendurable love for a woman since my youth, and if ] do not obtain that woman, I will never take a wife ', said he. The earl said: '^^'ilt thou be pleased with my daughter, together witli all my possessions? For I have no son or daughter but liei-, and if it should seem fitting to thee to take her there is no son-in-law in the world that we wotüd rather have than thee". Guy said: 'It is thy daughter who is the one woman I choose to marry in all the world'. That saying gave the Earl great joy. The earl went to Felice and asked her what kept her unmarried, and plenty of noblemen Avooing her; or whether she chose to be always without a husband. Felice said: 'Ihave loved a man since my youth, and I will take no husband till the time of my death unless I get him". The earl said: 'Does Sir Guy of Warwick please thee?" said he. 'He does indeed', said the lady, 'for he is my choice for a husband'. Sweet was this answer to the earl. The earl went to Guy. and set the time for the marriage on the seventh day fiom that day. And the earl and Sir Guy went to the hunt every day during that time in prei)aration for the wedding. Then messengers were sent from him to the English nobles, both laity and clergy; and the king of the English, and the queen, and the prince came to that wedding; and there came bishops and archbishops and abbots and herenachs, and friars of the orders, and canons, and monks: and that wedding was nobly celebrated. And after this they enjoyed the wedding- feast, and Sir Guy distributed gold and silver and garments of silk and gold-thread and gems of crystal and carbuncle and all kinds of treasures besides. And to all who desired a gift or a reward Guy gave it ...'-) to the door of the house that day of gold and silver and vii-tuous stones. And there were a multitude of knights, gracious and ') Literally: 'in hoarding in thee'. •). I cannot translate do bo maith. Apparently something is omitted. 160 F. N. ROBINSON. .splendid, attending- upon that wedding; and there was much music and minstrelsy at that wedding ; and there was not a man of them all whom Guy did not repay with worthy rewards at liis own pleasure, [p. HÍi\ Tiiey were three days celebrating that wedding, and then they went to tiieir own places and abodes. Thus far tlie marriage of the Earl of Warwick's daughter witli Sil- Guy. 34. As for Sir Guy. after this he was forty days and nights with the daughter of the Karl of Warwick. At the end of that time Guy went one day to hunt, and many wild creatures were killed by him that day. And though that was pleasant, it was not there that his mind was, but upon his own sins, for the fear of the Lord was upon hiili. And it was his desire to make amends for his youtli. Sir Guy sent messengers at that time to Johannes de Alciuo, a holy father, and he came to him at once. Guy said: 'Holy father', said lie, 'I put the charge of my soui upon tliee; and hear thou my confession quickly in honor of three Persons, the Father, and the Son, and tlie Holy Ghost. For man}' are my sins; for until the sands of the sea are counted, and tlie grass of the field, and the leaves of the forest, and the stars of the sk,y. there will not be made a count or an estimate ') of the men and the innocent lives that fell at my hands because of my love for this world, to get myself honor and high repute. I and] to put my fame above everyone; and yet I never killed a man from love of God'. Dixit Johannes de Ak-ino: 'if thou liadst done a third of that for tlie love of God, God would be satisfied with thee and would forgive thee thy sin'. Johannes de Ali-ino said:'-) 'Sir Guy', said he, "do thou now take my advice: keep the ten commandments which Christ left on earth with Moses in the tablets; love God be^-oiid every love in heaven and earth, et cetera; avoid the mortal sins, pride, anger, slotli, envy, lust, gluttony, avarice and backbiting; and be merciful, humble, prayerful, pitiful, compassionate, grateful and full of benediction. Joliannes said: 'Observe, Guy', said he, 'how the saints who are in heaven attained the kingdom: part of them by fasting and prayer, by pilgrimages and vigils, by frequent confession and many alms; others by suffering, by pain, by purgatory in this life,(?)') by burning, by crucifixion, by the distress of every disease and every pain, for the love of Jesus'. And Johannes said: 'Guy', said he, -make thy confession clean, and be humble before God, [p. Hi\ and be ashamed of thyself, and know that our parents were without sin in Paradise only three hours because of the deception of the adversary. And they were driven out ') rucwndach, literally 'covering', might mean here 'defence, excuse". -) On the source of tliis whole passage cf. p. 15, ahove. ■') Or simply -purification from the world '-^ THE IKISH LIFE OK fiTY OF WARWICK. IGl of Paradise, aud found much evil in tlie lands everywhere, and afterwards went to hell — and not they alone but everyone who was descended from them — until Christ suffered passion and iiunishmeut for our salvation. 0 Guy', said he. Mielieve what the apostles say in the creed: namely, believe in" one God Almighty who made heaven and earth; and believe also in Jesus (hrist, who was born of Mary witliout loss of her virginitv without the knowledge of a man: and believe that he redeemed the seed of Adam in the midst of the tree of suffering- and believe that he rose from the dead on the third day after the harrowing of hell; and that he went thereafter to the rio-ht hand ot his Father; and that he shall come to pass judgment upon both the quick and the dead; and believe in the Holy bpirit, the third part of the Deitv. and understand further that there IS one God in Trinity, namely the Father and the Son and the Holy Spmt; and believe in the resurrection of the men of the world, and the forgiveness of sins, and the life ever- lasting, and the communion of the saints and the angels where there is life without death and health without disease'. 35. When Guy had completed fortv davs in his wife's company, he was [there] one night, and tlie' daughter of the earl, with their breasts against the chamber window, and Sir Guy said: 'Felice', said he, 'thou art with child, and shalt bear a son; and name him Eoighuebron. and he shall be a good son- and give him to Sir Heront to be brought up. And Felice'' said he, 'not more numerous are the stars thou seest in the lirmameut than the men who have fallen at mv hands because of my love for thee; and if it had been for the 'love of God that 1 had done it. He would be satisfied with me: and now I will do service unto God'. Felice said: 'Guy', said she, -biiüd monasteries aud temples and chapels and bridges and other spiritual works, and make a house of hospitality "for the Lord's poor, and still abide [here]'. 'I will not do it'," said Guy: 'but I will go to traverse the land that my Lord Jesus traversed' Guy gave Felice his s\\ord, and told her to keep it for his son- and he said that there was not in the world a sword that was better than this: and he cut short his spear and made a staff of It. Felice said: -There is a woman in another land who is dearer to thee than I am, and it is to her thou art going', there is none', said Guy. 'and vet we will surely not stay aud abandon this journey'. And then they kissed each other, fp. 85] and thereupon they fell in a swoon; and Guy got up after this, and set out on his way. 'Art thou surelv pleased to go?' said she. -I am in truth', said he. 'Take half of this ring with thee , said slie; and Guy took the ring, and broke it, and left halt ot the ring wth her and took the other half himself. And Guy said: 'Do not believe that I have met death until thou get Zeitschrift f. celt. Philologie VI. << 102 V. X. ROBINSON. mj- half of the riug'. 'I'hus did Guy put away from himself the world. ■U). As for the earl's daughter, after Sir Guy had left her. .slie was three days and three nights in her chamber witlitnit food or sleep: and she took Sir Guy's swoi'd and slie would gladly have driven it through henself. And she said: 'I would kill myself, said she. 'but that I fear it would be .said that 8ir Guy killed me'. And she went to her fatlier after that, and told him that Guy had departed. The earl said: 'It is to test thee he has done that'. 'Not so indeed', said Felice, 'and I shall never see him again '. As for the earl, after lie had heard tliis news, he fell down in a swoon. And afterwards he sent to Sir Herout and related the news to him. Sir Heront said that he would explore the world until he found Sir Guy. He set out again, and he did not leave unexplored a land of those he hail traversed before with Gny. and he searched in Konie for him, and got no news of him, and they came together in anothei' city, and Sir Herout did not recognise Sir Guy after his (diange of name (Poor John, namel}% he was calling himself), and his body emaciated ') with fasting and his hair grown long; and Guy did not betray his identity to Heront. Sir Heront ieturne(i to Kngland, and reported that he had not found a wdid of news about Gu.y. and great were the lamentations the English made in mourning him. Thus far the sorrow of the English for Guy, and Sir Herout/s search. oT. As for Sir Guj", he made a praiseworthy pilgrimage of the world to the city of Jerusalem, and from there to Alexandria, and li(i was three |years?J travelling in those cities. And out- side (if the city he came upon an old man. advanced in }-ears, weeping sorrowfull}'. And Guy asked him the cause of his grief, and he did not tell him. Guy said: [p. H>| '1 beg thee for the sake of Giirist's passion to tell me tin' stoiy'. '1 will do so now", said the old man. 'Earl Jonutas is my name', said the old man. 'and 1 am a Christian; and Craidhamar,-) the King of Alexandria came with his followers to lay waste my land and my city, and T fought a battle with them, and defeated them, and we were slaying them mercilessly as far as this city. And they made an ambush for us in the woods yonder, and we were deceived, and 1 was cai}tured, and my fifteen sons, and my followers were .slain; and we have been [here] seven years, and we have not had our half jiortion of food or drink in that time. And it is a fixed custom with the Sultan e\ery year to celebrate a feast ') truailleadh means usually 'defile, corrupt', and perhaps the refer- ence here is to the liodily neglect that accompanied religious asperities rather llian to the emaciation of abstinence. ') Triamonr in the English and French romancers. See p. 13. abov' THT5 IRISH MFK OF CVX OK WARWICK. 1G;1 on the anniversary of the day on ^^•l,ich lie was born; and all lus fo lowers are with him at that feast. And Craidhamar, tie loul of this city, and his son Faber went to that feast and nnl'it •'ul'v'í'lf ''''■ «^ked Faber to play a game with' S !n.r, 1 i' l'l«>^d the game. The Sultau-s son became angry, and struck Paber with his fist, and Faber said: 'If there were any witness of it I would not let thee di.shonor me '. said he. When vlT ^"'^ '^''- ''^•^*™''H '""^ «««•"' ^^« tli^t bis blood a, Fabei was angry and struck him on the head with the chess- infl'lni??-'" 'f ^*^''"- ^^'""'"^ "**^- '''«^'«- ^-'^^ to hif fatier, and told Inn. about it. and they tied to this city; and they had been only three days with the Sultan, and that feast lasted six dajs. As to the Sultan, after he learned of his son's death he S f,.'"l-'°^''; to/'iaidhamar to charge him with the deed. SulHn Thp"l„u -^^^^^'"'™,^iid his son went to meet the Sultan rhe Sultan said: -Faber'. said he, 'it is an evil deed thou hast done to kill my son without cause'. -Not without cause did I kill him", said Faber. and he told him how he had done the deed. The Sultan said: 'I will give thee a veaí and orty days time to find a champion: and if thy champiÍn is 1l e s ronger. I will relieve thee from thy accusalion.O and if tl,y champioii IS the weaker, 1 will put thee and thy father to death, and will take away youi- dominion". Then thev came to this ctj . ,aid KarlJoniita.s. -and they told me that they would give me and my children our lives, if I would find a champion who would win the battle of the Sultan for them: and if I did not fand them one that they would put me and mv children to death ni!i If tf f -l^^'J^i'i ^^'^ 'f ^ «^ ^''^^ E"g-ii«l^ «nd a great pan of the islands ot the sea besides, and I did not find him ri"} VT^' f^f \"8;,'. «\^; Guy of Warwick, my lord and chief; o i'nvS w f -'[ P™"^V ^ ^'"^''^ "^'"g'lt of the company to 3.^ } ^.r'"''- M^T' ^ ^'" §^^^"8- ^at'k, and 1 shall have L I if .■ .f ^t''''^' i^'-^'J "'^■''^" ^"d ".T children: and there is left of tlie time before that combat only forty days that have not elapsed: and that is the cause of my grief .said he Sü- (juy said: 'I ^nll go with thee to that combat', said he. Earl donutas said: 'Pilgrim', said he, -do not make mockery of me'- and he rose to his feet then, and fell down immediately; and Sii- b^uy litted him to a sitting posture, and told him to have o-ood corn-age. and that he would remove the cause of his grief Earl Jonutas said, looking at Guy: -It would seem likely that thou Jfi ,?"''''/".^^ ^"^ ?"^ *b^t thou couldst do a manful, valiant aeed;-!) and it is a pity before Him who made heaven and earth .„nnJL^K ^^^^W^ 'raal^e amends to thee for the accusation'? This is supported by luach h'esonora, p. 338 a, below similar^Suc^-Jli/' "°' """' ^''''""^ ''"''^''"^- ^^' P'^^^*^' ^'^"''^ ^"^ ^ 11* 1G4 F. N'. ROniXSON. that thou art not Guy of Warwick". After tlial they went into the city, and Craidiiamar came upon them, and he asked news of Earl .Joiiutas, whether he had found a man whom he could ask to undertake the battle. Earl Jonutas .said: 'There is a j)ilgrim with me who promised to win') it'. The king looked at (lUy, and made but little [of him|. and asked him what his country was. Guy said: 'I am John the Englishman", said he. Tlie king- said: '1 like it the worse that thou art an English- man', .said he, "for from that land were the two knights that T liked least of all that ever came, Sir Guy of Warwick and Sir Heront; for it is Sir Guy who killed the Sultan, my brother, and Eiliman of Tyre,2) my father; and I was near the place my- self when he struck off the Sultan"s head. And [yet] if Sir Guy should come to me now, and settle the combat ,yonder for me,^) 1 would give him assurance of peace'. And the king said: "Old man', said he. 'how wilt thou expect to fight the battle yonder? For if thou shouldst fight with the champion of the Sultan, thou wouldst be killed instantly by terror before him; for such is the warrior, — black, horrible, huge, bold and unconíiuerable'. Guy .said: 'I have never felt fear yet', said he. 'of anything I have seen'. As for Guy then, service and attendance was given him. fre(|uent baths and food and drink, to the end of forty days and forty nights. A\'hen the time had passed the King of Alexandria said; [p. 'SSj 'Old man", said he, "on what terms dost thou wish to fight the battle yonder':'" He said: '1 wish thee', said he, "to i-elease Earl Jonutas and his children, if 1 am the stronger; and if I am defeated in the battle, do thy will with Earl Jonutas". The king said: 'I will do that witli a good heart", said the king; 'and all the Christian prisoners that I hold bound I will let out, if thou art the stronger; and [ will not make war ui)OU a Chrislian till the time of my death, if the victory in the battle there is witli thee". Guy said: 'Get me sti-ong weapons and armor of the same kind'. The king said: '1 have them, if a strong, brave man A\ere found who could carr,y them, and no such man has been found since the men who owned them came to their death, — the breast-plate of Hector, the son of Priam, and his sword, and the helmet of Alexander, the son of Philip the l.lind".') "Give them to me", said Guy. The armor was ') cose is literally 'sto]), cheek, restrain". ') See p. 13, above. ') do cose. The verbal noun practicjilly takes the place of a clause in the protasis. I have not trieJ to keep the constructiou in the translation. ') caech might mean either 'i)lind' or '.«quint- eyed'. Of. Henebry, RC. XXI, I'M. Stokes (KZ. XXXVII, 254) argues that two different words are involved. Here the reference is doubtless to Philips loss of an eye from being hit by an arrow. Of. Orosius, Lib. III. ('ap. XII. A number of other classical references are given in the notes to the Havercampns edition (1738), p. 169. .Strictly speaking, then, Philip was only lethcaech. THE IlilSU LIFE OF ÜIY OF WAKWICK. l(iÖ given to Guy, and he put it on. and it Avas well tliat tliat armor suited Guj-. Then he went to tlie Sultan. The King of Alexandria said: 'ify lord", said he, 'the champion is prepared'. 'Thou shalt have the battle then', said he. And they were put on an island to figlit the battle. Craidhamar prayed the gods, Mahoun and Termagant, to give Guy strength. -Í deny them", said Guy, "and 1 pray for aid from the Son whom the imma- culate Virgin bore, and who endm-ed the passion for the race of men'. Amoront, the champion, came against Guy. Guy said, when he saw him: 'The man yonder is more I'ke a devil tlian like a man ', said he. Then the two rode against eaeli other, and they fought Avith each other a manful, heroic, and valiant fight, and" Amoront struck Guy a savage blow, and made [two pieces of] the steed that was under him, and Guy came to his feet. And the Sultan laughed when he saw that. Guy fought fiercely, and gave Amoront a blow, and shattered his Avarrior's helmet and his old. strange armor, and cut his clothing, and made tAvo pieces of his horse, and Amoront came to the ground, and the King of Alexandria laughed. Amoront got xip (luickly. and they smote each other again. And there Avas fiery heat on that day, the next after the day of .John the Baptist in the summer, [p. 89] Amoront said: 'Warrior', said he, 'for God"s own sake') give me leave to go to the water and bathe'. •! would give it', said Guy, "if thou wouldst give me the same in turn, if I should ask it'. 'I Aviir, said Amoront. The champion went into the water, and bathed himself there, and drank some of it; and then he was strong and valiant, and they fought bravely thereafter. After that the heat overcame Guy, and he asked leaA'e to go into the Avater. 'I AAOuld give it', said Amoront, 'if thou AA'ouldst let me knoAV who thou art'. 'I would', said Guy, 'for I am Guy of "W'arAvick '. Amoront said: 'I thank the gods for that. — for sending thee against me, since it is thou who killed my tAvo brothers and my lord, the Sultan; and for all the gold in the world I would not give thee leave now". Amoront dealt Guy a fierce blow then, and brought him to his knees. Guy said: 'The Trinity and Mary protect me', said he, 'for I Avas never before on my knees against my Avill'. Guy sprang up fiercely and savagely, and he drove his sword strongly and boldly into Amoront "s breast, and gaAe him a broad, deep wound, and his blood floAved terribly, and he fell to the ground. And at that time Sir Guy Avent Into the water, and bathed himself there, and drank enough of it, and came out. Guy said: 'There was never a time when my strength Avas greater than now ', (?) said he. And this is the length of time that he was fighting that battle, namely, ten hours before mid-day and six hours after it; and Amoront fell before Guy at the end of the fight. ') Literally, 'in honor of God himself'. 1C6 F. N. BüBI^^so^•, and lie struck off liis head. Craidlianiar said: 'Sultan', said he, 'now thou seest that thou hast made an unjust charge against my son; if it were not so, the victory in the battle yonder would n(it have been on his side". The Sultan said: 'Thouslialt have assurance of iieace on that account, and leparation for thy dishonor'. Thus far the battle between Guy of Warwick and Amorout. 38. After this they returned to the city of Alexandria, the King and Earl Jouutas and Sir Guy, and Earl Jonutas was given his children and all his followers with all their possessions, and they went then to the city of the earl. And Sir Guy was witli the earl fifteen days, and Earl .Tonutas offered Sir Guy an abundance of possessions; and Guy refused [p. 90] this, and set out to depart, and the earl went to a place apart with him. The earl said: 'For the love of Christ', said he. "tell nie who thou art". 'T will', said he, 'and do not tell of me to anyone else, for 1 am Guy of Warwick". And thereupon he left his blessing with him. As for (-ruy, he fasted and prayed and made a pilgrimage in every laud in which Christ had journeyed, and the story does not speak of him for another while. 39. As for Felice, the daughter of the Earl of Warwick, after Sir Guy left her she bore a son at the end of her preg- nancy, and he was baptised, and was named Roighnebron, and was brought to Sir Heront for his education. As for Felice then, she built monasteiies and chapels and other good works for the soul of Guy of Warwick. As for K'oighnebron. at the end of his twelfth year there was not a lad of eighteen in England wlio was larger than he. Then there came a rich vessel to trade in that land, and they went to the king, and gave him great treasures in return for the privilege of trading. Kow Sir Heront had charge of the harbors on the south shore of England at that time, and tliose merchants brought him many gifts in return for helping them. And tliey went to Sir Heron t"s castle, and saw the tierce-spirited lad. soldierly and proud, among the liousehold. and asked information as to wlm he was. Sir Heront said: 'That is the son of the best knight that ever walked the earth, Sir Guy of ^^'arwick'. And not long after that he left the castle, and part of the merchant- ship"« company stayed behind him in the city. The ship's people stole RdigiineLroii. after promising him a great treasure if he would go out with them, and he Avent with them in this way. and they gave another reward to tlie gate-keepers for letting him out with them. Tiiey went aboard their boat, and set forth, and came to a harbor in Africa, and they gave Roighnebron to the King of Africa, and told iiim that he was the son of Guy of \A'ai-\vick. \\'lieii Ilcmnt discovered tlie lo.ss of his ward, he THE IHISU LIKE OF OrY OK WARWICK. 1<)7 traversed a g:reat part of tlie world in search for liim, and he did not get news of liim. and afterwards he returned. At that time the Norsemen came to capture England, and the King of England summoned the leaders of his army to go to meet them; and among all who came there Sir Heront in particular came with his followers, and the king bade him welcome, and took counsel with him. for there was no better counsellor in war than he, nor a knight stronger of hand, nor one who had been offener proved, [p. i>l] Rage and envy seized Moduiant, the Duke of Cornwall, on this account. And lie said: "ily lord', said he, •bad is the judgment thou hast passed upon us, to abandon us for the false, treacherous traitor who sold his lord's son and his own word to merchants for a petty reward'. Sir Heront said: •It is a lie thou has spoken, and I would undertake to prove that it is". The king said: 'Settle that between you',') said he. Sil" Heront said: ' Duke of Cornwall', said he, ' I will explore the whole world in the search for my ward, unless I lind him sooner, until 1 make everyone understand that it was a false reproach thou didst i)nt upon me: and Duke of Cornwall', said he, "if I can, I will make thee repent of that j-et". Sir Heront said to the King of England: 'My lord', said he. 'send me and my followers, and .young English knights along with me, those who receive fi-om thee reward and paj'ment. to fight a battle against the Norsemen '. And it was not long after that Sii- Heront went to fight that battle against the Norsemen; and the battle was fought by him, and the Norsemen were defeated and slaughtered. Sir Heront went after that to look for his ward, and there were not many lands in the world where he did not search for him, and he did not get one word of news of him. And he went into Africa, and was exploring that land, or the great city of the King of Afi'ica, and the whole land was devastated and the city half-devastated; and Heront asked the cause why the city was half-devastated and the entire land devastated. Somebody told him: 'An Emir, mighty and merci- less, has captui-ed all this land except only this city, and lie will now soon take the city unless there should be a young knight, not aged, in it to defend it bravely '. As for Sir Heront, now, he was going fi-om the ship, and the Turk who was attacking the city came upon him, and captured him with his followers, and he was seven years a i)risoner, bound and fast- fettered, and there was not a word of news about Roighnebron in that time. Thus fai- the imprisonment of Sir Heront in Africa. 40. As for Sir Guy of Warwick, after he had made a praiseworthy pilgrimage of the world, he thought of returning ') Literally, 'check, oppose each other'. 168 r. N. ROBIKSOX, to his own rouiiti-y; »»] said he. 'Tell me in God"s honor", said Guy. 'and I will give thee freely') of my counsel', said he. • I will tell thee in truth', said Tirri, 'for I am Sir Tirri, the son of the Earl of Gormisi', said he. 'and T and Berard. the Duke of Lombardy. fought a battle with each other, and the battle went against me. and ray followers were slain, and I myself Avas captured; and 1 have been seven years in captivity", said he. 'in the city of the emperor, and everyone said that it was unjust of the emperor to hold me captive in his city. When the emi)eror heard this, he ordered me to be released on a special condition, namely, that a chami)ion should be found on my part within a yeai- and two months: and if that champion should fall. I should be put to death and my domain should be at the disposal of the Duke of Lombardy; and if my champion should be the stronger, my life siiould be granted me, and my domain given me. And then- is not a man in the world who is stronger of hand than the Duke of Lombardy, and he is most powerful v/ith the emperor, and is his stewai-d, and I am not able to fight against him. And 1 had a dear friend who saved me twice from death, namel}'. Sir Guy of "Warwick; and I have been a year and two months looking for him in England, and in many other islands of the world, and I have not found a word of news about him in that time. And the one son that Guy of Warwick had has been stolen, and Sir Heront is searching for him throughout the world, and no news has been got of either of them; and that is my story', said Tirri. Guy said: '1 will go to the emperor with thee', said he, 'and perhaps he will take my counsel with regard to thee'. And after that they set out on their way. .4nd Tirri said that he longed for sleep, and Sir Guy said: 'Sleep and put thy head on my bosom", said he. And Tirri put his head on Guy's bosom, and sleep fell upon him; and Sir Guy saw the likeness of a dove or a imre wliite weasel coming out of Tirri's mouth and going into a hole in the ground in a strong rocky crag on the side of a great hill; and the creatm-e came back again, and went into Sir Tirri's mouth, and wakened Tirri from his sleej). And he said: 'It is a pity before Him who made heaven and earth that the vision 1 saw is not true'. 'What is that'?' said Guy. 'I saw', said he, 'how I should go, and Guy of AVarwick, into the hill thou seest -) yonder before thee, and ') I take diijean» to be the .same word as digaiwn, diyoi)i>i, 'plentiful. Miiscanty '. '') (lociid, really '2 pi. These texts show this mixture of unmber nut infrequently. THE TlíISH I.IKK OF GUY OF AVAEWICK. 1G9 that [ii. !>.'{] we should find a deep, dark cave there, and a drai^on sleeping in it with his tail in his mouth in the form of a circle, and a decorated sword in the ground within, and an abundance of gold around it'. Guy said: '"\\'e will go to see that', said he; and Guy had observed how the white creature Ment into the hill, and lie entered there, and saw the dragon asleep and the sword on the floor. And Guy sprang quickly on the dragon's floor, and took away the sword, and said to Tirri: "We are both in want of food', said lie; 'and take some of the gold with thee". And then they went out of the cave: and [Guy] drew the sword from its beauiiful gold sheath, and said: 'There is not a sword in the world that is better than this'. Tirri said: 'The city of the emperor is only three miles away from us', said he. -and let us go there". Then they went to the gate of the citj-, and Tirri said: 'Fear will not permit me to go into the city to-night', said he. 'and let us wait in this little hostelry outside the city'; and they did so. The next morning Guy said: ' I will go to mass', said he, 'and do thou stay here. Tirri, until I come to thee", said he. And Guy went to the temple, and heard mass, and went on his way to meet the emperor, and paid him homage, and asked alms of the emperor. And he said: 'Follow me to the palace', said he, 'and take thy share there, and thou Shalt receive alms". As for Guy then, he went to the emperors palace, and the emperor asked him: 'Hast thou made a great pilgi'image?" said he. 'I have', said Guy, 'for there is no praiseworthy pilgrimage in the world that I have not made', said he. The emperor said: 'Hast thou heard talk of me in those lands":" said he. Guy said: 'I have heard good and ill spoken of thee', said he. 'What is the reason for speaking ill of me?' said he, 'for it is fitting to speak well of me'. Guy said: 'That thy proud steward, the Duke of Lombardy, captured Earl Tirri, and took away his domain, and that thou hast sirffered that and hast given him more besides'. Duke Berard said: "I swear by the one God', said he. 'that I came near seizing thee by the beard and breaking thy teeth in thy throat'. Guy said: 'I give my word that if thou shouldst do that, 1 would strike my scrip and my staff together on the top of thy head, till I drove thy brains through thy skull". The duke said: •I had rather [p. i(i] than a great iiart of the wealth of the world that the man who would say that of me should come and prove it against me!' Guy said: 'I would come to prove it against thee!' said he. 'and here I am in the power of the emperor as a pledge that I will fight that battle to-morrow morning', said he. Then the Duke of Lombardy gave a pledge and sureties for himself that he would come to combat with the pOgrim on the next morning. Thus passed the night with them. Guy rose in the bright, early dawn of the morning, and asked the emperor for armor,, and got his supply of weapons and 170 F. N. KOBLNSOX, armor, and took the .sword that he fouud in the cave under tlie dragon. And ilxey were from nine strokes of the bell until tlie black, dark, indistingaiisliable time of the night cutting and smiting each other. And the emperor made a truce of the battle between them; and the emi)eror sent Sir Guy to his daughter's chamber to be guarded, and ordered care and treat- ment to be given him. The Duke of Lombardy said to his followers: 'I never had a fight that was harder for me than the fight of to-day', said he, 'and I have fear of the morrow, and it is a [lity for me", said he. "that T have no kinsman who would kill the pilgrim there to-night so that he would not be found for the fight to-morrow". A uumber of the duke's kins- men said that they would do that. As for Sir Guy, after he had washed and partaken of his food, then he slept: and he was stolen with his bed, and there was an high tide of the sea under the sunny chamber at that time, and a swift, tidal ciu'rent beneath it running out into the ocean, and a strong pillai' .supporting the sunny chamber high above the sea; and they cast Sir Guy into that stream. As for Sir Guy then, he was carried away into the ocean, and awoke from his sleep, and sat up on his bed, and looked above him, and prayed God fervently for help. And he said: '0 Lord', said he, 'thou knowest that it was not for the sake of reward nor to achieve fame that 1 went to battle, but to save luy friend from the injustice that had been done him; and 0 Lord, forgive me", said he. Then Sil' Guy saw a little fishing boat approaching him. and he asked tidings of it. Guy said: 'Have you heard any mention of the poor man who fought a battle to-day in the city of emperor":' ' 'We have', said they, 'and that was well done of him'. 'It was i who did it", said Guy, 'and I was betrayed in my sleep, and 1 do not know how I was put here, and in God's honor give me help!' |p. 1>")J Tlie fisherman took Sir Guy into the boat with him, and took him to his own house in the city, and gave him a bath and food and drink, and put him to sleep and long slumber on a high, stately bed. As for the duke then, he rose the next morning, and went to the combat, and the pilgrim was not found anywhere, and the steward said: 'The pilgrim has taken flight", said he. The emperor sent a messenger to his daughter to look for the pilgrim, and he got no news of him from her. 'i'he emperor said: "it is the Duke of Lombardy who has ordered the poor man to be killed", said he, 'and 1 pledge my word that if he is not found I will put my daughter and the duke to death". And the duke said that it was not he who liad ordered him put to death, and that he would luider- take to prove that he had no share in it; and that after that he would go and join the Sultan to take vengeance on the emperor for lying about him. It was then that Guy said to the fisherman; -do to the emperor", said he, 'and get from him THE HUSH I.IFE OF GUY OF WARWICK. 171 thy reward for telling bim mj- story'. Tlie fislierman went thereupon to the emperor, and told him the story, and he was glad to get that news. And after that Guy was taken to the emperor, and his battle-armor was given him, and he fought with the duke, and the duke fell before Guy at the end of the combat. A messenger went to Earl Tirri and said to him: 'It is a pity for thee that the bravest combat that was ever fought in the world should take place in the same town with thee, and thou not be seeing it!' Tirri went with all the rest to see that fight, and after the duke had been killed by Guy, he went to him and said: 'Unless thou shouldst have the wrong side', said he. 'there is not a man in the world who would come out alive fiom a battle with thee". He said: 'My lord the emiieror". said he, 'give Earl Tirri his rights now"; and Tirri was brought to the place, and his domain was given him. and the office of steward of the emperor, and assurance of peace; and Guy stayed for a while with Earl Tirri. Guy took Tirri with him a thousand paces from the city, and said: 'Tirri', said he, "dosr thou recognise me? Dost thou not recognise me?' "I do not', said Tirri. 'I am Sir Guy of Warwick; and it is I who killed Duke Otuu for thy sake; and it is I who killed the fifteen knights when I found thee as if dead in the forest; and it is I who | killed | the four knights who were carrying thee to Duke Otun to thy execution'. Tirri said: 'It is thou', said he, 'and I saw a resemblance to thy horsemanship when thou wert fighting with the Duke of Lombardy"; and they kissed each other, [p. !MJ] and then the earl fell in a swoon, and after that Guy departed. As for the earl, moreover, he was a fort- night in his chamber without food or drink or sleep, and his wife asked him the cause of his sorrow. The earl said: 'Sir Guj- of Warwick', said he, "was with me in the disguise of a pilgrim, aud it is [he] who killed the Duke of Lombardy for my sake, and got me my domain; and the day he left me he gave me certain knowledge of his story, and my life will not be long after him'. 'It was a pity for thee that thou didst not keep Mm with thee", said the queen. Thus far Sir Guy's adventure with Earl Tirri. 41. As for Guy, after that he went on his way to England, and he asked information where King Caulog,') the King of England, was. Someone told him that the king was at Win- chester, — 'and the king of the Noi'semeu is coming to capture England and sixty thousand knights along with hini: and there is a fierce, ill-boding champion Avith him; and the Norsemen and the English have staked their cause and their rights on a ') On this name see p. 13, above. 172 I". N. KÜliiKSOX, combat of two. and it is tliat black, swarthy, devilish creature ■who has come to the combat on the part of the Norsemen: and there is not found among the English a man equal to him, tor there is not in the world a man who can comiuer liim. And it is on that account that the P^nglish are comiielled to pay homage and to give fixed tribute to the Norsemen. And the king of the English, and the bishops, and dukes, and earls, and the people of every order besides, have been fasting three days on bread and water, and praying the one God who made heaven and earth to find them a man to overcome Colobron; and that is the news of this land", said the young man. Sir Guy came to "Winchester. Then in the night an angel came to the* king and said to him: 'My loi-d\ said he, 'arise early to- morrow [and go] to tlie temjile, and a poor religious man whom thou shalt find there, him shalt thou ask in honor of Christ's passion to fight the battle for thee against Colobron '. Now the king arose early in the morning [and went| to the temple, and found Sir Guy ])raying with crossed hands before the altar (?) of the temple imploring the Creator. The king gave Guy a blessing, and Guy answered humbly and looked at the king, and Avhen he recognised him he paid liim homage and asked alms of him. The king said: "Thou shalt have if, said he. 'and do thou grant me a request'. 'If it is in my i)0wer'. said Guy. 'Win the battle of Colobron for me", said he. 'That is no suitable request to make of me', said Guy. 'for I am an old man, infirm and timid', said he. [p. 1>7] 'I'hen the king fell on his knees, and the English nobles with him, both clergy and laitj-, and they all besought Sii' Guy to con(iuer Colobron for them. The noble man was overcome with confnsion because of the urgent pressure the English put upon him. Then Guy said that he would go to the combat in honor of Jesus, — 'and get me armor for the fight"; and many suits of armor were lirought him. and every one of them he broke ajjart by shaking it. And Guy said: 'Bring me the armor of Guy of Warwick", said he, "for he was a comrade of mine, and his armor would fit me, and [it] is in keeping in his wife's possession; and do not on any account leave the sword". Sir Guy's battle-armor \vas brought to the place, and the old man put it on. and mounted easily into the saddle of the steed without anyone else to hold it for liim. And there was great wonder among the English at the strength of the leap which the old man took into the saddle, and at the weight of the armor that was (m him. And he pro- ceeded to the i)lace of battle, and dismounted there, and fell upon his knees, and prayed God fervently, and said: "0 Lord", said he. 'if the right is on niy side, save me from this danger with thy great miracles, as thou didst save Enoch from death, and Isaac from the sword, and Josejdi from jii'ison. and the people of Moses from Egyiit, and D;uid from Golias, and TOE IRTSH LIFE OF Ol'Y OF WAKWICK. 173 Siisauua from the false blame, ami Daniel from the lions' den, and Habakkuk ') from hunger, and Lazarus from death, and Jonah from the belly of the big lish, save me, 0 Lord, in the same way by thy great mercy, etcetera'. And Sir Guy mounted his steed again, and went to meet Colobrou, and they fought a bloody, angry, venomous fight for a space and a while. Sir Guy gave Colobrou a keen, bold thrust of the spear, and broke the two-fold armor that was on him. and gave liim himself a bloody, unsightly wound. Colobrou dealt Guy a powerful blow, and struck him to the ground ; and Sir Guy arose (luickly, and ga\e Colobrou a hard, strong sword-blow on the shoulder, and made a deep wound in him after cutting his armor. Colobron gave [him] a i)Owerful blow in the head, and cut the precious talismauic stones that were in his helmet, and that stroke glanced to the ground and did not harm him; and Guy's sword was broken in that fearful onslaught. Colobron said: "Give thyself up now', said he, 'for thou hast no power to defend thyself since th\' sword is broken; and let the English give tax and tribute to the [p. i)S] Norsemen f ore^'er '. Guy said : ' Colobron ', said he, ' dost thou see the brave knight coming with arms to me?' Colobron looked around to prevent the arms from being given to Guy. It was then that Ciuy rushed to the cart in which Colobrou's arms were, for he had a cart full of arms, and Sir Guy snatched a broad-headed axe out of it, and struck Colobron a mighty blow with it. and struck him a second time, and at last beheaded him. and took his head away from him, and brought it into the king's presence. The king came, and the nobles of his retinue, and the clergy of the city, in a procession to meet (Tuy; and the king took him by the hand, and bade him welcome, and led him thus by the hand into the city. And the king offered Guy his choice of the dukedoms in Englantl. and Guy refused to take it, and he remained three days with the king, and then he asked leave to depart: and thereupon he set out, and the king went a little way apart with him. The king said: "0 servant of God', said he, 'tell me who thou art and what is thy laud". Guy said: "My lord", said he, 'if thou wouldst give me thy pledge not to teli my story for forty days, I would tell thee my story'. The king gave him that assurance. The old man said: 'I am Sir Guy of Warwick', said he; and thereafter he parted from the king. Thus far the battle of Colobron and Sir Guv. ') The list of Biblical instances is considerably longer here than in the Middle English versions, which refer only to Lazarus, Susanna and Daniel (or Samson). I do not understand the mention of Habakkuk unless it is a con- fused reference to the apocryphal story that he was carried by an angel from Judaea to Babylon to give food to Daniel in the lions" den. On this legend cf. Delitzsch, De Habacuci Projihetae Vita atque Aetate (1844) pp. 45—47. 17í F. N. ROBINSON. 42. As for Sir Guy then, he proceeded to Warwick, and found Felice in the door of the hall, and twelve beggars supported by her for the love of God and the soul of Sir (luy of Warwick. And Sir (iuy asked an alms of the lady like all the other beggars; and Felice looked at him, and "felt love and strong, inesistible aliection for the old man. and she did not recognise him. And she said to him: 'Come with me into the hall', said she. 'and thou shalt have tliy sustenance there to-day with me'. Sir Guy went to the hall, and he received honor at the lady's hands and a pittance from her own table. Felice said: 'Servant of God', said she, 'thou art infirm, and now thou art not sti'ong enough to travel; and do thou stay with me to be supported for the love of God and for the sake of Sir Guy of Warwick'. Sir Guy said: 'May the true God. the glorious, reward thee for that honor, lady', said he, 'and 1 will accept that alms from thee; and I will go into this forest beside us', said he. "to pray and imjilore my God and my Creator, for there is no place for religion in the midst of a great company; and I will sent my servant to the city evei'y day for my food'. 'Thou shalt have that [p. í)í)] with all my heart', said the countess. As for Sir Guy then, he went into the forest, and found a hermit there in an oratory l)raying to the Creator, and Sir Guy greeted him ami begged him for part of the oratory till the end of his life. The hermit looked at him and said: 'It seems to me', said he, 'that there was once a time when thou wert worthy of honor,') and thou shalt have a share of it with me so long as thou shalt live'. Guy thanked the hermit for that. After this Guy ([uickly bowed his luiet's. '^riie angel spoke above his head, and said: '0 Guy, linpan' thyself to meet thy Lord, thy heavenly heather, on the eighth day from to-day'. 'Deo (jracias', said Guy. Tt was thus with him till the end of the eighth day, and at that time he sent his lad to Felice, and said to him: 'Bear my nine blessings to the lad}', and give her this half-ring as a token, and tell her that I shall meet death in this hour: and ask her to pray to (iod for me, and let her come if she would visit me alive'.''') The lad went (juickly to h^elice. and told her the (-Suy's message, and gave her the half-ring; and she recognised it and knew that it was Guy who was in the oratory in the guise of a [poor] man. As for the countess then, she set out swiftly on her way ^) to the oratory, and she found (\\\\ stretched on the floor of the oratory, and his face to the east, and he yielding up his life; and the ladv cried out bitteilv and lamented when she recognised ') Literallv, 'tliou wert one time and thou wert woitliy". For the iJiom cf. 336 b, above. '') Literally, 'to overtake me in my life". ^) With the construction \na reim roretha cf. ina ruamannaibli rorctha, Silva (tadelic^a TI, 1'23. THE IRISH LIFE OF GUY OF WARWICK. 175 Sil- Guy. Guy louked at the lady, and then he drew his legs up toward hiui, and he struck them out from him quickly and knocked a rock to the ground as he yielded up his life; and it took the strength of seven men to put [the rock] on a barrow. And Felice saw the semblance of a pure wiiite dove coming out of Sir Guys mouth and going upward to the kingdom of God. So that it is thus that Felice obtained her prayer from the Lord, for she be.sought God that she might have a look at Gny with her eyes and with her sight before his soul should depart from him. And the oratory was filled with ar angelic fragrance, so that it surpassed all herbs and spices and gums in fragrance. Sir Gu3' was placed on a bier, and they wished to carry him to the city to bury him, and all the men in England could not raise him from that place. And he was buried witli regular rites in the oratory fp. 1(M>| at that time. Then a chapel, peaceful and lovely, was built around him, and a great, beautiful monastery around the cliajie], and an order of religious canons was estab- lished in it; and Felice supported that monasteiy till the end of her life, and commanded thirty priests to be constantly at service in that monastery. As for Felice, after that she made herself ready, and she died at the end of thirty days from the completion of the monastery; and she was buried alone beside Sir Guy, after they had won the victory of the world and the devil; and their bodies are still resting in the land of the monastery ') and their souls are in heaven with the angels. Thus ended the life of the one knight who was least evil of all who lived in his time. 43. As for Sir Heront, he went to search throughout the world for his ward, namelj', Eoighnebon, the son of Sii" Guy of Warwick; and he was captured in Africa, and he was seven years in prison there. And one day he said: "My lord', said he, "it is a pity thou didst not put me to death before I was in this prison. Man,y are the brave deeds I have done in the past, though I have fallen into this prison'. The jailer was listening to these words, and he went to Ambrail,'-) and told him that news, and said that it seemed to him likely that [the prisoner] could overcome the young knight who was pillaging and laying waste the country. 'Bring him to us quickly', said Ambrail. He was quickly brought up, and Ambrail asked in- formation about him, and what his country was. Sir Heront said: 'I aiu an Englishman ', said he. Ambrail said: "Didst thou ') I am doubtful about the meaniug of coitcenna iu this place. Dr. Meyer cites in bis 'Contributions' some cases where it appears to mean 'convent' or 'coeuobium'. ') Apparently regarded as a proper name in the Irish, though it is a triiuslatiou of 'Amiral'. as usual. 17ß F. X. UOrtlNSON, not kiiüw Sir Guy of Warwick?' said lie. 'I did', said Heront. 'for I was the 'first kuiglit that he ever established ou his domain'.') 'Happy is the man with whom that knight now is', 2) said Ambi'aii. And Anibrail said: 'A young knight has been smiting and wounding my followers for six years; and if thou couldst (■()n(iuer him for me, I would let thee out with tliy followers'. Sir Heront said: "If any man in the world can over- come him, since Guy is no longer living, I am he", said he. 'J'hen a spirited, swift steed was given to Sir Heront and strong armor of battle, and good, doughty weapons; and after that he answered the challenge to battle, fp. 101] and ten knights quickly fell before him. Koighnebron came to the place of combat, and said: 'Old man', said he, 'terrible is the issue thou art bringing upon the ai'my; and thou thyself shalt die for it". Then Sir Heront and Hoighnebron fought with each other, and they made an angry, mighty, bloody and valiant struggle, and it was not known in tliat time which of them would yield in the combat. And Sir Heront said: 'Young knight", said he, 'neither young man nor old ever held out against me so long before without falling at my hands, except only thee". Roighnebron said: 'Foolish old man', said he, 'shortly shalt thou fall before me'. Sir Heront said: 'Tell me thy story, who thou art, and what thy country is". 'I will not', said he, •until I have struck off thy hideous head'. Heront said: 'I am older than thou', said he: 'and tell me thy story in honor of God and of my age, for my heart has rejoiced much in thee, and I have no desire to kill thee'. l\oighnebron said: •! will tell thee my story", said he, 'and Eoighnebron is my name, and 1 am the son of Sir d'uy of \\'arwick'. When Sii" Heront heard that, he dismounted at once, and kissed Roighnebron fondly, fervently, and faithfullj-. Heront said: 'Roighnebron', said he, "dost thou recognise me":'' 'I do not', said Roighnebron. 'I am Sir Heront, thy foster- fatlier', said he, 'and the charge was made against me in England that I had sold thee to a merchant-sliip. And T have travelled over a great part of the world in search of thee; and T have been held seven years in captivity by Ambrail in this city beside thee, and it is he who sent me to-day to fight on his behalf. As for Roighnebron. when he had heard this story, his joy was immeasurable. And those two made peace between Argus, the King of Africa, and Anibrail. who was of lower rank than a king and was greater than a duke: and those two gracious and noble kings released all whom they held as prisoners on both sides in honor of those two knights. And Sir Heront said that it was from him that Roighnebron had been ') Eefening to Guy's gift to Heront, page 338b? '■*) i.e., by iiniilicatioii, 'bai}]iy would I be, if tbat knight were witli me now'. THK lUISH LIFE OF GUY OF WARWICK. 177 Stolen, and that lie was in search of him. And then they parted from the kings, and thanked them afterwards for the honor, and Sir Heront sent his ship and his t'oUowei's before him to England. Thus did those two knights leave the land of Africa. 44. [p. H)'i] As for Roighnebron and lieront. they proceeded for a while on llieir wa}- tlirough wildernesses broad and vast, [and] they did not see either man or animal, and both they themselves and their horses were tired and hungiy at the end of the day. And they saw before them a strong tower of stone, and a firm, impregnable palisade about it, and a broad forest beside this castle; and they asked to have the dooi- opened before them, and the keeper inquired who was there. And they replied: 'Only two knights alone'; and their request Avas granted, and they were let in, and their horses were taken from them and their feet were washed, and a supply of food and drink was given them, and they partook of what they needed. Roighnebron inquired what made that whole land a wilderness. [The lady] replied: 'A haughty, fiendish, wicked king made war upon us', said she, 'and our followers were slain by him, and he took away from us all our possessions, and captured or killed the lord of this land. And that lord was my husband. Earl Aimistii- Amundae, and Sir Guy of Warwick has always defended him hitherto, for he was a young follower of C4uy '. Roighnebron said: "I will go in search of husband for thee', said he, 'for he was a follower of my father'. Roighnebron arose the next morning, and set out, and he did not let Sir Heront go with him, but went alone; and he was a long time travelling on his way, and he came upon the mouth of a cave, and he went into it, and proceeded three miles under the earth; and as he left the cave a brilliant light rose before him, and he found a swift, strong stream, and thirty feet of depth in it; and Roighnebron found no way across it. And he committed himself to the pro- tection of the Ti-inity, and made a bold leap upon his horse into the stream, and it bore him across; and he saw a broad, strong city, and went into it, and explored the whole city, and he found no man in it; and after that he went into the great i-oyal hall, and found a single large man, wretched and weak, sitting in the hall, and many irons on him. And he greeted him, and the young warrior answered the greeting. And he said: 'Young knight '. said he, ' it is a pity for thee to go into this city to thy death', said he. 'Who art thou?' said Roighnebron. 'I am Earl Aimistii- [p. 103] Amundae', said he. 'and I have been here six j-ears in captivity; and Sir Guy of Warwick made a knight of me. and it was his retainer that I was'. Roighnebron said: 'Mount behind', said Roighnebron, 'and I will take thee with me', said he. 'If thou wilt go', said the earl, 'take with thee Zeitschrift f. celt. Pliilologie VI. 12 178 F. N. BOBINSON, the king's sword tliat is by the side of the window yonder, for it is not possible to wonnd liim with other weapons, and perhaps it is not even in the power of his own sword to kill him". And they advanced on their way then, and they saw the King of the Sidh ') [approaching them], and the king cursed Roighnebron. Eoighnebron said to Earl Aimistir: 'Dismount', and lie did so thereuj)on; and Eoighnebron and the King of the Sidh fought a hard, bitter battle with each other from the very beginning of the bright, early morning until midday; and it was not known in that time which of them would win the victory in the battle. Tlien Roighnebron gave the king of the Sidh a violent, venomous blow, and struck him to the ground, and leapt down upon him to behead him. And the king said: 'M.v lord', said he, "take me as a retainer, and grant me my life, and I will yield myself and my possessions to thee-, and I thought there was no man in the world who would connuer me, except Guy of ^^'arwick or some one of his kin'. Roighnebron granted the king his life, and the King of the Sidh released Earl Aimistir his prisoner to Eoighnebron and returned to the earl all his possessions, and conveyed them across the stream. And they went to Sir Heront, and to Earl Aimistir's wife, and the lady rejoiced to see her husband with his followers after they had been seven years wliere she could not see them, and she gave Roighnebron a kind and friendlv welcome. Thus far how Roighnebron overcame the King of the Sidh. 45. After achieving this great feat, Roighnebron then pro- ceeded on his way, and Sir Heront along with him, and they made no stop until they came to the land of Burgundy; and they found it deserted and without cultivation, and its cities in broken and dismantled ruins. And Roighnebron asked what brought the land to that state, [Some one]^) told him: "Elarl Salua', said he, 'has destroyed the dominion of the Duke of Burgundy; and there has been with him for some time a single knight, young, brave and famous, |p. 10-t] and there has not come a knight eciual to him since tiie beginning of the world; and it is he who has iilundered and laid waste this land. And he is on the summit of the hill yonder before you, keeping the road, and he does not let a living creature pass "him without killing it, and there are two thousand dead kuights around him who have fallen at his hands', 'I will go myself to tight with him", said Roighnebron. 'I will go with tliee'. said Sir Heront; and then they went to the top of tlie hill, and they were not long there before they saw the knight, brave and resolute, approaching them, and ') I have kept the Irish term for the knight described iu the Middle English as one who came 'owte of elves londe'. ■■') There is no subject expressed in the Irish. THE IRISH MFE OK GUY OK WARWICK. 179 he [was] advancing indirectly against ') (?) Roighnebron. Sir lleront said: • Roighnebron ', said he, 'be on thy guard now, for the strong, brave knight is coming toward us; And Roighnebron went to meet him, and they fought with each other a perilous and terrible battle, and they were in the battle until midday, and it was not known which of them would win. Roighnebron said: 'Since 1 took a warrior's weapons in my hand, no man of thy age has fought with me witliout falling at my hands", said he. "Thou shalt find me like this always", said he, 'until thou fallest before me". And they were fighting each other long after that. Sir Heront said: "Cease a wlule fi'om our fighting', said he, 'and let us give account of ourselves to each other'. The knight said: 'I will give no account of myself to j^ou', said he, 'until I strike off the head from one of you'. 'Tell us thy story for the sake of thine honor and thy renown, for our hearts are rejoicing in thee, and we do not desire to do thee harm'. The knight said: 'I will tell you my story", said he. 'for I am an English knight', said he; 'and I am Sir Heront's son, and a knight of the retinue of Sir Guy of Warwick, and Sir Aslog is my name', said he. 'And Sir Heront, my father, went in search of Roighnebron, his ward, the son of Guy of Warwick, and the men on a trading ship had stolen him away to Africa; and it is seven years since he went on that search, and we have got no word of news about either of the two in that time. And when I came to fighting age, I took the order of chivah-y and the weapons of a knight, and I came to travel through the world in search of my father and of my foster-brother. And Earl Salua engaged me to make war upon the Duke of Burgundy, and I have plundered and devastated Burgundy this year. And I have guarded this road for a year, because it is the common road of all who travel through the world eastward or westward, and not a single knight [p. 105] has travelled this road for a year of whom I have not asked news concerning my father and my foster-brother, and I have got no word of news about them in that time; and when I got no news, I allowed no living man of them to pass me without killing him; and this is my story for you. And now I will do the same by you; I will strike off yoiu- two heads 2) before I part fi'om you'. Sir Heront said: 'It is not fitting for thee to kill us', said he, 'for I am thy father, and he is Roighnebron with whom thou art fighting'. When Sir Aslocc heard this, he (luickly dismounted. and he gave Roighnebron three kisses fondly, fervently, and faithfully, and likewise Sii' Heront. And they entered upon sweet speech and fair conversation with each other, and after- •) faenais. I take this to be a compound of faen 'prone, sloping'. ') I haTB no parallel to this use of adliar. Dr. Meyer cites both adam ' mj two ' and adar ' our two ', in his ' Contributiüus '. 12* 180 EOBIXROX. THE IRISH LIFE OF GrY OF WARWICK. wards went to Earl Salua and made peace between him and the Duke of Burgundy. And after that they came to England, and Roighnebron did not find his mother alive there, and he took jtossession of the heritage of his ancestors, namely the earldom of Warwick and the earldom of Jiuckingham; and he gave .Sir Herout a barony, and great riches besides. F. N. ROBIN'SON. To be followed by Ihe text nnd translation of the ■ Bevis' fragment and by a Glossary. Additions and corrections. -attention is called to the fact that the English translation and the accompaujing foot-notes embody occasional corrections of the Irish text. p. 11, 1.99. I should have noted that in the Irish the form y'lirow? (= Toraiiii/- 1 occurs as well as TJront. „ 12, 1. 24. For suceeded read succeded. „ 13, 1. 17. For G'uy's father read Felice's father. 1. 19. For Anctiinlech read Auchlnleck. „ 14, 1.16. For three days, read three days'. „ 50, 1.20. Supply [sin\ after Sir Gyi. „ 53, 1. 26. For catrach read cathrach. r, 60, 1. 12. For ar in read ar irm. 1. 5. For ró-innomdh read ro-innosudh. ,. 72, last line. For forais read furais. ,, 78, 1. 7. For rodiúlt read rodiult. „ 83, note 3. For dochaithemh read tochaithemh. „ 87, 1. 30. For athachdubh read athach dubh. „ 88, 1. 23. For a narrthaisc read a n-atrlhaisc. „ 89, 1. 20. After anosa put a mark of (juotation in place of the dash. „ 93, 1. 35. For hijicinn read h'incinn and for c'oicinn read cloicÍ7in. „ 97, 1. 32. Dele «) after derg. „ 98, 1. 17. For di' nnsin read d' innsin. ,, 105, 1. ) 7. The reference should be to ' Irish text, p. 24 ". „ 124, note 1. The name Sdragbom, which I have not found in any other version of the Guy romance, appears to be a corruption of Strassburg. Cf. the forms Estrabort, Straneborc, and Tracborc, all in the Old French 'Gariu Ic Tjolierain". ,, 124, nute 2, lust line. For dual read anal. LA 'CRAPAUDINE" dans; le rOxAian de PÉRÉDUR. Pérédur est sur les terres de rimperatrice de Cristinople- la-Grande — deformation evidente, par etymologie populaire, du nom de Constantinople — ; il s'est logé chez un meunier, et il va au tournoi oii il renverse tons les adversaires qui se pré- seutent. L'impératrice, désireuse de sa visite, le fait inviter une premiere fois. puis une seconde, mais en vain. La troisiéme fois eile envoie cent chevaliers pour lui amener Pérédur, de gi-é ou de force. Et le texte gallois continue: Ynteu a wharyaod ac wynt yn da. ef a baraód eu r6yma6 6ynt roymat iórch. ac eu b6r6 ygklaöd y velin — Edition Gwe- nogfryn' Evans, p. 230, 1. 22—24. Ed. Kuno Meyer, § 63 1. 10. Lady Guest avait traduit ainsi le passage: And Peredur fought well with them, and caused them to be bound like stags, and tlu'own into the mill-dyke. Muhinogion, T. I, 1899, p. 352 (Eé- impression de M. Nutt, Londre.*;, 1902 et 1904, p. 280.) — Fought est un contre-sens, comme on va voir; et au lieu de stags 'cei-fs', il eút été plus exact d'écrire roebucks 'chevreuils'; mais k cela pres, la traduction est correcte. II n'y a pas lieu de citer la traduction des Mab'moyion en gallois moderne publiée en 1880 chez Foulkes ä Liverpool, car eile suit partout d'une fa^-on si servile la traduction de Lady Guest quelle parait avoir été faite sur I'anglais, non sur le gallois ancien. Et on peut en juger pas ce passage: Yna efe a ymornestodd a hw3'nt yn dda, ac a barodd eu rhwymo fel y rhA\"ymid iwi'ch {stag) a"u bwrw i lyn y felin. — Y Mabinogion Cymreig, Liverpool 1880, 2"' Partie, p. 45. 182 II. GAIDOZ, Jlais la traduction des Bíabinogion en gallois moderne, publiée il y a quelques années par J. M. Edwards (de Rhj^l) est une oeuvre sérieuse et faite sur I'original. Void sa version ici: A Pheredur a ymladdodd yn dda a hwy, ac a barodd eu rliwymo bwy fel rliwymo iwrcli. a'u bwrw i ffos y felin. — Mahinoijion, golygwyd gau J. M. Edwards, T. II, Wrexbam, 1901, p. 45. — Ici ymladdodd est un centre -sens comme le fought de Lady Guest: pourtant le reste du passage est exactement traduit. Mais, en 188'J, il. Lotb avait publié sa traduction francaise, accompagnée d'un commentaire critique sur le texte, traduction ;i latiuelle M. Alfred Nutt décernait récemment le compliment d'etre admirably accurate:'^) citons-la pour ce passage: II joua bon jeu avec eux. les tit encbainer avec des cordes de nerfs de cbevreuils-) et jeter dans le clos du moulin. — Les Mabinogion etc., par J. Lotb, Paris 1889, T. II, p. 94. 'II joua bon jeu avec eux ...'; la traduction serait ac- ceptable nialgré son equivoque, si dans une note sur ce passage (infra, p. 189) M. Lotb n'expliquait le verbe 'jouer' du gallois comme un equivalent de 'jouter'. Lady Guest et M. Lotb ont été amenés ici ä une interpretation erronée parce que dans tout le récit precedent il est question de combats et de cbevaliers renversés par Pérédur. Ici rien n'indique un combat ni une joute; et ce bout de pbrase prepare et annonce le jeu iujurieux auquel Pérédur va se livrer avec ces messagers. de méme que, par exeniple. un cbat se joue d'une souris. '. . . les fit encbainer avec des cordes de nerfs de cbevreuils [recté : chevreuil] . . .' a-t-on jamais vu des cordes ou liens faits avec des nerfs de cbevreuil? Et il en faudrait beaucoup, ce me semble, pour attacber un seul bomme. On connait les "nerfs de boeuf, mais non des 'nerfs de chevreuil'. Le texte ne dit pas ce que M. Loth y a vu, et ce serait en gallois rwymaw 0 ieu nvrch; mais M. Loth a été suggestionné par le souvenir d'un passage oi'i il est question d'arcs dont les cordes sont faites ') Pans sa re-impression de la traduction de Lady Guest, Londres 1902 (et 1904), p. X. ') Remarquons au passage qu'ici chcvrciiih (au pluriel), pour chevretiil (au sing-ulier), n"cst pas ooiiforme ä la tradition littóraire de la langne fran^aise. LA 'cRAPAÜDINE' pans LF, ROMAN PE rKKKDUR. 1S3 de nerfs de cerf,') chose vraisemblable dans uii cas particiilier. — Le procédé se comprendrait déjá aisément par lui-méme comme usage de cliasse. Lorsqu'on a tue un clievreuil, comment le transporter? On réunit les quatre pieds de la bete par un lien quelconque, on y passe un baton et on porte le tout sur l'épaule. Si le gibier est plus gros et s'il s'agit d'un cerf ou d'un sanglier, deux liommes prennent chacun un bout du baton sur l'épaule. '. . . et jeter dans le clos du nioulin'. Si l'écrivain gallois avait voulu dire 'clos', il aurait écrit cae: mais il a écrit clawd (:^ irl. c'?tiri) signifiant 'fosse'. II s'agit ici du ruisseau ou canal qui ami-ne I'eau an moulin, et qui s'appelle en franrais du nom technique de 'bief ou, plus anciennement, 'biez'.-) Mais il y a plus. Le precede dédaigneux et injurieux de Pérédur ä l'égard des messagers de l'imperatrice s'explique par de vieilles pratiques connues dans la tradition des Gaels d'Irlande et d'Ecosse et meme conservées jusqu'ä nos jours. Ici. plutot que de démarquer uu parallele heureux fait par M. Nutt, nous citerons intégralement une note publiée par lui en 1888 sous le titre 'Ancient Irish expressions of social contempt'. Mr. Whitlej' Stokes in his new edition of the Tripartite Life of St. Patrick, p. CLXXH, mentions 'that the solitary mention of the way in which social contempt was expressed is p. 138, when Patrick prophesied that a certain tribe who had stoned him, would be under spittles and wisps and mockery in every assembly (Irish: ocus bethi fo selib octis sopaib ociis mtit- bijid hi each airecht imbed)'; and he adds 'what these wisps were is not clear'. It seems legitimate to compare this expression with a common incident in the Celtic folk-tales still current in the Highlands. A personage of the tale falling into the hands of enemies has the -bindings of the three smalls' (i. e. wrists, and ankles, and waist) laid upon him and is cast under the table, 'under the drippings of the lamps and the feet of the big dogs' as one tale (Campbell II, p. -153) has it: 'under the cats, and dogs, and men's spittles, and with shame and insult on themselves', according to another one (Campbell HI, p. 270, to quote but two out of many instances. The incident is peculiar, so far as I know, to the Celtic folk- tales, and it is interesting to trace it back to the 9th if not to the ith century. The 'wisps' which puzzle Mr. Stokes may be conjectured to be either the cords or withies with which the tortured ones are bound, or the rushes which covered the floors. ^) ■) Edition de M. Gwenogfryn Evans, p. 163, 1. '29 — 30. Cf. Lady Guest I, 105. *) De lá les patronymiques formant doublet comme les noms Lebiez et Dubief. ä) Archceological Beview, T. I (1888, p. 79. 184 H. GAXDOZ, II convient de remarquer que I'expression iriaudaise. étant allitérée (/b sclaib ocus sopaib), doit indiquer une pratique assez fréquente pour étre connue: I'auteur de la vie de St-Patrice n'avait done pas lieu de s'arréter á la décrire. — M. Zimmer, qui a étudié ce mot soj). le considere comme d'origine norroise;') M. Stokes est du méme avis sur rorigine, mais propose une autre etj-mologie.^) Nous ne saurions mieux traduire en fran^-ais I'irlandais soi) et I'anglais tois]) que par notre vieux mot hart. comme on peut voir par les exemples anciens que donne h Dictionnaire de Littré, s. v. — II s'agit ici, évidemment, de hart» faites d'osier ou d'autre bois flexible, la fat^-on la plus simple et la plus primitive de faire des liens. Mais ce n"est pas seulement chez les Gaels d'Ecosse que Ton trouve la tradition de cette pratique: on la trouve aussi cliez ceux d'Irlande, et eile se ren- contre plusieurs fois dans les contes i^ue 'SI. .Térémie Curtin a emeillis en 1887 dans I'ouest de Tlrlande. ün récit populaii-e sur Cucúliu racoute comment le héros traita successivement ses adversaires: 'he hurled him down on the Hat of his back, bound him head aud knees . . .' ^) Et uii autre passage est plus ex- pressif encore: 'he caught the Gruagach, fastened his two hands behind him, and his feet so that his little toes were wispering to his ears'.^) Les ma'urs des Gaulois étaient trop brutales pour ignorer une semblable pratique; peut-étre M. Jullian la découvrira-t-il dans quelque texte encore neglige de Tantiquite grecque. — Mais les Germains devaient la connaitre, si nous en jugeons par un passage des Jsihdungen. Car si au point de vue de la forme ce poeme se place vers Fan 1200, des Tan 600 ses grandes lignes étaieut délinitivement arrétées, nous dit M. Lichtenberger,*) et sans doute aussi ses traits de ma'urs, comme la vieille legende de Sigfrid. Or, c'est la meme fa^on de réduire un eunemi ä une humiliante inipuissance (lue nous trouvons dans \&s Nibelungen , >) Zeitschriß für deutsches AUcrthwn, T. XXXU (1888), p. 274. -') 0» the linguistic value of the Irish Annals, p. 61 dn tirage ä part des Proc. of the I'hilol. Soc. 1890. ') J. Curtin, Myths and Folk-Lore of Ireland. Boston 1890, p. 311. •) Ibid. p. 121. ') H. Lichtenberger, Le poinie et la legende des yibelungen. Paris 1891. p. 1 et 2. LA 'CKAPACDINE' DANS LE ROMAN DE l'KliKDrK. 185 lorsque la farouche Brunhilde fait passer une triste nuit de noces ä son époux Giinther: •11 voulut la contraindre ä ramour; il lui froissa les vete- luents; alors la süperbe vierge saisit une ceinture. une forte écliarpe de soie qu'elle portait sur eile. Elle causa au roi de bien graudes peines. Elle lui lia les mains et les pieds. eile le porta jus(|u"á un clou, et le pendit au mar ...'') Xous n'avons jusqu'ici emprunté d'exemples qu'ä la littéra- ture; en voici maintenant un que nous fournit l'histoire, et justement en Ecosse. Un Fran(;ais, lan de Beaugué, racontant la guerre faite par les Anglais en 1548 et 1549 aux Ecossais et aux Franrais allies, intitule le chapitre III du livre lU: 'du payement (lue receurent quelques Auglois de leurs cruautez'. Et ainsi que ces choses ce faisoyent, d'antres Escossois s'eprouvoyent, qui plus aisement couperoit un bras ou une jambe d'uu Anglois ; et quand ils ne trouveient plus que [c. a. d. quij tuer, ils acbetoyeut ceus ausquels les Francois avoyent sauvé la vie: pour tel pris [pris] qu'on en deniandait: et pour ce faire ils nous domioyent jusques ä leurs armes, puis les faisoyent morir eruellement. Et me souvient qu'ils en recouvrerent un de moy pour un cheval, puis luy lierent les pieds, les mains, et la teste ensemble; et l'ayant trainé en cet esquipage au milieu d'im grand pre, le coururent á coups de lance, ainsi armez et ä cheval qu'ils etoj'ent, par tant de fois, qu'ils le feirent niourir, et puis feirent mille pieces de son corps, lesquelles ils se partireut [partagerent] entre eux, et les portoyent au fer de leur boys [lances]. ^) Je passe sur Texageration dans la cruauté que Beaugué raconte des Ecossais et dont il donne ailleurs encore d'autres exen;ples.3) *) Nibelungen I, 587-588. — Lichtenberger, p. 16. '-) L'histoire de la guerre d'Escosse . . . par Ian de Beaugué , gentil- homme Francois, Paris 1556, f" 88, v". — Je dois rindication de ce texte á une reference donnée dans les instructives Notes and Queries, n" du 9. Dec. 1905, p. 465. ') Les Escossois veuojent lors en grosses troupes en nostre camp, con- templans les corps des Anglois, qui etoyent tons nuds estenduz par terre; et sembloit qu'ils leur portassent encore mauvaise volonte. Et s'en trouva de ceux (a mon avis) que les Anglois avoyeut autrefois plus ofi'ensez, qui essayoient d'arracher les yeux anx niorts. Aussi n"est-ce pas chose qui soit aisée que I'homme trouble par une haine extreme use de raison . . ., Ibid. f " 45 (recté 35). — Au verso du méme feuillet je note l'expression de ' soldat Albanois ' 186 H. GAIDOZ. Le lectenr franrais a déja reconmi ici la 'crapaudine' ternie qui ne parait étre entré que nouvellement dans nos dictioimaires , car Littré ne le donne pas avec ce sens: mais le Dklionnairc General de MM. Hatzfeld, Darmesteter et Thomas I'a donne rt'cemnient. C'est un chätiment, employe autrefois dans les compagnies disciplinaires de notre armée d'Afrique. et meme dans d'autres corps de la méme armée: On attacliait )r ói jT/.txT)))' t^ avrov :Tei{)ijrc(rTt yAny clv' ril-i/h'/r i-tivocv .Tt'/.ccoáv tí Óoxoioir. Man darf wohl annehmen, dais tier Dichter hier die eigen- tümliche Fesselung der auf dem Eücken zusammengeschnürten Hände und F'üfse gemeint hat: der Ausdruck (iioúTHpcrT; des Textes sclieint diese Deutung zu fordern. Die griechischen Künstler haben die Episode, die der ausgelassene Chor im aristophanisclien Plutus derbe travestiert, wohl häufiger dar- gestellt, aber eine Darstellung auf einem antiken Tonbecher im hiesigen Museum, die 18ÍI0 C. Robert im 50. Programm zum Winkelmannfeste mit ihrer Inschrift veröffentlicht liat (E. Jacobs macht mich darauf aufmerksam), ist nicht recht anscliaulich und zeigt den Melanthios zwar mit rückwärts gefesselten Händen, aber nur an den Füfsen aufgehängt. CEANGAL NAN TRI CHAOL. 189 Es ist luöglicli, dafs die iu Rede stehende Fesselung auch in der Geschichte Peredurs, von der H. Gaidoz ausgelit, vor- geschwebt hat. obschon die Weise, in der ein geschossener Reh- bock gebunden wird, nicht genau entspricht; vielleicht liandelt es sich, wie der Verfasser meint, um eine Contamination und Combination des Jagd- und des Kriegsbrauchs. Doch ich habe das A\'ort ergiiffen um den Ausdruck in Erinnerung zu bringen, womit die bai'barische Art der Fesselung im Gäh^chen bezeichnet ■wird — cmngal nan tri chaol "die Fessel der drei dünnen' d.h. Weidenruten. So erklärt es das Dictionarium Scotocelticum richtig, und die Bedeutung 'Rute' für das irische cael ist schon aus der älteren Sprache nachgewiesen (K. Meyer. Contributions p. 1, 414); caolach heiTst im Irischen 'ein Schöfsling' und cao- ladóir ist ein 'Korbflechter'. In der alten Ballade vom Kampfe des Finn mac Cumaill mit dem König ilagnus von Norwegen heilst es: Leagaidh righ LocMain gun ágli Am fiadhnnis chaich ah- an fhraoch, Dho-sa. 's clia Vonair righ, Chuirf air ceangal nan tri chaol. ^) 'Der König von Loclüan, der Glückgewohnte, wurde vor allen auf die Heide niedergeworfen und es -mirde ihm angelegt (es war keine Ehre für einen König!) die Fessel der di"ei dünnen Ruten.' Weiter heilst es in einem Märchen über die Tuatha De Danann von dem Barden der Insel Mull John Maclean, der in der ersten Hälfte des 18. Jhs. lebte: Thigear agns citireir ceangal nan tri chaol air na dorsairibh 'Man kommt und legt den Pförtnern die Fessel der drei Ruten an', The Glenbard Collection of GaeUc poetry, Part I. Chai-lottetown 1888, p. 86 (in der Aus- gabe von 1890 ist das Stück ausgelassen). In andern Märchen ») Der Wortlaut ist nach J. Stones Text gegeben (Gael. See. Inv. 14, 325). Von den zalilreielien Varianten (Leabhar na Féinne p. 73 b, 76 a, 78 b, 82 b; Tb. F. Hill im Gaidheal 6, 189 ; Reliquiae celticae 1, 220. 256. 401. 2, 383) seien nur erwähnt an üigh (statt g^m ägh d. h. go ti-ägh) und Airsan, ged nach b'onair righ Chuireadh ceangal. Diese Ballade gehurt übrigens zu den Ton Macpherson benutzten und die einzige Strophe zeigt genügend, was er unter Übersetzen verstand; er sagt: 'At length the strength of Swaran fell: the King of the Groves is bound'. 190 STERN, CEANGAL NAN TRI CHAOIj. heifst es: chttir e ceangal nan tri chaoil orra gti daor agus gu docair ' Er legte ihnen die Fessel der drei Euten an, erniedrigend und schmerzlich ', Campbell, Tales 1, 137. 2, 485. Dafür findet sich auch eine Variante: Chaidh heircachd air Conal 's a cheanyal le tri chinn chaoil 'Conal wurde ergriffen und mit den drei dünnen Enden gefesselt' (Campbell 1, 140) oder auch le cinn nan tri chaoile Mnit den Enden der drei Euten' (1, 141). Das Verfaliren ist aber so zu denken, dafs die Hand- und Fufsgelenke und die ;\ritte odei- Taille des Leibes je mit einem caol 'einer dünnen Weidenrute' gefesselt und die drei Enden (cinn) über dem Eücken verbunden werden. Nun versteht man unter caol auch das Schmale oder Dünne des Handgelenks (caol an duirn), des Enkels (caol na coise) und des Eückeus (caol an droma); und die ersten beiden werden gelegentlich zusammengefafst: Cheangail e le rijpa a cheithir chaoil is dh' fhäg e 'n sin e 'Er band mit einem Sti-icke seine vier dünnen Gelenke (d.h. an Händen und FüFsen) und liefs ihn da liegen ', D. Mac Innes, Folk and hero tales p. 48. Endlich wird auch die Mitte des Eückens zu den caoil gerechnet, und demnacli heifst es in der vermutlich dem 18. Jh. angehörenden Ballade von Conn mac an Deirg: B'iomad crap is hailc is mcall Ag att a suas air dhroch-ccann Ar ceann Vkonain Mhaoil gu rcunihar, 'S na eilig chaoil 's an aon cheangalJ) 'Viele Püffe, Knüffe, Schläge sausten zum Unglück herab derb auf den Kopf des kalilen Conan, und er hatte die fünf dünnen Kürperteile unter Einer Fessel '. d. h. die beiden Handgelenke, die beiden Enkel und die Mitte des Eückens. ') So uach Stoue (Gael. Soc. luv. 14, 328). Die Vai-ianteu berülireu die Ilauptsaclie nicht; vgl. Leabhar ua Féiiine p. 113b. 115a. 116a. 117b. UKa. 12()a; Young in den Transactions of the R. I. Academy I, 1789, Antiquities p. 71: Keliquiae celticac 1,228. 272. 310. 391. 2,372. Hfiliu. L. Cur. Stern. LE CUIR D'IRLANDE DANS LES 'MABINOGION'. Au cours du 'Songe de Ebonabwy'. dans la description de réquipement des clievaliers imagine pour étonner le lecteur et pom- tenir sa memoire en éveil. se trouve un mot qui ne me parait pas avoir été compris par les traducteurs. C'est dans l'édition de M. GwenogfrjTi Evans, p. 156, 1. 17: Goregys y cledyf o gordóal ewyrdonic du ... Lady Guest traduisait 'tlae belt of the sword was of áa.rk green leather' — et 'dark' était déjá inexact ici pour dw.') Lii-dessus M. Loth remarque (T. I, p. 355) : ' Cette traduction suppose gicyrddonic "bleu-vert". Eivyrdonic qu'il faut peut-étre lire ewynhiic, me parait devoir étre rapproché de eicyrnic, qu'on trouve dans les Lois avec le sens de "che vre d'un an" {Ancient Laws I, p. 278).' Et M. Loth traduit en consequence (I, p. 306): •Le ceinturon de l'épée était en cuir de chevreau noir.' Du point de vue de la critique verbale, cette corrcetion est difficilement ad- missible, parce que la difference graphique entre les deux mots est trop grande, et aussi parce qu'un mot dépourvu de sens aurait pris la place d'un mot ayant un sens. Le cas me parait poui-tant simple, quand on remarque la negligence du scribe du Livre Rouge dans beaucoup d'endroits et surtout son emploi, assez frequent, d'e pour y. Son eivyrdonic est pour ywcrdonic, forme dejii moderne en place á'iwerdonic, c.-ä.-d. I'adjeCtif connu, forme avec le suffixe -ic, sur Itverdon, nom gallois de I'lrlande (d'un britanno-latin Iherio). ») Lady Guest 11, 411; et ré-impre.ssioii de M. Nutt, p. 159. — M. J. M. Edwards, dans sa traduction en gallois moderne, suit ici, comme souvent, la traduction anglaise de Lady Guest, et il dit (T. 11, Wrexham, 1901, p. 75): gwregys y cleddyf oedd o ledr glas-ddu. 192 n. GAiDOz, Ti'ortliooraplie ordinaire du Livre Rouge est Iwerclon; mais on sait que ce nom est devenu plus tard, par etymologie populaire, Yiverddon, Jolni \\'alters, dans son dictionnaire anglais-gallois public en 1794, disait (s. v. Ireland): ^Iwerddon, or (as it is more properly written) Yicerddon, seems to signify the green island, being i)robably so called from its uncommon verdure; q. d. Y-werdd-ou, i. e. y werdd yn or ynys[!].' — L'etymologie popu- laire ayant continue son oeuvre, on écrit aujourdhui en gallois 1' Werddo7i. — En tout cas, ce passage du Livre Rouge est, par sa date, le premier témoignage de la transformation i'ltcerdon en Ywcrdon. Je traduis done le passage en question : ' le ceinturon de l'épée était en cuir d'Irlande noir.' II ne faut pas s'arreter ä I'apparente contradiction de cet adjectif avec le substantif corduml 'cuir de Cordoue'. De bonne heure ce nom cordouan qui désignait ä Torigine de la peau de cLévre ou de bouc tannée, importée de TAndalousie, ne désigne plus que tout beau cuir de toute provenance, et meme simple- ment 'cuir' en general')- Le mot gallois cordtcal vient de notre fran(:ais cordouan (par l'intermédiaire des Anglais), et le change- ment de la nasale finale (h) en liquide (l) s'expliciue par l'analogie de nombreux mots gallois termiués en -wal. L'histoire, ici, confirme notre explication. L'Irlande, au moyen-age, exportait trois sortes de raatieres premieres: des cuirs, des laines (provenant des troupeaux, sa principale richesse) et une esjjéce particuliére de bois. Daus un recueil de dictons populaires fraurais du Xlllesiecle, il est question de 'cuir d'Irlande' (en meme tempe (lue de "cor- douan de Provence'!). Dans une liste de ' iMarchandises apportées eu Flandre et dans le pays de Bruges au Xllle siécle', on lit: 'düu royaume d'Yllande viennent cuirs et laines'.") — Dans un roman francais du Xlle siecle. Paricnopcus (ou Farihvnopex) de IJlois, le liéros parte 'une ceinture de cuir d'Irlande'.^) ') Voir iiotaiHiiient V. Gay, Glossairc ArcMologiqxie T. I, p.-lST. — On sait que le iiom du cuir de Cordoue se coutiuue, par survivance, dans le mot frau^ais conlouiiier, pour un ancieu curdouattier, par etymologie populaire et par fausse analogic avcc le mot cordon. -') Crapelet, liemarques sur fiuelques locutions ei proi-erbes du moi/cn-ügc, Paris 1831, p. 115 et 130. — Voir aussi V. Gay, Gloss. Archcol, T. I. p. 517. ä) Legrand d'Aussy, Ftihlkitix d Contes, T. V. (Paris 1829), p. 251. LE CI IK D'IRLANDK DANS LKS 'MADIXOOION*. 19o Le • bois d'Irlande ' est frétiuemment cite dans les inrentaires ir;iui;ais des le XIV« siecle; V. Gay en a i-éuni un srrand nombre dexemples et il le defiuit ainsi [T. I. p. IGó^: 'Bois i-esineux de la famille des coniferes dont le nom parait sappliquer in- distinctement au sapiu, au méléze. au cj-prés et nieme au cedre. Ces essences passaiem jadis pour inoorraptibles. Ce pivtendu privilege était la consequence dime bonne hygiene et souvent des injections de sei marin resultant du tlottage." n résulte de ce passage que le nom de "bois dirlande' fut. par suite de la célébrité de ce bois, applique ;i divers bois. egalement de nature noire.'") Mais il me parait probable que le veritable "bois d'Irlande' devait etre, ;i lorigine, ce ihene de tourbiere. lH)g-oak dont on fait aujourdhui en Irlande des bijoux et des aitides de papeterie. et qui était moins rare au moyen-age, avant qu'on eüt exploité ä fond les tourbieres. C'etait en effet un bois de luxe, comme on voit par de uombreox testes fram^ais. notanuuent pai' la description de la "ILbrairie du Lou^Te■ sous Charles V: et M. L. de Laborde a resume ainsi son usage: ' C'etait un bois de choix. particuliérement employe ikhu- les lambris, les revetements intérieurs et pom- les gi\>s meubles: il semble avoir ete i-econnu bon pour en faire des panneaux de peintmce et en méme tenijt^ propre ä la sculpture,'-) La reputation d'iucorruptibilité lui veuait de la reputation generale de I'Mande comme terre indemue de serpents et de larmint. iL Y. Guy a reuni plasieui-s textes d'écrivains frant^ais du XTII'* siecle ä cet effet, Ainsi im Frantj-ais de ce temps, Monconys, racontant sa visite ä White- hall, écrivait: 'Je vins me promener dans la giande salle d'Ouital dont la charpente qui est tres belle et tivs bien travaillee est d'un bois d'Irlande qui ne souffre aucune beste venimeuse. Ein effet. il n'y a pas une seule araignee dans ce lieu, et on adjouste que si Ton en portoit et qu'on la fit toucher le bois eile mourroit'.») Je n'ai fait ces citations que pour metti-e en circolatiou des textes fram^ais du moyen-áge relatifs ä I'lrlaude. Le sujet du commerce exterieui- de I'li-lande a été traité par M. Joyce dans son erudit ouvi-age Social History of ancient Ireland, •) Ang. Molinier, dans son petit livre L« maniistrits. ossäre niéme (p. 226) que ce temie "bois d'Irlande" déaii^.^it an moyen-ag«, d'ane fai.'oa generale, les essences njsineuses du Xoni. ') L. de Laborde, Glossairt framMts du moytn-dgt, Paris 1S72, p. 167. ') Voyages de ilonmnys, 1G63, T. H, p. 28- — Cite dans V. G»j-, h 166». Ztliictuift r. c«lt. Fhilologic \1. 13 I!i4 (iAiDoz;. LE cuiR d'ielande dans les 'mabinogion'. Londres 1903. 'I\ TI. p. 429—433. Nous signalerons seulement ici iiuelques expressions des textes irlandais qui entrent dans cet ordre de faits: fin aicneta (Fled Bricrend § 9) 'vin naturel' c.-a-d. authentique, par opposition aux mixtures qui se fabri(iuaient sans doute en Irlande sous le nom de '^^n', de méme qu'au- jourdhui en Augleterre on peut lire sur des enseignes 'Foreign and British Wines". — Sur le vin. voir aussi Joyce, T. IT. p. 115, 116 et 431; salann saxanach 'sei anglais' (Kuno Mej'er, The vision of Mac Conglinne , p. 61, 1. 29; et cf. p. 142. pour une citation d'Higden), — cch hretnach 'cheval breton' c.-a-d. gallois (Kuno Meyer. llmi, p. Ill et 140). — Voir aussi Joyce 11.412; nmijeime, espece de bichon importée de Grande-Bretagne, et dont riiistoire a été plus d'une fois citée d"aprés le récit du Glüssaire de ('ormac, traduction par 0' Donovan et Wh. Stokes, Calcutta 1868, p. 111. Mais, ([uoiqu'il s'agisse de la iin du moyen-age, cette histoire de la WecliselscAticßeit économique est domiuée par Vaqua viice, traduit usquebaugh (= nisge beatha) en irlandais. et qui est revenue an monde de langue anglaise sous le noni. presque universel, de whisky. Paris. H. Gaidoz. DIE BAMBERGER CENTENARFEIER ZUM GEDÄCHTNIS AN JOHANN KASPAR ZEUSS. Der 22. Juli 1906 hat der wissenschaftlichen Welt das Gedächtnis des grofsen Gelehrten neu erweckt, und die Stadt und Hochschule, wo er zuletzt gewirkt, begingen den Erinnerungs- tag mit weihevollem Bieste. Am 21. Juli Vormittags fand ein akademischer Akt statt, eingeleitet von der stimmungsvollen Musik des Parsi^^alvorspieles. Mit dem Lehrkörper des kgl. Lyceums Bamberg w'aren erschienen der Kultusminister Dr. von Wehner, der Bamberger Erzbischof, Exzellenz Dr. von Abert; die Staatsregierung war vertreten durch Eegierungsrat von Beckh-BajTeuth, und aus allen Pro- vinzen ihres internationalen Staates hatten sich Männer der Wissenschaft zur Ehre des Unsterblichen eingefunden: Dr. Oskar Brenner, Prof. der deutschen Philologie in Würzburg, Dr. Harr}' Brefslau, Prof. der mittleren und neueren Geschichte in Strafsburg, Dr. Christian Bartholomae, Prof. der vergleichenden Sprach- wissenschaft in Gi eisen, Dr. Anton Chroust, Prof. der Geschichte imd historischen Hilfs- wissenschaften in Würzburg (als Vertreter der Gesell- schaft für fränkische Geschichte), Dr. Berthold Delbrück, Prof. der Sanskrit- und der vergleichenden Sprachforschung in Jena, Dr. Eichard Fester, Prof. der mittleren und neueren Geschichte in Erlangen, Geheimrat Dr. Karl Theodor von Heigel, Präsident der Königl. bayer. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Prof. der Geschichte in München, 13* 196 BIE BAMBERGER CENTENAEFEIER Geheimer Hofrat Dr. Ernst Kuhn. Mitglied der Königl. bayer. Akademie der \\'issens(;haften, Prof. der indisclien Philo- logie und vergleichenden Sprachwissenschaft in ]\Iünchen, Dr. Kuno Meyer, Prof. der deutschen Sprache und Literatur in Liverpool, Dr. Hans Oertel, Prof. der vergleichenden Philologie an der Yale Univ. New- Haven, Connecticut (Ver. Staaten Nord- amerikas), Herr Joseph O'Neill für die Gaelic League in Dublin, Geheimer Hofrat Dr. Hermann Osthoff, Prof. der vergleichenden Sprachwissenschaft und des Sanskrit in Heidelberg, Dr. Gustav Eoethe, Prof. der deutschen Philologie in Berlin (zugleich als Vertreter der Köuigl. preul'sischen Akademie der Wissenschaften), Dr. Eduard Schröder, Prof. der deutschen Sprache und Literatur in Göttingen, Dr. Rudolf Thurneysen, Prof. der vergleichenden Sprachwissen- schaft in Freiburg i. B., Dr. Hermann Varnhagen, Prorektor der rniversität und Prof. der englischen Philologie in Erlangen, Geheimrat Dr. E. Windisch, Prof. der vergleichenden Sprach- wissenschaft in Leipzig (als Vertreter der Königl. säch- sischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften). Dem Festakt wohnten weiter an die Deputationen, welche die bayerischen Lyceen Freising, Regensburg und Passau ent- sendet hatten, des erzbischöflichen Metropolitaukapitels Bamberg, der Gymnasien Bamberg und Erlangen, des historischen Vereines der Pfalz. Lycealrektor Dr. Härtung begrüfste die Festversammlung namens der Bamberger Hochschule und gedachte der Tätigkeit des zu ehrenden Gelehrten an derselben. Das 'Leben des Johann Kaspar Zeufs und seine Bedeutung als Historiker' entrollte Lycealprofessor Dr. Anton Dürrwächter-Bamberg:') ') Die nachfolgende Kede war ursprünglich nicht für den Druck be- .stiiumt, weil ihr Thema gleichzeitig auch Gegenstand einer Abhandlung war, die unterdessen im Historischen Jahrbuch der Gürresgesellschaft, 27. Jahrgang, erschienen ist, und weil trotz der anderen und breiteren Darstelluugsweise der Abhandlung sich Ähnlichkeiten und tlbereinstiinniungen nicht ganz vermeiden Meisen. Da indessen dem Verfasser der Wunsch dringend nahegelegt wurde, Zril GEDÄCHTNIS AN JOHANN KASPAE ZEUSS. 197 Exzellenzeu! Hochverehrte Anwesende! Das Jahr, dessen hundertste Wiederkehr wir heute aus einem ganz be- stiuimten Anlafs hier festlich feiern, 1806, ist wie wenige ein geschichtlich denkwürdiges Jahr. Es ist das Todesjahr einer uralten Institution, eines tausendjährigen Kelches, das lautlos dahinstarb, als ob es nie aus der Jugendfreude werdender Nationen geboren worden wäre. Das Jahr ist es, in dem der Staat Friedrichs des Grol'seu zusammenbrach und alles zu Ende schien, was einstens die Gewähr eines neuen grolsen nationalen Lebens werden sollte. la diesem Jahre be- gruben deutsche Patrioten alle ihre Hoffnungen und fast auch alle ihre Gefühle. Aber auch ein Geburtsjahr, ein Jahr des Werdens war 1806. Als ein solches feierten wir Bayern es Tor wenigen Monaten, weil es unserem engereu ^'aterlande eine Krone schenkte, die es in redlicher hundertjähriger Kultur- arbeit mit Edelsteinen geschmückt hat. Und das nämliche Jahr, welches dem deutschen Volke seine tiefste Erniedrigung brachte, gab ihm auch das Selbst- besinnen wieder, die Aufrichtung an dem starken Stamme seiner Vergangen- heit, an der Jugendfreude seines ehemaligen Werdens. Damals schöpfte Clemens Brentano aus ihrem frischen Quell den ersten Liederschatz des Wunderhorns, und Joseph Görres sal's über den 'Deutschen Volksbüchern' mit dem Geiste sich zu erfüllen, der gewappnet dereinst aus dem 'fiheini- schen Merkur' heraustreten sollte. Was die Brüder Grimm damals an un- scheinbaren Märchen und Sagen aus dem Munde des A'olkes zu sammeln be- gannen, das war nicht mehr und nicht weniger als der erste Schritt zur Begründung einer Wissenschaft von diesem Volke. 'Und es war eine Zeit'. sagt Xiebuhi',') • in der wir Unerhörtes und Unglaubliches erlebten : eine Zeit, welche die Aufmerksamkeit auf viele vergessene und abgelebte Ordnungen durch deren Zusammensturz hinzog; und unsere Seelen durch die Gefahren, mit deren Dräuen wir vertraut wurden, wie durch die leidenschaftlich erhöhte Anhänglichkeit an Laudesherrn und Vaterland stark machte.' Im Zusammensturz der damals gegenwärtigen und äufseren deutschen Welt ward die innere und die alte nen geboren. In die ge- heimnisvolle Tiefe der Zusammenhänge zu steigen , weit weg von den Euinen der Oberfläche lockte es die Söhne des deutscheu Bodens so, dafs das Jahr 1806 das Geburtsjahr einer neuen tiefgehenden Geschichts- und Sprachwissenschaft werden sollte. Indes man Geschichte erlebte, wie selten einem Geschlechte zu erleben es vorbehalten war, sah man tiefer in das Herz der Geschichte, schärfte den Blick für den Unterschied des Er- im Verein mit Prof. Kuno Meyers Festrede auch die seinige der Öffentlichkeit zugänglich zu machen, sodafs man ein Andenken an die Zeufsfeier habe, so stellte er gerne sein Manuskript der liebenswürdig entgegenkommenden Redaktion der Zeitsckrift für celtische Philologie zur Verfügung und bittet nur um nachsichtige Beurteilung der angedeuteten etwaigen Ähnlichkeiten Den wissenschaftlichen Apparat für zahlreicbe Sätze und Ausführungen der Kede findet mau in der Abhandlung. ') Römische Geschichte I"*, S. X. 108 DIE BAMBERGER CENTENARFEIER lebten und des Empfuiideiieu, lernte in den Stürmen eines furchtbaren gött- lichen (Jewitters, das über einer sündhaft selbstgefälligen Welt niederging, andere, alte Zeiten wieder verstehen und erkannte, als man von der Welt, deren Bürger mau hatte sein wollen, sich umtobt und überflutet sah, aufs neue den Wert der Nation. Volks- und Vülkergescbichte erhielten gleichzeitig neuen Ansporn. Das Jahr aber, das zu all dem den Samen in sich trug, zu Sprach- und Ge,sohichtswissenschaft , Volks- und Völkergeschichte, gab ihnen auch einen ihrer gröi'sten Jünger dazu. Als in den sonst so stillen Talern der Kronach und Eodach eine neue Attilafaust die Kraft zusammenballte zum endgültigen Gelingen einer neuen Völkermengung, als die Wälder des Fraukenwaldes den Idiomen fast ganz Europas lauscheu konnten, ward in dem hinter den Erlen der Rodach unschein- bar versteckten Dörfchen Vogtendorf am 22. Juli Job. Kasp. Zeufs geboren, ein Kind, dem dieses Jahr 1806 gewissermafsen von seiner Art mit auf den Lebensweg gab. Denn in seiner Seele barg dieses vierte Kind der Maurers- eheleute Michael und Margareta Zeufs Keime des in die Tiefe gehenden Geisteslebens, mit dem die deutsche Wissenschaft die Niederlagen auf den Schlachtfeldern wett machte, und auch er sollte wie das Jahr seiner Geburt aus unscheinbaren, kaum beachteten Anfängen heraus den Sprachen Europas und der Geschichte seiner Völker einer der gröfsten Pioniere werden. Kaum, dafs au der Strafse, auf der seine Kindheit leise einherschritt, einige Denksteine für den Erforscher seines Lebens stehen, aus denen sich enträtseln läfst, wie der Schauplatz des Lebens und Lernens für ihn weiter und weiter wird. Aus dem Vaterhause wandert er die Rodacli entlang hinüber zu dem nahe liegenden Dorfe Höfles, dessen Schule ihm die ersten BUdungselemente vermittelt. Dann steigt er zu dem jenseits ragenden Kreuzberg empor und hier, wo das Talrund mit Krouach und seiner Veste in der Mitte sich grüfser aufschlielst, tut er juit Hilfe des Beueflziaten die ersten Blicke in eine fremde Sprache, in die Sprache der vergangenen grofsen Kömerwelt. Indes die Welt mit Sehnen und Bangen dem Sturz eines neuen Imperators und Imperiums zusieht, steht der junge Zeufs ahnungsvoll an der Stelle, von der Napoleon in seinem Geburtsjahre hiuuntergeschaut hatte auf die rastlos gen Jena ziehenden Völkerheere. Die Welt der Geschichte schlofs sich dem Knaben auf und belebte sich mit immer reicheren Zügen, wenn er in den Jahren darauf als Latein- schüler durch die Strafsen Kronachs wanderte, mochte er nun auf der Ehrensäule am Jlarktplatze von den Ruhmestaten der Kronacher in der schweren Zeit des Schwedenkrieges lesen, oder des grofsen Meisters der Kunst gedenken, au dessen Geburtshaus er so oft vorüberging, oder unter den üatternden Fahnen der Juniprozession zur Festung emporziehen, für Kronachs Rettung aus Feindesnot in späten Tagen noch zu danken. Und wie konnte erst von den Basteien der Feste aus der Blick in die Weite schweifen, in den geheimnisvollen Hintergrund, aus dem Rodach, Krouach und Halslach zusammeurauschten , in die dunkle Vorzeit, wo aus den Wäldern über ihren Quellen Hermunduren und Slaven hervorgebrochen waren, wo vor der Axt und dem Schwert der fränkischen Kolonisten sie zögernd wieder hinter den ZUM GEDÄCHTNIS AN JOHANN KASPAK ZEUSS. 190 uuwegsainen Forst zurückgewichen waren. Etwas wie ein Abuen der Völker- geschichte konnte hier den Knaben überkommen, indes er zur grofseu Zeit des eigenen Volkes den Blick erheben lernte, als seit dem Jahre 1820 die Stadt mit dem Kaiserdome Heinrichs 11., dem Denkmal grofser deutscher Ver- gangenheit, zu seinem Aufenthalte geworden war. Schon jetzt begann er als Schüler des Bamberger Gymnasiums ein anderes ragendes Denkmal des eigenen Volkes, seine Sprache, mit auf- merksamerem Blicke zu betrachten , ihrer mannigfachen Gliederung nach- zudenken und sie mit den Sprachen anderer Völker zu vergleichen. Wie viel die Schule auch seineu Gesichtskreis erweitern uiochte, der junge Zeul's begnügte sich nicht, auf ihren alten Wegen sprachlicher und histo- rischer Bildung in das klassische Altertum einzudringen, ihn zog es mächtig schon zur Vertiefung in dunklere Vergangenheit auf die Wege historischer Sprachwissenschaft. Es ist ja gewifs ein Zufall, dafs unter seinen Compositiones, die er in der 1. Gynm.-Klasse anfertigte, sieh auch Stücke finden, welche an seine spätere Geistesrichtuug gemahnen. Aber man möchte den Zufall nicht be- deutungslos nennen, wenn er den späteren Historiker und Keltologen schon als Schüler Gedanken über das Studium der (íeschichte in lateinische Form kleiden läfst oder seinen Geist mit dem kaledonischen Kelten Galgacus und dem Ruhm seiner Volksgenossen beschäftigt. Auch aus solchen kleinen Dingen saugen die feinsten Wurzeln geistiger Entwicklung ihre Xahrung, und es ist auch keine Verirrung in das Reich der Phantasie, wenn Edward Schröder den jungen Zeufs sich unter der Wirkung des 1821 erschienenen Buches Schmellers über Bayerns Mundarten denkt. Denn schon auf dem Gymnasium beginnt Zeufsens rastloses und allem Spiel und allem Vergnügen abholdes Forscherleben, und Leben und Lernen ward ihm schon damals zu einer höheren Einheit. Wie er, das Dorfkind aus Vogtendorf, schon in seinem ersten Bamberger Schuljahr unter 79 Kameraden der Primus wurde, so erhielt er. als er 1825 absolvierte, die erste silberne Medaille mit dem Diplom zur Auszeichnung, um, wie es da heilst, „mit Ehre und bestens empfohlen' an die Lyzealklasse überzugehen. Doch nun begann auch der Kampf um sein Ideal des Lebens. Seiner eigenen Befürchtung in einer praktischen Berufsübung aufgehen zu müssen, stand der Wunsch der Eltern entgegen, daXs er Theologie stu- dieren solle, indes gleichzeitig die Sorge um das Brot sich wehrend vor das Paradies des Forscherlebens stellte. Da geschab es, dals Würzburg ihn zum erstenmale enttäuschte. Denn um der vielköpfigen Familie Ersparungen zu machen, wollte er in Würzbtirg Theologie studieren, weil er glaubte, dort ein Jahr zu gewinnen und durch Stipendien und Privatunterricht sich leichter durchzuhelfen. Dals er aber auch die Hoffnung gehegt hatte, in Wüi-zburg für sein wissenschaftliches Streben einen weiteren Gesichtskreis zu finden, merkt man dem Berichte an, den er über diese erste Würzburger Irrfahrt an den Direktor des Bamberger Lyzeums sandte, um nachträglich hier inskribiert zu werden. Da er in allen Erwartungen sich betrogen sah, flüchtete er als Student nach Bamberg zurück, ahnungslos, dafs einstens für den Dozenten ähnliches sich wiederholen sollte. Aber nur ein Jahr litt es ihn noch in Bamberg, wo zwar ein Thomas Rudhart Geschichte dozierte, aber eine sprach- 200 DIE lUMIiERGEE CENTENARFEIER wjssenscliaftliclíe Vertiefung nicht zu gewinnen war. Im Herbste 1826 zog er nach München an die Hochschule, die erst Tor wenigen Monaten ans ihrem unscheinbareren Landsliuter Dasein dahin übersiedelt war und nun die reichste Fülle geistigen liebens und die mannigfaltigsten und weitesten Gesichtskreise gelehrter Betätigung bot. AVie hier dem Kandidaten der Theologie und Philologie, als welcher Zeul's noch im Wintersemester 1830 31 inskribiert war, der Horizont des Wissens und des Forschens in die Weite und in die Tiefe wuchs, das kann man, wenn auch nur oberflächlich, heute noch verfolgen. Während er sich durch Schelling in die grofsen Natur und Geist um- fassenden Gesichtspunkte einer philosophischen Gedankenwelt einführen liefs und gleichzeitig an dem Theosophen Schubert und Ast, dem Platoniker, nicht achtlos vorüberging, war er auch ein so eifriger Hörer der aufblühenden naturwissenschaftlichen Disziplinen, wie wenn er ihnen speziell sich hätte widmen wollen. Ich denke, dafs ihn das Exakte ihrer Methode angezogen haben wird, hielten ihn doch auch bei den theologischen Fächern nur die länger fest, bei denen kritische Schulung zu gewinnen war. Die Exegese war es, und sie diente ihm nun auch dazu, dem Studium, dem er schon immer angehört hatte, eine breitere und eine tiefere Grundlage zu geben. Nun eignete er sich als Schüler Alliolis in den Jahren 1826 — 1830 die um- fassendere Kenntnis der semitischen Haupts prachen an, vertiefte an der Hand Frdr. Thierschs das Studium der klassischen Sprachen zur text- kritischen Behandlung derselben, und während er so zu philologischer Meisterschaft sich schulte, erwarb er als Schüler des Germanisten Schmeller ■wie des Sanskritisten Othmar Frank, noch mehr aber durch das Studium der Werke von Grimm, Franz Bopp und Jos. Dobrowsky die alles (Jermanische und Indogermanische umfassende eprachvergleichende und sprach- historische Gcsamthildung. Wo aber wie im damaligen München so vielseitiges und so frisch pul- sierendes Leben auch das geschichtliche Studium erfüllte, da kann der Mann, der in der ersten Hälfte seiner Meisterjahre hauptsächlich Histo- riker war, nicht achtlos vorübergegangen sein. Nur dafs wir dafiir mehr auf Vermutungen denn auf Gewifsheiten angewiesen sind. Zu dem Bamberger Rudhart, der sich einmal in einer allerdings spitzigen Weise als Lehrer Zeul'seus bekennt, gesellen sich sicher noch der junge Dölliuger und der alte Konrad Mannert, mit dessen geographisch -historischem Hauptwerk sich ja Zeufs später so oft berührte. Ob aber auch Jos. Görres zu seinen Lehrern gehört hat, ob Sültl, Delling, Buchner, Freyberg, bleibt eine offene Frage, die nur für den Diplomatiker Kiethaber mit Wahrscheinlichkeit bejaht werden darf, wegen der gründlichen Schulung in der Diplomatik, die Zeul's später verrät. Das aber ist die Summe all dieser Tatsachen seines Studienganges, dafs Zeufs doch mit allen Kräften sich dem Ziele genähert hatte, das ihm Leben war, und, da er nun auch als Hauslehrer beim Grafen Montgelas, dem Ex- minister, für einige Jahre finanziell sichergestellt war, so wählte er als brot- gehenden Beruf den, der seinen Neigungen am nächsten lag, den des philo- logischen Lehrers. Im Herbste 18.S0 machte er das philologische Staats- examen und zwei Jahre später trat er als Nachfolger seines Freundes, des ZUM GEDÄCHTNIS AN JOHANN KASPAE ZEÜSS. 201 Pelilevifoischers Markus -Müller die Stellnng' eines funktioniereuden Lelirers der hebräischen Sprache am Alten Gymnasinm in München an. Und nun kommen fünf ganz stille, fast ganz dunkle Jahre im Leben des Gelehrten, fünf Jahre, während der er in der Askese eigener wissenschaft- licher Forschung sich die Weihe zu einem Meister derselben verdiente. Denn dieser Forschung zuliebe harrte er, wie wir aus dem Curriculum vitae seines Erlanger Promotiousakles erfahren, in der prekären Stellung des Hilfslehrers mit 200 fl. pro Jahr absichtlich aus, nur iveil sie ihm Zeit zur Arbeit gewährte. Diese Arbeit aber war allein sein vertrauter Umgang, wiewohl auch freundschaftlicher Gedankenaustausch mit gleichgesinnten Männern, wie dem Philologen Karl Halm, dem Sprachforscher Markus Müller, MaTsmann, dem Turnvater und Germanisten, Vollmer, dem Goten, und anderen Zenls schon in dieser Münchener Zeit nicht gefehlt haben wird. Bei der wissenschaftlichen Arbeit suchte er auch Trost in schwerem Leid. Wie schwer es war. fühlt man noch lieraus aus den einfach schönen Worten, mit denen er in der Vorrede zu seinem grofsen Geschichtswerk von den in ihrer Jugend- kraft dahingerafften deutschen Stämmen spricht und sie so vermil'st, so aus dem Kreise der Freunde und Verwandten entrissen sieht, 'wie mir die Meiuigeu, der gute Vater, ein jugendlicher Bruder, eine liebe Schwester und noch ein Bruder, ein verständiger Jüngling, die eine harte Fügung in drei Jahren und einem Monate, während meiner Arbeiten für diese Schrift, so früh dahingenommeu hat.' Ja, in der Askese wissenschaftlicher Forschung, das darf man wohl sagen, ist diese Schrift, das 1837 erschienene Meisterwerk D i e Deutscheu und die Ma-chbarstämme geschaffen worden. Kun aber strebte Zeufs mit allen Kräften heraus aus seinen armseligen kleinen Verhältnissen, und es geschah wiederum nur der Forschung zuliebe, um frei und ungehindert und weniger von Nahrungssorgeu bedrängt arbeiten zu können, dafs er den Blick zu einem akademischen Lehramte erhob. Aber so weitherzig die Erlanger philosophische Fakultät auch war, wenn sie, ohne sich auf Formalitäten zu steifen, lediglich auf Grund einer kritischen Studie zur Germania des Ptolemaeus, den Erforscher einer ganzen einmal ge- wesenen europäischen Viilkerwelt am 16. August 1838 zum Doktor promovierte, so klammerte sie sich doch wenige Monate später an kleinliche Rücksichten, als sie Zeufsens Gesuch um eine Professur der deutschen Philologie in Er- langen ausweichend beantwortete. In Würzburg aber, wo Zeufs 1838 ein erstes und 1840 ein zweites Mal anklopfte, suchte ihm der Senat den Zugang mit der für ihn selbst wie für die Studenten sonderbaren Motivierung zu sperren, dafs Vorlesungen über germanische Philologie nicht notwendig seien und solche über indische Sprachwissenschaft, zu denen sich Zeuls gleichfalls bereit erklärt hatte, ohne Anklang bleiben würden. Unwiderstehlich aber wirkte sein Argument von der Schonung der materiellen Mittel der Universität und der Verwertung ihrer psychischen Kräfte, und Zeufs mulste hinter dem Manne zurückstehen, der nach einem Worte des Staatsrats v. Stichaner nur durch den Anfangsbuchstaben sich von ihm unterschied. Friedrich Andreas Reui's unterschied sich freilich noch in manchem anderen von Zeuls, aber er wurde Professor der deutschen Literatur in Würzbnrg, indes Zeufs auch von dem Ministerium der Geistlichen-, Unterrichts- und Medizinalangelegenheiten in Berlin höflich abgewiesen wurde und Hoffnungen auf einen Platz in Freiburg i. B., 202 DIE UAMIiKUGKU CENTENAKFKIER WO sich Franz Jus. Mone und Leopold August Waniköuig für ihn be- niüiitcii, in den Sturmjahren dieser Universität untergehen sah. Als ihn aber 1840 der Erziehungsrat der Hei)ublik Luzern au das dortige Lyzeum berufen wollte, hatte er einen ähnlichen ^^■irkuugskrei9 als Trofessor der Gesdiichte bereits in Speyer an dem seil dem Herbste 1839 vollständig ausgebauten Lyzeum erhalten. Die acht Speyerer Jahre waren seine glücklichste Zeit, für den Forscher wie für den Menschen. Anfangs freilich fühlte sich der erstere bedrückt genug, als er infolge des Mangels ausreichender bibliothekarischer Hilfsmittel die bereits begonnenen Arbeiten zu einem oberdeutschen Namenbuch zurückstellen mufste. Aber bald siegte über widrige Verhältnisse auch hier die Kraft des Gelehrten. Wie wenn er sich ein neues Heim auf dem Gebiete rein historischer und lokal- historischer Forschung schaffen wolle, sah es zuerst aus, als Zeufs das ehr- würdig alte Traditionsbuch der merowingischen Abtei Weil'senburg 1842 in musterhafter Weise herausgab und gleich danach an der Hand urkund- licher Quellen die R e i c h s s t a d t S p e y e r V 0 r i h r e r Z e r s t ö r u n g schilderte Aber mächtig zog es Zeul's doch wieder in die Bahn sprachhistorischen Forschens zurück und nun schuf er sich in den keltologischen Studien, zu denen er vielleicht durch den Verkehr mit Mone und mit den Irrtümern Moncs an- geregt, seit 1843 entschiedener überging, ein neues Entdeckungsgebiet, wo das, was er bei allsonutäglichen Besuchen in Karlsruhe, Darmstadt und Heidel- berg und auf Ferienreisen in Würzburg, St. Gallen, London und Mailand ge- sammelt hatte, in der stillen Speyerer Gelehrtenklau. starb au der Stätte, wo er geboren worden war, hinter den entblätterten Erlen der Rodach, als trübe die Novembernebel durch den Frankenwald schlichen, in dem kleinen unscheinbaren Rund, aus dem er erwachsen war, von wenigen nur damals in seiner Weltbedeutung erkannt. Aber wie seine Gestalt, von einem Bamberger Bildhauer in Stein ge- hauen, hochragend über die eng umschrSukeuden Friedhofmauem von Kronach hinweg nach der Stadt und Feste hinüberschaut, die ihm die Welt aufgetan haben, so stellt sie heute hochragend in der wissenschaftlichen Welt, weil er selbst dieser wieder weite und weiteste Blicke erschlossen hat. Den Akademien von München, Göttingen und Berlin, die ihn mit der Ehre ihrer Mitgliedscliaft bedachten, den historischen Vereinen in bayrischen, rheinischen und nordischen Landen, die ihn sich zum Ehrenmitgliede erkoren, hat sich in den fünfzig Jahren seit seinem Tode langsam, aber um so bedeutungsvoller der Welt verein der Wissenschaft gesellt, ilin als einen ihrer Führer zu verehren. AVie Zeufs in Stille und Einsamkeit schuf, so liegt das, was er geschaffen, fem von dem grolsen, nur den iiui'serlichen Menschen bezaubernden Markte des Lebens. Aber er gehört zu den wenigen, die um so mehr innerlich ergreifen, je gesammelter man mit ihnen Zwiesprache hält, und je n.iher mau dem ein- samen Forscher tritt, um so mächtiger wächst seine Gestalt, um so uuvergefs- licher wird sein Bild dem, der es in sich aufzunehmen versucht. So ist es vielen gegangen wie Chr. W. Glück, sie sind begeisterte Jünger und Schüler des Meisters geworden, und mit Ehrfurcht schaut zu ihrem Vater Zeufs die über Europas Grenzen hinaus gewachsene Gemeinde der Keltologeu empor, indes er neben Jak. Grimm und Karl Lachmann auch den Germanisten zu einem ihrer (irofsen geworden ist. Doch den Meister der Sprachwissenschaft wird Ihnen ein Mund schildern, der berufener dazu ist, als der meinige. Mir aber, der ich die Ehre habe, den Lehrstuhl einzunehmen, den Zeufs in den neun letzten Jahren seines Lebens innehatte, obliegt es, den Historiker Zeufs ihnen näher zu bringen und ich kann mich dazu nur ermuntert fühlen, wenn ich sehe, wie Thomas Rudliart einstens seine Älteste Geschichte Bayerns veröffentlichte, ohne den Verfecliter der wahrscheinlichsten Herkunft der Bayern auch nur einer Erwälmnng wert zu halten, uud wie Wegele noch die (leschichte der deutschen Historiographie schreiben konnte, ohne auch uui' mit einem Worte anzudeuten, dal's ein Werk wie 'Die Deutscheu und die Nachbarstämme' für einen wichtigen Teil historischer Forschung uud Dar- stellung grundlegend geworden ist. Das erklärt sich wohl damit, dais ihnen zu viel Sprachwissenschaft in dem historischen Schaflen Zeul'sens steckte. Rudhart wenigstens beklagt sich einmal bei einer Besprechung der Markomannenhypothese über die Tyrannei, welche die Sprachgelehrsamkeit über die Geschichte in Anspruch nehme, und über die Grammatik, 'welche Herkunft, Leben und Schicksale der Völker zn ordnen sich unterfange'.') Umsomehr, sollte mau meinen, hätte Rudolf ') (Münclmer) Gelehrte Anzeigen 1843, S. 703. ZUM GEDÄCHTNIS AN JOHANK KASPAR ZEOSS. 205 V. Raumer, der Zeul's ja auch persönlich kannte, in seiner Geschichte der ger- manischeu Philologie Grund gehabt, ihn für sie zn reklamieren. Doch auch er schweigt sich aus über ihn, wohl deswegen, weil ihm Zeiils in seinem Werke über die Deutschen allzusehr Historiker war. Und in der Tat, Zeul's ist ein viel zn originaler Geist, als dafs er sich leicht in den wohlgeordneten Fächern der Zuuftgelehrsamkeit unterbringen Heise, und er repräsentiert nicht das eine nur oder das andere, sondern der grofse Bund der Wissenschaften der Geschichte und der Sprache ist in ihm Fleisch geworden, sodai's mehr als von jedem andern von ihm das Wort Jakob Grimms gilt, er habe der Geschichte das Bett von der Sprachwissenschaft her aufgeschüttelt.') Die Herkunft der Bayern begründet er vorwiegend mit einem etymologischen Er- gebnis, in dem Werke über die Deutschen und die Nachbarstämme ist die Sprachwissenschaft die Begleitmusik, die in den Anmerkungen unausgesetzt der historischen Melodie im Teste folgt, und selbst die Ausgabe der Tra- ditionen Wizenbujgenses ist in erster Linie den oberdeutschen Orts- und Personennamen zuliebe unternommen. Wie für Zeufs die Sprachwissenschaft hauptsächlich eine historische ist, so ist sie dem Historiker in ihm die erste geschichtliche Hilfswissen- schaft, der Schlüssel, mit dem allein das Tor zum dunkeln Land der Völker- geschichte sich öffnen liefs. Und mit Eecht! Denn während der Bund, den die Geschichte am Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts mit Philosophie und Aufklärung geschlossen hatte, sie erst fähig machte zu universalgeschichtlicher Betrachtung, und während sie am Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts durch die Befruchtung von Seiten der Naturwissenschaft her erst tiefer in die kulturgeschichtlichen Ent- wicklungen eindringen lernte, so bahnte sie sich, verbündet mit der Sprach- wissenschaft, erst einen zuverlässigeren Weg in die Völkergeschichte, in das Altertum der Völker und unseres eigenen Volkes. Zeufs aber ging diesen Weg als erster mit sicherem Sclu-itte und wurde so der Historiker deutschen und europäischen Altertums, als welcher er hier ge- würdigt wird. Wohl hatten schon manche andere wie Schlözer, der Vater der nor- dischen Geschichte in Deutschland, und Adelung, der im Jahre des Zusammen- bruchs 1806 seine 'Alteste Geschichte der Deutschen' veröffentlichte, mit Hilfe der Sprache operiert. Aber Zeufs besais, was beiden noch fehlte, die volle Kenntnis ihrer historischen Entwicklung und war ein viel schärferer Kritiker als Adelung, indes er vor Schlözer, dem rasch aburteilenden Sohne der Auf- klärung, die Achtung voraus hatte, die den Quellen, so trüb sie auch aus dunkler Vergangenheit fliefsen mochten, doch ein gerecht abwägendes Urteil nicht versagen durfte. Vergleicht man Zeufs aber mit Konrad Mannert, dem namhaften Geographen des Altertums, so findet man, dafs er auch diesem ganz besonders durch die Sprachwissenschaft überlegen war, ohne ihm als Geograph nachzustehen. So vereinigte Zeufs von vornherein, um der Historiker des deutschen und europäischen Altertums zn werden, alles in sich, was dieser Historiker damals besitzen muTste, und was in solcher Mischung bisher noch nicht vorhanden gewesen war: sprachhistorische Meisterschaft, klares, geographisches Verständnis, gerecht nehmende und gebende Kritik und ')• Geschichte der deutschen Sprache ^ S. XL 206 DIE BAMBERGER CENTENAHFEIER noch eines, eine bislier noch nicht erreichte Kenntnis und Beherrschung des Qnellenmaterials. Denn, nie Schmeller ganz richtig urteilte,') "die grül'ste Schwierigkeit für den Verfasser des Buches 'Die Deutschen und die Nachbarstümme' lag nicht im Zusammenbringen der Zeugnisse", obwohl, wie wir hinzufügen dürfen, ein Blick in das Werk selbst und den Nachlafs Zeulsens lehrt, dafs er auch darin die Vorgänger ganz erstaunlich überflügelt hat, dafs er nicht nur die Zeugnisse der Alten benutzte, angefangen von den bekannten Darstellungen eines Caesar, Tacitus oder Ptolemaeus bis in das verlorenste Fragment fast verschollener Byzantiner, sondern auch angelsächsische, nordische, slavische und arabische Quellen heranzog und mit eisernstem Fleifse ein bisher kaum beachtetes Quellenmaterial ausschöpfte, das für die Jahrhunderte des frühesten Mittelalters unbenutzt aufgespeichert gelegen hatte in den mächtigen Folianten der Bollandisten und der Acta Sanctorum und in den zahlreichen ürkunden- publikationen des 18. Jahrhunderts. Gewifs, dieses Zusammenenbringen der Quellen war schon als solches eine Meisterleistuug. Aber es galt noch viel mehr zu tun. Wo Schlözer mit dem weg- werfenden Wort von Lieblings Wörtern der tiefen Unwissenheit der Alten sich die Kritik ihre Nachrichten erspart hatte, wo andere, nicht weniger uu- bekümniert um ihren Wahrheitskern , mit dem livianischen Sigovesus und Bellovesus alle Rätsel einer bunten Völkergeschichte gelöst wähnten, da galt es, wie Niebuhr einmal sagt, 'Gedicht und Verfälschung zu scheiden und den Blick anstrengen, um die Züge der Wahrheit, befreit von Übertüuchungen, zu erkennen'.-) Kritisch gesichtet und gewertet mufste das ungehetue Material werden und — ich lasse Schmeller noch einmal das Wort — 'durch all das Chaos moderner, an sie geknüpfter, einander oft geradezu wider- sprechender Ansichten und Behauptungen, dem eigenen Urteil unbeschadet' niufste Zeul's sich hindurchfinden. Die eine und die andere Vorarbeit war ja bereits geschehen, zumal hatten Mannert und ein wenig auch Christian Karl Barth, Aug. Benedict Wilhelm und Christian Keichard ihre Verdienste gehabt, sodafs manche Fabel schon entlarvt, manche trügerische Kulisse schon hinweggeschoben, mancher Widerspruch schon gelöst war. Alier niemand hatte es vor Zeufs unternommen, das so systematisch zu tun, mit dem uämliclien Blick über ein so grol'ses Ganze und dem gleich scharfen Auge für jeden kleinen und kleinsten Zug. Das aber gab Zeufs des Historikers höchste Weihe, dal's er nicht hlofs ein die Tünche des Vergangenheitsbildes beseitigender Kritiker, sondern auch ein neu gestaltender Schöpfer desselben war, und wie später bei der alt- keltischen Grammatik, so auch hier aus zahllosen Splittern und Bruchstücken und zusammenhangslosen Teilen vorsichtig abwägend, vergleichend und ver- knüpfend die Welt der germanischen und uordeuropäischen Völkerkunde wiederherstellte, so, wie der Vater unserer kritischen Geschichtsforschung, Niebuhr, es mit dem römischen Altertum getan hatte. Und damit habe ich den grofsen Namen noch einmal genannt, dem Cuno schon in seinen 'Forschungen im Gebiet der alten Völkerkunde', 1306, ') (Münchener) Gelelirte Anzeigen 1838, S. 666, -) Römische Geschichte I', S, IX, ZUM GEDÄCHTNIS AN JOHANN KASPAR ZEDSS. 207 den Namen des Historikers Zeul's rerg-leicheiid an die Seite gestellt hat. Zeuls ist uiclit nur ein Jünger der durch Niebuhr begründeten historischen Methode. er ist auch ein Meister glei-ch ihm. Um fiir ersteres ans einer Fülle Ton Beispielen nnr drei auszuwKlilen : Wenn Zeul's wieder und wieder durclizudringen sucht durch die A'erzerrnngen, welche die Völkertafel des Ptolemaeus zeigt, zu dem wirklicheu ethnographi- schen Bild, das in der Zeit des antiken Geographen vorlianden war; wenn er des Jemandes Gotengeschichte trotz ihrer Fabeln als wertvolle Quelle gründlich ausschöpft; oder wenn er aus all den Widersprüchen der Alten über die Skythen trotz reicher Übertünchung die echten Konturen eines Vülkerganzen hervortreten läl'st, so ist dies, kongenial gebraucht, die Arbeitsweise eines Niebuhr, und gleichgeartet ist auch bei ihm die für den Historiker so imerläfs- liche köstliche Gabe, die vollständige Objektivität und Ruhe, die den Völkern gibt, was einstens den Völkern gehörte. Wie viel Pathos macht sich doch, so tüchtig die Leistung auch sonst ist, in dem gleichzeitig erschienenen und verwandten Stoff behandelnden Buche Hermann Müllers 'Die Marken des Vaterlandes' breit, und wie er- innert es unwillkürlich heute noch daran, dals es in den Tagen entstand, da der nationale Gegensatz gegen die Franzosen wieder stärker erwacht war. Nichts davon bei Zeul's, der an J. Grimm einmal die Worte schrieb: 'Ich freue mich, dafs Sie sich bald öffentlich über die Keltomanie einiger Schrift- steller erklären wollen, und habe es gern gelesen, dafs sie in mir einen Gegner derselben voraussetzen ; ebenso würden Sie mich als Gegner der Slawo- manie Schaffaiiks finden, aber auch der Germanomanie. Jedem Volk das Seine.' ') Aber ein Schemen ohne nationales Fleisch und Blut war Zeufs des- wegen doch nicht. Dafs er ein Deutscher war, mit warmem Gefühl für das eigene Volk, bekundet doch mehr wie jedes tönende Pathos die bis ins Ein- zelnste gehende liebevolle Sorgfalt, mit der er seine Nation in die Mitte seines Buchs gestellt und die andern um die Deutschen gmppiert hat. Darinnen ist er aber wiederum Niebuhr gleichzustellen, weil auch er einen natio- nalen Standpunkt durch einen universellen adelte, und so, indem er dazu noch ein vortrefflicher Methodiker war wie er, ein ausgezeichneter Philolog wie er, zu reichen und dauernden Ergebnissen gelangt. Dl wird mit sicherer Hand, in grofsen Zügen, aus reifster Kunde heraus der Schauplatz entworfen, auf dem das deutsche Altertum sich bewegt, um den die Nachbarstämme sich gedrängt haben. Die Nordvölker treten heran, kein keltischer Mischmasch und doch ein Ganzes mit gemein- schaftlichen Zügen in Sprache, Götterglaube, Kurpergestalt uud Lebensweise, bei allem Gemeinsamen aber gesondert in drei grol'se Hanptgruppen — der Germanen, Kelten und Wenden. Will uns dies heutzutage eine Binsen- wahrheit bedünken, so mufs man doch für Zeul'sens Zeit daran erinnern, dais noch ein Jahr nach seinem Tode ein Sprachforscher, wie Adolf Holtzmanu, allen Ernstes den Unterschied zwischen Germanen und Kelten verwischen wollte. Dunkel ist dann freilich Zeul's gar manches geblieben, was die schwierige, damals noch schwierigere Frage der Zweige der Germauen betrifft. Um ») L. Chr. Stern, Briefe von J. K. Zeul's an Chr. W. Glück, Ztschr. f. celtisc! e Philologie m (1901), S. 375. 208 DIE BAMBERGER CENTENARPEIER so sicherer aberwies er den deutschen Einzelstämmen vor der Völker- wanderung: ihre Plätze an und schuf ein Fundament, zu dem Maunert und andere freilich wertvolles Material bereits geliefert hatten. Aber so, wie es nun von Zeufs gelegt wurde, ward es ein Bau, auf dem die deutsche Ethno- graphie trotz einzelner Änderungen auch heute noch steht. Sicherem Beweis eint sich hier manch feine Hypothese , und \ne z. B. der Bastarnen germa- nisches Volkstum endgültig erkannt wurde, so ward in den rätselhaften Baemi des Ptolemaeus das in die Karpathen verpflanzte Suebenvolk des Vannins glücklicli geahnt. Wie Zeufs dann die Kelten und Germanen im Westen gruppierte, im heutigen belgischen und rheinischen Gebiete, wo der Name Germanen zuerst Gestalt gewann, ist in neuerer Zeit nicht ohne Widerspruch geblieben, und über das Volkstum manches der rätselhaften Alpenvülker konnte er nicht ins Klare kommen. Aber mit ihm hält doch ein namhafter Teil der Forscher auch heute noch die alten Beiger nicht mehr für Germanen, und ihm dankt man es, wenn endlich die Bojer und mit ihnen ein ganzer, fast heilig gewordener Hausrat historischer Irrtümer endgültig von der schwäbisch- bayerischen Hochebene verwiesen wurde. Dem Keltenvolk überhaupt all Ganzem schi-ieb er in grofsen Zügen, die Contzen später nur ins Kleinere auszuführen brauchte, seine erste klare Geschichte, und von Adelungs thraki- schem Sprachstamme löste er für die Zukunft das Illyriervolk, indes er die angeblich germanischen Geten Jakob Grimms stillschweigend unter den Thrakern begrub. Nirgends aber erscheint er so sehr als Meister wie bei den Nachbarn in Nord und Ost, wo die dunkeln Namen flüchtiger Skytheuvölker und sarmatischer Horden so vieldeutige Kätsel aufgaben und in der grenzenlosen Steppe so viel verschiedenes Volkstum ineinander überflofs. Hier schuf er geradezu aus den Nachrichten der Alten und den Anhaltspunkten der Sprache in fester bestimmten Stämmen und Wohnorten den esthisch-lettischen Völkerzweig und ward dadurch für Müllenhoff die Grundlage zu eingehenden, an sich freilich höchst wertvollen Untersuchungen. Wer aber dem letzteren allein das Verdienst zuspricht, die Skythen als Indogermanen von arischem Zweige erkannt zu haben, der pflegt zu übersehen, dafs aus dem skythischen Chaos schon Zeul's den iranischen Kern in feiner Beweisführung heraus- gestaltet hat. Aber alles das sind nur Resultate der ersten Hälfte des Buches. Denn nun läfst Zeul's in einem zweiten Teil noch einmal die ganze Völkerwelt vorüberziehen, der Umgestaltungen wegen, die durch die Völkerwanderung herbeigeführt wurden. Berührten sie in erster Linie die Germanen, so erwuchs Zeufs in erster Linie auch die Aufgabe den grofsen, noch ganz ungenügend beantworteten Fragen nach der Ent- stehung und Zusammensetzung der germanischen Völkerbünde auf grund der Quellen nahe zu treten. Seit er es getan, hat eine unermüd- lich emsige Forschung die Lücke auszufüllen versucht, die Zeufs in der Frage nach dem Entstehungsgrund gelassen hatte, und aufserdem manchen Stein aus seinem Bau gelöst und manchen, der haltbarer war- oder schien, neu eingesetzt. Aber es schlug auch auf einem Gebiete, wo so viel des Dunkeln und des Ver- wirrenden immer bleiben wird, Hypothese die Hyjiothese und die Ironie, die ZUM GEDÄCHTNIS AN JOHANN KASPAR ZEU8S. 209 SO manchen Fragen der Forsclmng sich zugesellt, brachte es mit sich, dafs die Sngambern Zeufsens, die MüUcnhoff bereits zum Spiel römischer Rhetoren gemacht zu haben schien , bei Felix Dabn ') als fränkisches Keruvolk wieder auflebten, wie der nämliche verdiente Altmeister germanischen Altertums auch wieder zu den Juthungen Zeufsens als dem Hauptvolk der Schwaben über- ging.*) Mit fliegenden Fahnen aber ist bis auf wenige Dissidenten das ge- samte Forscherheer in das markomaunische Bajuwarenlager Zeufsens marschiert, und so ist dem stillen greisen Forscher, alles in allem, doch das Verdienst gewahrt, den Grundkern der deutschen Völkt rvereine richtig erkannt zu haben, und bis heute die unerschöpfliche Fundgrube für alle Nachrichten über die Ahnen unserer späteren deutschen Stämme ge- blieben zu sein. Eines der glänzendsten Kapitel in diesem Teile ist aber das über die Normannen, weil es in allem, was die umsichtige Benützung des Quellen- materials, die Feinheit der Beweisführung und die Feststellung der Tatsachen betrifft, geradezu musterhaft genannt werden darf. So schuf Zeufs auch für das nordische Altertum die feste Basis, wie auch Paul Joseph Schafarik, dessen 'Slavische Altertümer' gleichzeitig mit dem Werke Zeufsens erschienen, mit ihm in den Euhm sich teilen mufs, die Grundzüge der slavischen Wanderung und osteuropäischen Völkerverschiebung festgestellt zu haben. Schärfer als jener erkannte dabei Zeufs, welche Bedeutung für diese Wanderung der Avareneinbruch hatte, und tiefer als alle sah er in den hunnischen Ursprung des Bulgarenvolkes. Zum zweiten Male zwang er so das flüchtige Tölkergewimmel der Steppe, dem prüfenden Auge des Forschers standzuhalten und, wenn er dem alanischen Eeitervolke vielleicht auch nicht tief genug in die asiatische Heimat turkmenischer Horden folgte, so schlofs er doch sein Werk nicht, ohne nicht auch noch den finnischen Ursprung und die älteste Geschichte der Ungarn achtunggebietend vertreten zu haben. Wo immer man sich in sein Werk vertieft, da bietet es eine Fülle bleibender Ergebnisse und man braucht, wenn man es im Ganzen übersieht, nicht mehr mit dem Urteile zu zaudern, dafs Zeufs derNiebuhr der Deutschen und der Nachbarstämme ist. Wenn dies aber nicht schon öfter und entschiedener behauptet worden ist, so liegt der Grund doch wohl an der Form, in welcher Zeufsens historisches Schaffen uns entgegentritt. Zeufs ist nicht der feine Stilist wie Niebnhr und in deutschen Lese- büchern wird er schwerlich jemals so wie jener durch MusterstUcke vertreten sein. Hart sind seine Sätze und glänzende Lichter prosaischen Ausdruckes mildern nirgends die eckigen Linien derselben. Selbst die ganze Abfassungsform seines Hauptwerkes hat Mifsfallen erregt. Jakob Grimm schien 'der gehandhabte Unterschied zwischen Altertum der Völker und ihrer Umgestaltung auf die Klarheit der dadurch zerrissenen Verhältnisse ungünstig einzufliefsen.'*) Und in der Tat, an zwei, oft an drei Stellen des Werkes ist das zersplittert, was ') Könige der Germanen Bd. VIT, Abt. 1, S. 16. «) Ebenda Bd. JX, Abt. 1, S. 4ff. •) Gesch. d. deutsch. Sprache ', S. X. Zeitaobrift f. celt. Philologie Tl. 1^4 210 DIE BAMliERGER CENTEN ARFEIER ein und das nämliche Volk, ein und den nämlichen Stamm hetrifft. Ent- täuschung ist sogar das erste Gefühl, das man dem Buche gegenüber empfindet, wenn man eine zusammenhängende Darstellung erwartet und dann sich einer Art Lexikon gegenüber sieht. Es ist unleugbar so: Nüchtern und hart ist die Schale, in der uns der kostbare Kern geboten wird, und da, wo uns der Verfasser in leicht dahingleitenden Worten in das Reich seiner Forschung einführen oder in wohlpoiutierten Sätzen seine Resultate uns mundgerecht machen sollte, da verlangt er von uns, mit ihm durch lange lateinische, griechische, nordische und angelsächsische, slavische und arabische Zitate uns hindurchzuarbeiten. Freilich ist bereits mit Recht darauf hingewiesen worden,') dafs wir so das Ganze eigentlich selbst mit ihm aufbauen, und der Historiker in Zeufs hat nicht ohne gute Überlegung gehandelt, wenn er über die tief einschneidende Bedeutung der Volkerwanderung für die germanische "Welt und folglich auch für die Nachbarwelt nicht hinwegsah und auf ihr einen Einschnitt begründete. Sollten einmal die Deutschen im Mittelpunkt stehen und die Nachbarn iu Süd und AVest, iu Ost und Nord von hier aus betrachtet werden, dann war ein Werk aus einem Gusse immer noch eher auf solch offen liegendem geschicht- lichem Boden zu erzielen, oder es wäre Zeuls gegangen wie Müllenhoff. der über seiner deutschen Altertumskunde hinwegstarb und einen mächtigen Torso und ein Mosaik, in dem das Hauptbild fehlte, hinterliel's. Aber mag man Zeufs auch hinsichtlich der Gesamtanlage seines historischen Hauptwerkes rehtfertigeu, die Tatsache bleibt doch, dafs der Grüfse des Inhalts die Form nicht entspricht, und dafs das Werk, welches eine ganze Welt iimfafst, jählings in der unga- rischen Pufsta endet, so, wie auch die kleine, aber wertvolle Studie über 'Die Reichsstadt Speier vor ihrer Zerstörung" plötzlich zu Ende ist und den Leser fast buchstäblich vor dem Fischertore des alten Speyer stehen läfst. Aber Zeufs hat auch, wie Bachmann richtig konstatiert,^) die alte Wahrheit nicht beobachtet, dafs man die Leser eret interessieren, dann erwärmen, schliefs- lich überzeugen müsse. Das aber war schuld daran, dafs er bei dem seiner historischen Werke, das ihn frühzeitig weiteren Kreisen bekannt machte, es doch weniger wurde durch die Zustimmung, die er fand, als durch den Wider- spruch, den er erntete. Ich meine seine 1839 erschienene Schrift über die Herkunft der Baj'ern, die Zeufs'sche Hypothese, wie sie untrennbar mit seinem Namen verbunden jeder heute nennt. Hätte sie eine bessere Abrundung und eine gewinnendere Form gehabt, sie hätte nicht fast ebensoviele Gegner gefunden, als es Stämme gab, von welchen man die Bajuwaren hergeleitet hatte. Zufrieden hatten da die Anhänger der Bojerfabel um ihren Vater Vincenz v. rallhausen versammelt gesessen und seinen GaribiiUl skandiert, um ihren bajuwarischen Eigendünkel an uralten, welterobernden Bojern zu berauschen. Da grübelte Koch-Sternfeld, wie er Kelten und Heruler zu einem Volksganzen verschmelzen könne, indes C. Fr. Neumann das kleine, kaum sichtbar werdende Boiskenvölkcben im Handumdrehen zum mächtigen Stamm der Bayern beförderte und sich selbst ironisierend der Ritter von Lang sogar zu den Slaven überging. Franken, Goten, Langobarden waren als Vorväter ') Von E. Kuhn in seiner Münchner Festrede am 14. März 190G. ') Wiener Sitzungsbericht, 90. Bd. (1878), S. 830 f. ZrM GEDÄCHTNIS AN .lOHANN KASl'AR ZEUSS. 211 Jer Bayern aufgestellt worden und ein klaffender Gegensatz hatte sich schliefslich aufgetan zwischen all diesen Unigenisten und den Föderalisten, unter denen wohlüberlegende Historiker wie Plister, Mannert, Rudhart aus Sciren, Sueven, Rngiern, Heruleru und Turcilingern einen Völkerverein der Bajuwaren konstruiert hatten. Da erschien mitten unter ihnen Zeuls mit der Erklärung, 'Sprachenkunde sei die Leuchte der Yölkergeschichte, der Geschichte des Altertums; ohne sie sei niemand ein tanglicher Arbeiter auf diesem Gebiete. Die Sprache gebe sicheres Zeugnis, irre nicht, während eine alte Nachricht wohl irren könne." ') Darauf entwickelte er, nachdem er die Bojisten und Koch-Sternfeld ihres falschen sprachlichen Aufputzes beraubt hatte, in allerdings sicheren Zügen seinen sprachlichen Beweis für die Herkunft des Bayernnamens von Böhmen, der Heimat der Markomannen, fügte aber nur mehr andeutend als ausführend den historischen Beweis hinzu, weil es ihn drängte, auch mit den übrigen Gegnern noch hauptsächlich philologisch abzurechnen. So hatte er allerdings die Bojisten vernichtet, trotz des verspäteten Auftretens des Kgl. Advokaten in Trostberg, Carl Siegert, der noch im Jahre 1854 die dem Eeichsherold Pallhausen entrissene keltische Standarte ergriff und mit erstaunlicher Verwegenheit schwang.^) Aber das geschah recht eigen- lich doch nur zur Erheiterung der Wissenschaft, die das bayerische Weils-blau als die Xationalfarbe schon der alten Armalausen begreifen sollte und baju- warische Kraftausdrücke wie Letfeigen, Kampl, Lackl sowie den Hofbräuhaus- bock staunend im keltischen Sprachschatz wiederfand. Dagegen fehlte der positive Erfolg, weil Zeufs in einer eminent historischen Frage die Hilfswissenschaft zur Gesetzgeberin gemacht hatte, weil er auf einem Kampfplatz zahlreichster Gegner es an einer hieb- und stichfesten Ausrüstung hatte fehlen lassen. 'Bewiesen hat Zeufs nichts, aber wahrschein- lich ist die Sache', schlofs daher Schmeller seine Besprechung der Schrift,') und Eudhart warf sich, als später AVittmann Zeul's hatte vervollständigen wollen, mit Wucht auf jede Blofse, die in der Markomannenhypothese geblieben war.') Trotzdem ist Zeufs der Sieger geblieben, auch nach dem wohlüberlegten und umsichtigen Angriff, den zwei Jahre nach seinem Tode noch Quitzmann gegen seine Hypothese unternahm. Seit Bachmann den historischen Beweis für die Markomannen noch einmal gründlich und kunstvoll durchführte, blieb Zeufs auch das Verdienst, auf einem engen Gebiet, aber in einer der be- wegtesten Streitfragen der älteren deutschen Geschichte den gangbarsten Weg gezeigt zu haben und, wenn schon Bernhard Sepps Ju- thungen als Stammväter der Bayern wenig Gegenliebe gefunden haben, so werden die Lugier, die Ludwig Wilser noch im vergangenen Jahre zu ihren Ahnen erheben wollte, sie noch weniger linden, trotz des Vorwurfs der Be- schränktheit der deutschen Geschichtsforschung, den Wilser schon im voraus erhob. ') Die Herkunft der Bayern S. IV. *) In 'Grundlagen zur ältesten Geschichte des bayerischen Haupt- volksstammes und seiner Fürsten'. ') Gelehrte Anzeigen 1840, Nr. 17. -) Ebd. 1843, Nr. 91 ff. 14* 212 DIK BÄMUEUGER CENTENARFEIEK Dafs diese Anerkennung freilieh so spät erst sich durchrang, hahe ich durch einen Mangel in Zeufsens Schaffen hegründen müssen. Und doch will es mir scheinen, als ob ich daran gewesen wäre, ungerecht gegen ihn zu werden, und von einem Mann gröfseren Glanz und bestechenderes Auftreten zu verlangen, der so ganz und gar aus sich selbst nichts machen wollte. Die charakteristischen Züge seiner Werke sind jaanchdiedes Mannes, des Menschen Zeufs. Anspruchslos und bescheiden war er durch und durch, wie alle bezeugen, die ihn kannten, wie noch heute seine Briefe an (""hr. Wilh. Glück verraten , in denen er niemals lästig fallen will und jede kleine Bitte fast sofort wieder zurücknehmen möchte. Oder, um ein anderes Beispiel zu gebrauchen, kann man weniger von der Grammatica celtica sagen als er, wenn er Mone erklärte, er glaube mit ihr der Wissenschaft einen Dienst zu erweisen? Und ging die Anspruchslosigkeit nicht sogar zu weit, die ihn, den hochgewachsenen schöuen Mann mit dem feinen Gesicht und dem prächtigen schwarzen Haar so nachlässig einhergehen liefs, dais, wie Adam Martinet im Nachrufe für ihn bemerkt, seine äulsere Erscheinung seinem inneren Wert und Reichtum an Wissenschaft nicht entsprach?') Nein, bestechend wirken wollte und konnte Zeufs nicht. So wenig er ein glänzender Schriftsteller war, so wenig liinreifsend war er auch als Lehrer und Dozent, nicht nur weil er stotterte und seine Stimme schwach war, sondern weil er auch die Gabe nicht besal's, die Fülle und Tiefe seines Wissens für Hörer und Schüler auszumünzen. Darin liegt aber auch die Erklärung dafür, dafs er immer wieder in die Stille einer Bibliothek oder eines Archives getrachtet hatte, um dort bei Büchern und Urkunden ganz er selbst sein zu können. Was er ganz war, welche Kraft in ihm mächtig wirkte, das ahnten wohl dunkel die, die vor ihm auf den Bänken safsen, aber verstanden haben sie die Gröfse nicht blofs dieses Geistes, sondern auch dieser Seele nicht. Sie hätten sie aus seineu Werken erscbliefsen müssen. Dann hätten sie gesehen, dafs diese Seele von eiuer der edelsten aller Leidenschaften, dem Eorschungs- trieh, ganz erfüllt war und der erkundeten Wahrheit sich ganz und restlos hingab. Für das Lernen, das Forschen, die Wissenschaft hatte er das fröhliche Spiel der Jugend geflohen, hatte mit der bitteren Sorge und mit zärtlichen Wünschen den Kampf um den Beruf geführt und Jahre lang in der arm- seligen Stellung eines Hilfslehrers ausgeharrt. Weil von den Büchern der Wissenschaft seine wenigen finanziellen Mittel beansprucht wurden, hatte er die Ehre des Doktorates sich ferne gehalten und noch auf dem Krankenlager opferte er ihr die Nächte, in denen er bis tief in den Morgen hinein studierte. Ihrem heiligen Dienst zuliebe versagte er sich auch das Erdenglück, das in der Familie begründet werden kann. Der Wissenschaft waren alle seine Reisen gewidmet, ihr galten die Briefe, die er schrieb, von ihr empfing er die Freunde, die er liebte, von ihr den Scherz, dessen er, der sonst immer ernste, fähig war. 'Herrn Holtzmann zu holzen' wäre ihm ihretwegen ein Vergnügen gewesen. Denn ihretwegen konnte er selbst bitter werden, wie es Jakob Grimm gegen- über geschah, sogar undankbar erscheinen, wenn man sieht, wie er Mone, dem er doch viel verdankte, der bitterbösen Feder Glücks überlieferte. ') 21. Bericht d. histor. Vereins Bamberg (1868) S. 76. ZUM GEDÄCHTNIS AN JOUANN KASl'AH ZEl'SS. 213 Leben war ihm Wissenschaft, Forschen die grolse Leidenschaft seiner Seele, sich dabei aber doch uuentweijt auf ein Ziel beschränken, Selbstzucht im vollsten Mafse zu üben, dafs war die grölste Tugend dieses so einfachen und doch so wenig verstandenen Mannes. Auch Asehbach hatte ihn nicht verstanden, als er ihm in der Besprechung seines Werkes über die Deutsehen ') den Vorwurf machte , er hätte viel mehr auf die moderneu Theorien über die germanischen Stämme eingehen sollen. Gewifs hätte Zeufs dies können. Aber wie er die Angebote unbeachtet liels, die man ihm machte, um ihn als Mitarbeiter für wissenschaftliche Unter- nehmungen zu gewinnen, wie er in der Grammatica celtica mit aller Kraft der Selbstzügelung an sich hielt, um in keinen der vielen lockenden Seitenwege einzubiegen, so hielt er sparsamstes Mals auf jenem historischen Gebiete, wo die Anschauungen, die Konjekturen, die Hypothesen auf allen Wegen lauem, den Forscher an sie sich verlieren zu lassen. So spricht Geistes- und Seelengröfse aus Zeufsens Werken, so erscheint er einfach zwar und anspruchslos wie das äufsere Gewand, in dem er sie gab, aber in höchster Keife wie sie selbst und wie sie aus einem Gufs und Ganzen. So hatte er, kaum über dreifsig Jahre alt, das Werk geschaffen, das durch Müllenhoffs ganze Lebensarbeit nicht überflüssig werden konnte, zu dem auch der grol'se Torso D'Arbois de Jubainvilles bis heute nur eine Ergänzung fiir eine noch frühere europäische Vergaugeuheit ist, das man sich auch nach den Forschungen eines Kosinna, Much und Bremer und mancher anderer ebensowenig aus dem Reiche der Wissenschaft hinwegdenken kann, wie Grimms historische Grammatik oder Xiebuhrs römische Geschichte. Denn es ist die historische Grammatik der Ethnographie uud die Eömische Geschichte des enropäischen Mittelvolkes und seiner Nachbarn in Ost und Xord und Süd und West und der präg- nanteste Ausdruck des fruchtbaren Bundes, den Geschichte und Sprachwissenschaft seit den schweren Tagen des Jahres 1806 ge- schlossen hatten. Es ist eine der grofsen weltgeschichtlichen Taten, durch welche Söhne des deutschen Volkes die kriegerische Zerschmetterung bei Jena friedlich wett gemacht haben und, wenn Kronach den Aufenthalt des Völkerzerschmetterei-s in seineu Mauern mit Recht zn seinen grofsen Erinnerungen zählt, so vergilst die Welt der Wissenschaft mit noch gröfserem Rechte niemals wieder des Erbauers einer Völkerwelt, der aus Kronachs Umkreis hervorging, des bescheidenen Maurersohnes aus Vogtendorf. Nach der Ouvertüre zu IpMgenie in Aulis von Gluck bestieg Professor Kuno Meyer- Liverpool das Katheder zur Festrede: 'Johann Kaspar Zeuls als Sprachforscher'. Hochanseiinliche Festversammlung I Es ist ein weit verbreiteter und fest gewurzelter Irrtum der grofsen Menge, dafs die Arbeit des Gelehrten, der ein entlegenes Gebiet der Alter- tumswissenschaft erforscht, wohl hie und da auch über den engen Kreis der ') Berliner Jahrbücher f. wissenschaftliche Kritik, 1838, EI, S. 318. 214 PIE liAMBERGER CEKTENARFEIER FIE UAMIiEIiGER CENTENARFEIEK Ragend blickt ein Steinbild über Ki-onachs Friedliofsraauern: um schmale Schultern faltet sich, vom linken Arm gehalten, ein weiter Mantel. Die Eechte trägt ein geöffnetes Buch, das Auge blickt sinnend ins Weite unter der hohen Stirne; die Locken fallen in den Nacken und ein kleines Bärtchen über der Lippe scheint eher einem Jüngling, denn einem reifen Manne zu ge- hören. Das Bildnis stellt ZeuTs dar, zu jugendlich zwar, zu un- fertig, fast verkleinernd, und doch, wer hier liest: 'Sein Name wird in seinen Werken fortleben, wenn auch die irdische Hülle schon längst zerfallen ist', der fühlt ein heimlich Ahnen und Erkennen, dafs hier ein Grofser rastet. Und der Wissende neigt in \'erehrung still das Haupt. Von drüben grüfst die Feste Kronach, wie sie schon der Meister der Farbe, Lucas, der alten Cranaha gröfster Sohn sah, und zur Rechten unter schattenden Bäumen blinkeu ferne rote Ziegeldächer: Vogten- dorf, der Geburtsort unseres Zeufs. Zu diesem Grabe kamen sie am Nachmittag des 21. Juli Weihevoller Klang des 'Gebet um ewige Ruhe' von Cherubini. Nun brachten sie dem Unsterblichen Ki-änze, zuerst der Rektor des Bamberger Ljxeums, Dr. Härtung: 'Dem ehemaligen Kollegen, welcher durch den hohen Genius seines Geistes der Wissenschaft diente, und der viele Jahre eine Blüte und Leuchte unseres Lyceums war, lege ich an seinem HX). Gehurtstage im Xamen des Professorenkollegiums des Bamberger Lyceums zur dankbaren Erinnerung an dieser Stätte einen Kranz nieder.' Nun der Präsident der baj-erischen Akatlemie der \\'isseu- schaften, Geheimrat Heigel-München: 'Bewegten Herzens trete ich an das Grab de? grofsen Sohnes des Franken- landes. Auf eine Persönlichkeit, die auf ganz anderem Gebiete sich Ruhm und Ehre erwarb, auf Prinz Eugen, hat Rousseau das Wort gemünzt: 'Nie hat ein Mann so viel Einfachheit mit so viel Griifse vereinigt.' Ich glaube, dafs dieses Wort auf die Sinnesart und auf die wissenschaftlichen Taten unseres Zeufs Anwendung finden kann. Ein Name ohne Makel, eine Erinnerung ohne Schatten, eine jener seltenen hochbegnadeten Erscheinungen, deren Gemüt und Geisteskräfte in einer Harinouie zusammenstimmen, in denen die Würde der men.schlichen Natur ohne Schlacken sich offenbart. Ich lege diesen Kranz im Namen der Münchener Akademie, die 14 Jahre die Ehre hatte, ihn zu den Hirigcn zählen zu dürfen, als Zeichen ehrfurchtsvollen Uankes auf das Grab des grofsen Toten und dennoch Unsterblichen nieder.' Darauf Professor Roethe-Berlin: 'Die prenfsische Akademie der Wissenschaften weiht diesen Kranz in bewunderndem Gedenken ihrom einstigen Mitgliede, dem grol'seu deutschen Zl'M GEDÄCHTNIS AN JOHANN KASPAR ZEUSS. Slo Philologeu, dessen Einzelkraft Akademien besebiimte, dem Spracbforschuug und Geschichte sich zu unlöslicher organischer Einheit zusammenschlössen, dem eine neue Wissenschaft erwuchs aus dem lautereu Drange, seines eigenen Volkes älteste Vergangenheit zu sichern und zu erhellen. Sein Andenken, das uns stählt und mahnt, möge — ich spreche in Zeul's' eigenem klangvoll gegliederten Latein — nuinare et manere perpetuo montium ad instar erectoruni et fontiura ei illis tranquille scaturientium, sein Andenken möge währen wie diese Berge seiner Heimat und lebendig wie der sprudelnde Quell aus ihrer Tiefe.' Es folgte Professor Schröder-Göttingeu: 'Die Kgl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen weiht diesen Kranz dem Andenken des grol'sen nationalen Philologen, der den Hintergrund unserer Volksgeschichte erhellt hat für alle Zeiten, der das Lebenswerk Jakob Grimms erweitert und indem er über die Grenzen hinausschritt, die Grenzen befestigte, der die strenge Methode Lachmanns anwandte. Möge die sittliche Macht der Philologie die Dauer seiner Werke überdaueni; diesen sichern wir die Dauer von vielen Generationen. Wir erhoffen ihm die Ewigkeit.' Professor Del brück -Jena sprach: ' Im Namen der Universitäten des deutschen Reiches und der vereinigten Staaten lege ich einen Kranz nieder an dem (irabe des grolsen Sprach- und Geschichtsforschers, ein Zeichen der Verehrung, mit der wir zu ihm hinauf- sehen, ein vergängliches Symbol unvergänglichen Ruhmes.' feinen Kranz, der die Inschrift trug: 'To the glorious memory of Johann Caspar Zeufs fi-om the School of Irish Learning in Dublin' weihte Professor Kuno Meyer-Liverpool mit den Worten: 'Im Xamen und Auftrage der Hochschule irischer Studien in Dublin lege ich diesen Lorbeerkranz zu den Fülsen des unsterblichen Begründers und Meisters unserer Wissenschaft nieder.' Nun trat Herr Joseph O'Neill- Dublin zum Grabe: es war wohl der ergreifendste Moment der ganzen Feier, als in gälischen Lauten zum Steinbild Zeufs' empor die Worte klangen: 'Im Namen der gälischen Liga lege ich diesen Kranz auf dem Grabe des grol'sen Deutschen nieder, der sein Alles der Wissenschaft geopfert hat. So lange es Galen auf irischem Boden gibt, wird sein Name unter uns in ehrendem Gedächtnis gehalten werden.' Der Kranz sank aufs Grab, auf grüner Schleife trug er die gälische Inschrift: ' 0 Chlannaihh Gaedheal i ndiolchuinthne ar ante do chéad-chuir crainneolas na sean-gliaedhilge ar bun\ O'on den Stämmen der Galen in liebevoller Erinnerung an den Begri'mder altgälischer Wissenschaft.) Zeitschrift f. celt, rbilologie VI. 1", 226 DIE I5AMBERQER CENTENAKFEIER Zeufs' Neffe, Bürgermeister Kempf, sprach dann: 'Im Auftrage der Gemeinde Vogtendorf, des Geburtsortes des groiseu Toten, lege ich diesen Kranz nieder.' Weiter Eektor Dr. Baier-Bambei'g: 'Das Bamlicrger Gymnasium weiht seinem groiseu Toten diesen Kranz zum ehrendsten Angedenken.' Das Willielmsgymnasiiim München vertrat Lycealprofessor Dr. Haas-Bamberg: 'Rektor und Professoreukollegium des Kgl. Wühelmsgymnasiums in München la.ssen ihr aufrichtiges und innigstes Bedauern aussprechen, dal's es ihnen uumöglich war, zu unserer hehren Feier einen eigenen Vertreter zn senden. Mir als ehemaligem Mitgliede des dortigen Lehrkörpers wurde der ehrende Auftrag, im Namen des Wilhelmsg-ymnasiums , der ersten Stätte Zeufs' lehr- amtlicher Tätigkeit, diesen Kranz hier niederzulegen. Ich füge daran den Herzenswunsch: Es mögen die Stätten, in denen ZeulV reiner Geist gewaltet, Stätten der reinen, heiligen Wahrheit bleiben für und für!' Professor Dr. Chr oust -Würzburg sprach hierauf: ' Die Gesellschaft für fränkische Geschichte verehrt Zeufs als den gröl'sten Geschichtsforscher, den Franken hervorgebracht hat. Sein LebenBwerk hat nicht unmittelbar ihr gegolten, aber von dem Samen, den er gestreut, ist mancher Keim in den Halm geschossen. Möge die strenge Zucht, möge der stille Ernst dieser freudelosen Natur, möge die Kraft, mit der er zwei Wissen- schaften zusammengehalten, späteren Geschlechtern reiche Früchte tragen. Als ein spätes Zeichen des Dankes und der Verehrung legt die Gesellschaft diesen Kranz nieder.' Endlich Bibliothekar Dr. Pfeiffer-Bamberg: 'Zuletzt bringt in herzinnigem Danke mit bescheidenem Wort der historische Verein der Pfalz zu diesem Grabe den Lorbeer des Ruhmes und die Palme des Friedens. Die besten Jahre der ungebrochenen Kraft dieses Mannes gehörten uns; sobald er 1839 nach Speier kam, ward er der Unsere, und wie er unserer Stadt Speier die Topographie schrieb, so hat er ein Juwel unserer Sammlungen, den Codex traditionum possessionumque Wizeuburgensis in köstlicher Fassung der Nachwelt überliefert. Ein (irabhügel ist höher, als alle Berge der Welt, denn eine Rundsicht tut sich auf, über Höhen und Tiefen, und in einem umfassenden Ausblick eint sich Fernes uud Nahes. Von hier aus blickt das Bildnis des Mannes hinaus in die Weite, der einstens in der stillen Studierstube selbst nicht ahnen konnte, wie weit sein Wirken dereinst fruchtbar werden würde. Seines Namens Klang erinnert au den Olympier. Was Zeul's der Wissenschaft gab, was er uns gab, ist Göttergeschenk, /fr/J//« ik dti. So bringe ich vom ragenden Kaiserdom und von Ufern des Rheinstromes, des deutschen Stromes, weihe- vollen Qrul's und unauslöschlichen Dankes treues Gelöbnis zu Deinem Grabe. Unsterblicher!' ZUM GEDACnTXIS AN .lOOANN KASl'AR ZEÜSS. 21( Noch einmal ertönte Gesang, dann schied man von der i>tätte. Auf der alten Feste vereinigten sich die Teilnehmer der Gedächtnisfeier wiederum, von Bürgermeister Zintner begrüfst, dem Professor Brefslau-Strafsbmg dankte. Als der Abend niedersank und golden die Sonne zur Rüste ging,' lag in magischem Glänze das Frankenland; dann spielten um Zinnen und Giebel bengalische Feuer; als Rauch und Flammen verweht waren, stand fern am Himmel leuchtend ein heller Stern. Bamberg. ^Iaxuhlian Pfeiffer. 15* DAVYDI) AB GWILYMS GEBET ZU DWYNWEN. Davydd aL Gwil\'m bat in seineu llinneliedern voi- alien andern Morvudd aiisgezeiclmet. eine blonde Scböne. deren Gestalt freilieb bei ibm kaum bestimmte Formen annimmt. Er hat der Jungtrau sowohl als der jungen Frau glühende Verse ge- widmet, aber der Roman seines und ihres Lebens ist verworren und unklar geblieben. Sie ist Davydds Laui-a, hat aber aller ^\'aluvscbeinlil■hkeit nach nie anders als in seiner Poesie gelebt. Die Gedichte au Morvudd sind bald boffnungsvoll, lebens- und liebefroh, bald aber traurig, zweifelnd, ja verzweifelnd. Zu den letztern gehört das Gebet an die heilige Dw.vnwen (Barddoniaeth Nr. 7!»). Der heiligen Dwynwen, deren Weisheit in einer alten Terzine erwähnt wird (lolo Mss. 253), war, ebenso wie ihrer Schwester Ceiuwen (MA. 423b), Llanddwyn auf Món oder Anglesea geweiht, ein \\'allfahrtsort , den Davydd auch 208,38 nennt. Ihr Vater Brjxhan Irth Brycheiniog, der Sohn Anllechs. eines Königs von Ii'land, und der Marchell, die angeblich von einem Könige von Griechenland abstammte, hatte von drei Frauen viele Söhne und Töchter, 23 und 25 nach den einen (MA. 418a), 25 und 26 nach den andern (lolo Mss. 119 ff.). Die werden alle unter den Heiligen aufgeführt, und es sei erinnert, dafs der Ausdruck Saint den "Walisern in alter Zeit im ;ill- gemeinen die Vornehmen von christlichem Glauben bezeichnet. Dwynwen aber war eine fromme Nonne gewesen und galt als eine Heilige in der engern Bedeutung des \\'ortes. Der Dichter wendet sieh in dem Gedichte an das Gnaden- bild der Heiligen in der Kirche zu Llanddwyn und bittet sie. dafs sie seine Uadeies 'Botin' oder 'Vermittlerin' sei, seine Liebes- DAVYDD AG GWILTMS GEBET ZV DWVXWEX. 220 botscliaft au Morvudd ausrichte. Die Heilige wird so gewisser- luafsen zu einer Liebesgöttin und ist als solche bei Davj'dd öfter genannt (vgl. 34,19. 35.27. 111.51. 158,45. 164, 44.' 188, 13. 197. 39). ebenso bei den Spätem. Das Gedicht ist ernst und feierlich gehalten, aber wer auf den Dichter sieht, erkennt vielleicht, dafs er 'with one auspicious and one dropping eye' vol- die Heilige liintritt. Es fehlt auch nicht an eiuem un- freundlichen Seitenblicke auf den Eiddig, den 'g'los' oder eifer- süchtigen Nebenbuhler, denn Davj'dd ist vorzüglich in der provenzalisclien Dichtungsart der ' gilozescas '. Sein Gebet an Dw.vinven erinnert auch an eine ähnliche Bitte, die der Trou- badour (Twillem von Cabestaing an die Jungü-au Maria tut. Den deutschen Leser aber läfst der Anfang an die 'Wallfahrt nach Kevlaer' denken, deren Dicliter 500 Jahre nach dem walisischen Minnesänger lebte. Das Gedicht {q/wi/dd) Davj^dds ist nicht getreu überliefert, wie schon aus der unvollkommenen Cynghanedd mancher Verse hervorgeht. Die Schreiber und Herausgeber scheinen die zweifel- haften und dunklen Lesarten, die das Verständnis des Dichters fast auf jeder Seite hindern, oft willkmlich durch leichtere «•setzt zu haben, und um- diu-ch langv^ierige Arbeit darf man aus den Handschriften einen bessern Text zu gewinnen hoffen. Aber die Kritik ist ^egen des Mangels alter Codices und wegen der Menge der Varianten überaus schwierig. Wir müssen uns leider mit der Edition von 0. Jones und W. Owen begnügen, in der man den Dicliter 120 Jahre gelesen hat. Die zweite Aus- gabe von 1873 hat nichts daran gebessert und ist durch zahl- lose Fehler entstellt. Ymbil ar Ddwynwen santes. Dwyuwen deigr danian') degwch! Da gwyr,^) o gor fflamgwyr fflwch, Dy ddehv aiir diddühiriaw Digion druain-ddynion draw. 5 Dyn a wylio, gloyw-dro gláu, Yn dy gor, nn deg') eirian, ') ariin Mo Mss. Sa. Rep. 1, 3S4. 411. -) deg wyr lolo. ') Indeg lolo. 230 h. CHR. STERN, Xi(l oes glefj'd na bi-yd brwyn A el ynddo o Landdwyn. Dy laesblaid, yn dy Iwysbhvyf — 10 Dohirus ofalus wj-f! 'Y in ion oer am yr uuferch Ysydd yii uuchwydd o serch. Hirwayw o sail gofeiliaint, Herwydd y gwn, hwn yw t haint: 15 Oni eháf, o byddaf byw, Forfudd — llyna oferfyw. Gwna li 'u iacb, weddiisaoh wawd, O'm anwycbder am uyclidawd; Cymysg latteiddrwydJ Hwyddyn 20 A rhadan Duw rh'od a din. Nid rhaid, ddelw enraid ddilyth, It') ofu ijechawd fetbguawd-) fyth. Nid adwua da ei dangnef — Duw a wiiaelli iiad ei o nef. 25 Xi'tli wyl ninrsen yleui Yn hnstyng yn yng a iii: Nid eill Eiddig ddyn dig du. Noeth (Idragwm, fytb mü"tb dJrygu; Ni rydd Eiddig ddig ddygubwyll 'M Warffou i ti. wyry' ei pbwyll. Tyu o'th wobr — taw I ni tliybir Wrthyd, wyry', gymlilegyd hir. 0 Landdwyn, dir gynired, Y gwn y tro, gem tir cied: 35 Nef ni'th omeddawdd, hawdd hedd, Pawn iaith ami, dyn ni'th omedd. Diainniheu weddiau waitli, Duw a'th eilw, du ei thalaith! Del lid, Duw dy lettywr. 10 Del i góf dwylaw g\vr; Trawg oedd y dyn a"i tieisiai. Tra ddél im' tiwy ddail niai. DwynwenI pe parid unwaith. Dan wydd niai a hii'ddydd maith, 45 Morfudd lawen ddyn wen wycli, Dwynweu, ni byddit anwyclil Dangüs o'th radau dawngoetli, Nad wyd fursen, lidwynweu ddoeth! Er a wnaethost, drwy ddaubwys, .50 0 benyd y byd a'i bwys; ') yt .4, yr />■. ') wethl-gnawd 1)'. Owen, fetbl-gnawd S. Evans: pechawdseth sylh B. »AVYDD AI! ÜWILYMS GEHET ZU UWYNWEN. 231 Er iTydd, er crcfydd croywfyw, A wnaethost tra f'uost fyw; Er dy eirian leianaetli A gwyrfdawd y coethtfnawd caetli: 55 Er euaid, os rliaid yr hawg, Brychau Yrtli breicliiiui nerthawg- — Eiriul er dy grefol gred, Yr em wyry', roi ym wared! ') Übersetzung. •0 Dwynwen, du in deiner Zälire Schöuheit!^) Im Clior') von vielem Kerzenwachs umflammt,') Weifs wolil dein goldnes Bild den Schmerz zu heilen Den armen kummervollen Menschen dort. 5 Wer Andacht halt.í') du einzig Schöne, Hehre! In deinem Chor (ein lauter, heilig Werk!), Ein solcher kehrt mit Krankheit nicht behaftet Noch sorgenvolles Sinns aus Llanddwyn heim. Die milden Deinen lafs in der Gemeine*) 10 Mir heistehn! Ich bin schmerz- und kummervoll. Das arme Herz ist um das Eine Jlädchen In einer einzgen Liebeswallung mir. Ein langes Leid aus tiefes Grames Grunde, Das ist, so viel ich weifs, die Krankheit nur: ') wyryf Bep. : ym wared Rep. 1, 411. ") Der erste Vers ist unsicher uud schwierig. Edw. Jones (Welsh Bards 2, 55) übersetzt 'Fair as the hoary tears of morning', der Herausgeber der Jolo Mss. p. 473 '0 thou tears -endued Dwynwen, pure essence of beauty". Letzterer liest arioi (cf. arien deccad MA. 337 b infra) statt des gewöhnlichen danian, wofür ich d'anian vermute. ') cur eig. der Teil der Kirche, wo der Kleriis mit dem Kirchenchor steht (wie mynach meivn cilfach cor 63, 36. 128, 40. 48), daher sowohl ein Obergemaeh (aV ddór islaw r cor 108, 62. 13, 6. 32, 33. 132, 3), als auch das mit der Kirche verbundene Kloster und sein Seminar, wie in crefyddes a sanies wyd, \ carcdig i'r cor ydwyd 10,10. 11,20.28.30. 22,6. 122,36. 138,23. 173, 29. 236, 38.- *) In den lolo Mss. übersetzt: 'Fair grand-child of Flamgwyr's con- gregation'! Vgl. da .gtvyr 76, 39; da gwn 58, il; da y gwyr edrych 239, 21; und: canicyll /ßamgicyr 81, 30; gice fflamgxvyr ivedd 60,7; fjlamgwyr I. G. 32,83. ') Eig. giiylio güyl 'dieVigilie, das Jahresfest der Heiligen begehen', daher die Bestimmung auf ein Jahr Vs. 19. 25. ^) Dy laesblaid 'Thy extended guardianship I crave" Jones. 232 Ij. cim. STEKX. 15 Weill! icli. so lange ich liieiiieden lebe, Nicht Morviidd habe, ist mein Leben leer. flache gesund (mehr ziemt sich') diese Weise) Von meinem Kleinmut, meinem Siechtum mich! Dies Jahr durch übernimm den Dienst der Botin 20 ]Mit Gottes Gnaden zwischen dir und uns. Xiclit Itrauchst du je des schwachen Fleisches Sünde-) Zu fürchten, unvergänglich golden Bild! Nicht wird der Friedeureiche es verwirken,') Gott liafs bestimmt, dafs du im Himmel bleibst. 25 Nicht wird dich heuer eine Spröde sehen. Wenn flüsternd du mit uns zusammen bist.') Nicht kann der lieillos arge Eifersüchtge, T)er bare Popanz,'*) je dir Böses tun;«) Noch soll ergrimmt der Gimpel in Erregung 30 Dir eins versetzen, die du reines Sinns! ilit deinem Lohne komm!^) — nur still! 0 Keusche, Man plant'') kein langes Klagen wider dich. Ich weifs, wie's im besuchten'') Lande Llanddwyns Sonst zugeht, o Juwel der Christenheit! 35 Dir wehrte nicht dei- Himmel selgen Frieden. Der Sprache Kraft versagt der Mensch dir nicht. >) Vfrl. wcddus wawd 239, 32. '-■) Vgl. iiidhgnawd U\as fehlende Flei.sch" 61,47 (von methu KB. 1, 104. 170. L.\. 157. 1); Pugbe liest im Worterbuclie s.v. düyth : tcethlgnawd 'fle,«li- tempting' und S. Evans s. v. methlgnawd 'das bestiickende Fleisch" (vuii methlii Rees 221). ') ^'gl. Nyt ativna Diiiv ar a icnel, sagt Llywarch Hén bei Skene 2, 2ö8. ') hvsiyng, husting 'flüstern'; vgl. dös yn ei chliist a Imstyiig 21,2!); y rhwystr gwedi yr huslyng 142, 16; htistyngwr, hasting o air yn ci cklust 192,31. RB. 1, (lO. 285. — yng, ing 'eng, nahe"; vgl. yn yr ing 1,Í4, 72; »wr itig i mi yw 'r angan 255,49; dydd-ing 24(), 7: du ing lid 106,16; auch 13,1 nach zweifelhafter Lesart. '■) dragwm 'Drache' liat hier vernmtlicli eine übertragene Bedeutung; vgl. chwareu dragwn 205, 8, wo andere ewwisy dragivn lesen. ") nio (aus dim o), entsprechend dem franz. pas, point, mie, goutte iu negativem Satze, ist iu Davydds fiedichten noch selten: tiis givna nto hyn 198, Sl ; na äd i'm yelyn gad mo 'hí giveled 246, 16; moi 28.28 ist erst iu der zweiten .\usgabe eingesetzt und mar od 31/20 darin in »iot- orZ verbessert. •) Tyn o'th wobr 'hasten with thy reward" .tones: vgl. i ble tyn 148. 4s ") Vgl. diben a /iitn a dybir '232, 55. ") Vgl. cynirrd 4, 52. DAVYDD AB UWILYMS GEBET ZC IJWYXWEN. Gebete sind von zweifelloser Wirkung; Du Schwarzgekrönte ! rufen wird dich Gott. Und kommt Verdrufs, gewährt docli Gott dir Obdach. 40 Und spüren soll man eine Mannesfaust. A'ermessen wäre der, der sie berührte. Wenn sie durchs Laub des Maien zu mir kommt. ^^'eun. Dwynwen, einmal nur du mir gewährtest Am lieben langen Tag im Jlaigehölz 45 Uas feine herzge Kind,') die heitre Morvudd, So wäi-st du, heiige Dwynwen. herzlos nicht. So zeige denn, mit lautrer (íunst und Gnade, Dafs, weise Dwynwen, du nicht spröde bist. Bei dem. was du vollbracht durch deine Leiden 50 An Bufse dieser Welt und ihrer Last; Beim Glauben, bei dem tätig frommen Sinne, Den du in deinem Leben einst bewährt; Bei deines Standes preislichem Gelübde, Der Keuschheit des gebundnen reinen Fleischs; 55 Und bei der Seele, wenn es fürder nötig. Des armgewaltgen Fürsten Brychan Yrth — Fürbitte tu, bei deiner gläubgen Inbrunst, Dafs mir Erlösunff werde, keusche Maidl" ') >j ddiin in der Bedeiitmij;: •die Geliebte" ist bei Davydd sehr häufig, griech. /} aySt'jvjnog. das jeducli oft iftit Geringschätziiug gebraucht wird. Berlin. L. Cim. Stern. MISCELLEN. 1. Strophe 57 in Iinram Snedgusa ocus Alic Riagla. In meiner Ausgabe des Gedichtes, das die Seereise von Snedgus und MacEiagla erzählt.') war mir. ebenso vne den \'erfassern der irischen Prosaversiouen. die Strophe 57 unverständ- lich geblieben. Es steht dort in Bezug auf Elia, der die Mönche in seiner Behausung willkommen geheifsen hat: Cleithi suath suidhighthe lais, lith für forbairt, cotur cain-) coir co trillsib oir ocus argait. Den Schlüssel bietet cotur, offenbar dasselbe ^^'ort wie catitr catiur catar bei Meyer, Contrib. s. v. catar; Cain Adamnain p. 44 zu 36, das aus lat. quattuor geschöpft ist und ein Buch mit den vier Evangelien bezeichnet. Dieses wird also hier dethc suad, "das Dach der '\^'eisen' genannt, und die Strophe bedeutet: 'Das Dach der Weisen wurde bei ihm (eher 'von ihm') hin- gesetzt — ein wachsendes Festl — . ein schönes, würdiges Evangelienbuch mit Flechten von Gold und Silber.' Gemeint ist wohl, dafs die in Str. 58 erwähnte Predigt über das jüngste Gericht sofort von Elia gehalten wird, und dafs er dabei den Evangelientext zu Grunde legt. Was die sonstige Übersetzung betrifft, so wird man mit Strai'han dia athair in Str. 61b wie gewöhnlich als "Gott Vater' nehmen müssen, sei es nun, dafs man nmc na h-inginc, dia athair als 'der Sohn der Jungfi'au und Gott Vater' zu verstehen hat, oder dafs beide als eine Person gedacht sind, wie das dem Mittelalter geläufig ist. ') s. z. V, 418 ff. ') coturcain MS. MISCEI.LEN. 235 Ferner betont Kuno Meyer mit Recht, dafs das Anfangs- wort der Stroplien häulig durcli Alliteration an das letzte der vorliergelienden geknüpft ist (sog. fidrad freccomail, fidrad cubaid). und dals dadui-cli meine rmstelluug von Str. 11 und 12 als richtig erwiesen wird. Auch in Str. 5ob wird (faile 'Flecken' sowohl mit dem vorhergehenden cc'sadh als mit dem folgenden Cain alliterieren; der Dichter hat also noch die altirische Form caile gebraucht, während schon im Saltair na Rann gaile durch die Alliteration gesichert ist (s. Stokes, KZ. 38, 461). Den Prosatext, den ich als Version B bezeichnet habe, hat jetzt Stokes') direkt nach der Handschrift lierausgegeben und aufser manchen Lesungen auch hier und da die Übersetzung verbessert. In Bezug auf das Gedicht stimme ich ihm jetzt darin bei, dalV in savitha Str. 67 und samud, samad Str. 74 wohl das gewöhnliche samud 'Versammlung' zu sehen ist; viel- leicht gilt das doch auch für snmylia Str. 22, wo ich in der zweiten Zeile co h-indsi n-and lesen möchte. Aber die Über- setzung von cotKjaih Sti\ 72 durch 'mit Speeren' {co n-gdlh) kann ich nicht annehmen, da es mit longaih reimt; und die Cäsur, die Stokes p. 166 in Str. 67b, 69b, 70b, 72a und b, 73b, 74b, 76 b (auch 71b) abweichend von mir ansetzt, widerstreitet den Gesetzen der irischen Verskunst, da der Cäsurreim ver- nachlässigt ist. Zum SchluTs möchte ich den Zs. V, 421 ausgesprochenen Wunsch wiederholen, dais das Gedicht in Imram Curaig Mailduin (im Yellow Book of Lecan und in Brit. Mus., Harleian 5280) bald einmal zum Abdruck komme. Freiburg i. Br. R. Tijüknky.sen. 2. Notes Oll the Seeoud Edition of the Marfjrology Ol' Oengus, London 190). p. ix, 1.19, Acconliug to Lebar Brecc 110 a 37— 39, Eve was created from the eightli rib on Adam's right side (don ochtiiiad asna iiach- tarach cMeib a lethi deis Adaim dorunta Eua). xi, 1. 27, for . . ■ read fructifies (?). XXV, 1.27, for bondage read fasting. 1.36, dele winnowing. . ■) Rev. Celt. 26, 130 ff. 236 MISCELLEN. \). XXV : uotc 3 is wrong. The rig-lit hand seems to liave been called Im» bennachtan 'hand of benediction' because from the earliest times (see Genesis xlix, 14 et seq.) that hand was used in the act of blessing. The left hand was called lam soscéli 'hand of gospel', because in celebrating mass, after the epistle i> read on the right (or south) side of the altar, the gospel is read ou the left (or north) side. Hence in Charter VIT of the Book of Kells in ferand ar do Idim ioscéla means 'the laud on thy left hand'. for noble birds read famous birds. A. D. 797 is, according to the Four Masters, the date of Mael- ruain's death. But the Annals of Ulster give it, more cor- rectly, as A. D. 792. add Sauul. for but dental forms are read Xon-relativc dental forms aie occasionally for donga Prol. '298 read dorcya I'rol. 258. dele in is. and dele 1. 6. add Saul Ep. 524, is disyllabic: Gahis Feb. 20, is trisyllabic: Eusebi Sep. '25, is a iiuadrisyllable. Elision is extremely rare, penultimate line, after letter insert At Prol. 24, July 8, 12. Aug. 24, 25, and in Salt, ua Ranu 1785, 2257, 7337, sc allite- rates with s. And yet Atkinson (Oh. Irish 3Ietric, p. 8) asserts that initial s when followed by a mute can only alliterate with itself and the same mute. '20. for Feb. 6 read Feb. 13. 11, for It must be confessed read The Marty rology of Oengus is essentially a mnemonic poem. No one therefore should complain 16, for most read much. 1.27, for when read whence. 1.33, add and the etymology of Cypseliw in Herodotus v. 02. xxvi, 1. 1, 19, XXX, 1. 4, xxxi. 1. 0. xxxiv, 1. 1, ixxvii. 1. 5. xxxix, 1.17, xli. xlvii. 1 p. .1, 9, 29, 11. 2 11. ;a Prol. col. 2, Prol. 3, 1 /Ó1- enters ou etc. read refer.-:, ju the prologue of the Mar- 33, j tyrology to Donnchad's death (tic ie p. 4 = tic tar p. 8, 11. 26, 27). 165, for Tenira read Temro. I, 1. 15, for anguish read trouble. 241, fur do-chiiigthecht read do chii'igthecht, where do is the pretonic form of the pre]), dc: di. Mr. Bergiu compares Via ron-beth do cliinylherht , catli fri Demon ('though we may have so much combating, a tight with the Devil') with AVb. 28d29: via rii-s-bói di hnmaldóit (gl. si sanctorum pedes lauauit) "if she bad so much humility". col. 2, 11. 12, 13, for enquiring tor every one read for anyone enquiring for them, col. 2, 1. 19, lor chapters rctid stanzas. 1. 27, for chapter read stanza. MlSOF.TiIiEN. 2l'57 :'.0, Prol. oOi), read Lilesiu. ;!0, Prol. 316, for is read it. col. 2, 1. 8, for writings read lines. 1. 13, for 'tis a blind direction to men read thou art tlie blindest of sense among men, dallchtilliu being the comparative (here used as a superlative) of daUchiall. last line for chapters read stanzas. 41, 1. 2, for Aircc read Airec. ■12, 1. 16, the corrupt gloss on Felix in LB. viz. pasa fa?l .ix. .i. prius. is thus corrected by Mr. Plummer: Papa Felix .i. primus. -12. 1.23, for Aftrodius »eari Affrod[osJius, and see Fseudo-Matthaei Evan- geliuni, ed. Tischendorf, cc. 22, 24. 43, 1. 3, for to read against. 1. 7, for Chóca read of a cook. 46, 1. 9, i n-innsihh (sic ms.) should doubtless be corrected to i uDéisib (Plummer). 47, 1. 11, for islands read Decies (without Druim). 11. 16, 38, for leprosy (?) read anguish. 49, 1.25. a/ier backsliding íwscrí for to him happened this backsliding, for example. 1.35, for Nia read Niafer. 65, 1.25, for wishes read dainties. 68, last line, after R- insert Fiachra, and after Suaide insert [leg. Sui- lighe]. 69, 1. 5, for Dua read Dui. last line, for Suaide read Swilly. 71, 1. 4, for stay read sing. 1.31, after Shannon insert a nun who is in Cluain Bairenn beside Clonmacnois. 99, 11. 16 — 24, The names are corrupt. Habitus should be Avitus, Protas Profus, lacinthus Hj'acinthus, Elinus Helenus, and Stere^i Zareas (?). See the Vita Sanctae Eugeuiae in Migne Pair. Lat. XXI. 105, col. 2, 11. 19 — 24; read on the faij- feast of Quadratus, whose blood it is that does not perish. Ill, 1.32, for Cuachán read Little Cup, a nickname for King Guaii-e's caldron. The verses are an extract from the legend of Guaire and S. Colman mac Duach, Erin I, H), Bev. Celt. XXVI, 374, 376. dele it went. read took the cow with her biestings ('m a mis), for a pope read Pupu. 11. 13, 14, for the pi-ayer of paltry ones read a paltry refuge. 175, 1. 12, 13, for prayer of paltry ones, read paltry refuge. 187, 1. 7. The stone-idol here called Cermand Cestach is Kermand Eelstach in 0' Flahertj's Ogygia, London 1685, p. 197: where he quotes a similar scholium, and attributes it to Cathaldus Maguir canonicus Ardmachanus, (supra p. XIII): 'Hie Lapis . . . asser- vatur Clochariae ad dextram iugredieutis Ecclesiam, quem gen- 113, 1.25, 149, 1. 2, 151, 1. 1, 160, col. Í 238 MISCELLEN. tiles auro obtegebant, quia in eo colebant sumimnu partium A(iuilonarium Idolum Kerraand Kelstacb dictum '. p. 195, col. 2, 1. 7, for the read his. 201, 1.20. note: As to cursing manu sinistra, see the Tripartite LilV. pp. 325—326. 213, 11.32, 39 for Quiriacus read CjTÍcus. 225. notes, 1.4, after 26 insert and the stor}- of Periander («s nxyiS t'oi'u , mO.iar.ri t/iiyrj), Hdt. V, 92. 229, 1. 3, from bottom, for role reM,d rolég. 234. col. 2, 1.17. for Moses' read the winter. 237, col. 2, 1. 19, after noble insert cry. 241, 1. 13, prelix 4 ivithout suddenness, i. e. at committing sin or denying God. 243, 1. 9, note. So Cypselus (KvU'e'/.oc) was so called from xvif'tXij a chest, box, Hdt. V, 92. 251. Dec. 11, As K' has trethain in 1. 4, we should perhaps correct 1.2 to Muytiai tuathnaig lethain 'of Slugnae in the bioad northern plain', where tuathmaig and lethain are locatives singular, col. 2, 1. 20, for triad read trio. 2.55, Dec. 29, As the gen. sg. of eoiae is ecnai, we should read in 1.2 donn-ecrai ('shelters us') and in 1. 4, necnai. 256, 1. 16, read múrfognam. 1.35, after est insert [2. Cor. V, 15]. 261, 1. 5, for Thyrsus read Driisus. 1.23, for F read F(iacc) 1. 8, from bottom, for lamnan read lamau. 267, Kp.74, K. Meyer suggests that colbu may be for •coiiu, compar. (liciv used as superl.) of cobel = con-\-fial, whence coble, Contribb. If so, read as colbu, and translate 'The race we have run for the Kingdom of Christ who is kindliest". Cf. carsait Crist as diliu, May 7. 2C8, Ep.99. For noebán read perhaps Tuieb an (where dn alliterates with idnai), and translate: 'every splendid saint with purity has wrought his stanza'. 271, col. '2, 1. '23, for conflict with read match (for the Devil). 272, Ep. 172, beith should be corrected to both. 284, Ep. 441-556. These twenty-nine quatrains Thnrneysen (Rev. Celt. VII, 89) considers to be intercalated, 'par un poete postérieur', as they do not obey the law that, where there is no disyllabic assonance between the last word of the third line and some word in the interior of the fourth, the üual syllable of the third line must assonate with the final syllables of the second and fourth lines. Glossarial Index. p. 294, ad-cuaid : for prefix read perfective. 296, airdirc: read 0. Bret, erderch. 299, 1. 7, for arduu read arddn. MISCELLEN. 239 p. 299, pennlt. liiie, for -selgim read slegini. 301, 1. 8, for prayer, Aug. 8, read refuge July 3, Aug. S. 303, 1. 1, for buith read both. 1. 17, insert perf. sg. 3 ro ucc Pec. 14. 304, 1. 6, froni bottom, before 375 iitseit ace. buith. 306, 1. 3, dele (ex bhuvano-s). 308, dele 1.25, célliu etc. 30it, 1. 7, from bottom, for see do-chinf/thecht etc., read da.t. Prol. 241, deriv. of the stem of cijig. 312, 1.13, for meaniug obscure read for comdhas, comadas. 1.18, for conflict read match. 313, coraeh, coraig should be eórach, córaig, as thej- are dei'ived fioiii cor, which in p. 156 rhpnes with or 'gold'. 316, 1.15, after boat insert Dec. 1. 1.19, for in read 111. 1. 3, from bottom, for blind guidance read blindest of sense, eompar. of dallchiall, which here is a bahuvribi adj. 320, U. 1, 2, for Fél. Oeng. clxxi, read p. 258. 321, 1. 5, dele dochingthecht. dele 1. 29. 1. 5, from bottom, for snbj. read pres. iud., and for -ecrae read -ecrai. 323, 1. 9, for do-menaim etc. read do-m-fil p. 94. penult. 1. aßer do-ro-chair insert has fallen. 326, 1. 18, for ifnuarius read ienuarius. 328, 1. 19, for éil-n read féU-n. 329, 1.13, for them read j'ou. 330, s. V. flesc, dele (Cymr. llysg). 344, 1.24, read máithe p. 46, now maoithe ^aiw, grief, atiguish, Diuneen. 348, 1. 9, add Br. mouga. 349, 1. 4, for is not . . . 135, read uih is not, July 3. Aug. 8, Ep. 97. 351, 1.18, for niMlann read húalann. 357, 1. 16, add Ro is never found after mad- q. v. 368, tirbaid, for anguish read trouble: pi. n. tirbithi, Wb. 14dl3. 384. Fernae. In the earlier part of the Annals of Ulster the geu. is Fernann. 401, Astragie, add An Astriges se drf/ 'the magician' is mentioned in Salomon and Saturn, ed. Kemble, p. 200. 404, Bran Berbae, for a heathen king, read = Bran .•Vrdchenn, king of Leinster, slain A. D. 795 (Tburneysen). 413, Cu-chuimme, 1.2, after 1888, itisert where the colophon to the col- lection of canons in MS. lat. 12021 (Bibl. nationale) should, according to Tburneysen, be connected thus: Hue usque Ruben et Cúcuimne lae et Durinis 'so far Buben of lona and Cii- clmimne of Dairinis'. 416, Dounchad; after 1.1, itisert Prol. 221, and dele a heathen king (Tbur- neysen). 417, 1. 1, add son of Brian brother of Xiall of the Nine Hostages. To the Sil Duach belong the 0' Conors, MacDermots, O'Flahertys and other Connaaght families. 240 miscelijEN. p. 419, Etecli: add a Buauaiin muime na Fiauii is mentioned in Ccrraar - Glossary. 426, Habitus: recte Avitus. 427, lafer Dub. = Jupiter Niger, Pinto. 428, luliana: add Irish Life in Liber flavus Fergussiornm, I'art II. fo.'Jlil. 43fi, Till' articles from and including: Mochabae down to and inehulin<: Moling, should come before Moluoc. 4Ü2, triads: add the three atUdich of Ireland 1Í2. 465, 1.28, fur ng-lanbai read wglaubail. 468. penult, line; add noge.ssed Ep. 217. ngestae Ej). 432, part. nee. gessi Dec. 2. 471, 1.22, fur subs read sube. Indices. The following words should be inserted in their proper places: 1. Glossarial Index, airbre a host, pi. airbri XXIV. dat. airbrib, LB. 131 a 48, a sister-form of . arhar, gen. arhlr (gl. cohortis), Thes. pal. bib. II. | aire X, diffindty, need: cogn. with Lat. arceo and aric)his'^ Cf. Ovid's artis in rebun. aliud renown, gen. allaid p. 156. án-ching a splendid champion, geu. -ed, Feb. 25. anailchi XI, vices, analchi Thes. pal. hib. II, 244, pi. of analaig? aulann p. 88, a relish, condiment. Cymr. enllyn. árach a fetter, dat. ärucb p. 90, es *ad-rig: of. Lat. cur-riyia. araile another, E]). 1, dat. arailiu Prol. 248. ar-coirbi XI, fructifies'! liev. celt. XXVII, 86, 87. arudau X, a little oratory (aracul), ariucláu Thes. pal. hib. II. 294. assa slioe, geu. sg. p. 112. I báu-gáirid 208, 1.4, LB. 96, laughs aloud: ban cognate with (ir. vfor/J, Ann. I ban, Lat. färi. biatach XIII, victualler; cf ar-biatbaim I feed. boimm 88, a bit, (pi. hommann), ex *bogS7nen, cognate with Ir. bo-n-yim. Skr. bhajyate. cacht fasting, .i. troscadb O'Cl., geu. cachta XXIV. XXV. cäitblech XXV, chaff, also cdith, cdithech: cf. Lat. (juatio. cness skin, geu. cnis 46. coairt X, landholder: cf. eissirt, and Goth, airtha. cou-ricim / come together, pi. 3 con-recat, June 14: h-in\. pi. 1 conriefam 86. | costad 88, 1. 14, act of establishing (com-sta . .). cúachán 110, a little cup, dimiu. of ciiach, Lat. caucus. deccair hardship, pi. dat. deccraib X. deiius 132, o space of time, cf. Lat. nun-dinae. dibregoit X, from Lat. deprecátio. do-es3urg, -tessurg, / rescue, do-n-esarta, do-n-csairgtiml 152. MISCELIiBN. 24 1 (lo-liug Sep. 14, leaps. Skr. láfighati. domiall X. a piteous ct-y. duailche vice, gen. dnailchi XI. ecue 112, salmon. eissirt X, a Inndless man: cf. coairt. escca 150, ii-nitT, sister-form of esc, Corm. from iscn. fairclie iu aratliair 72, a ploughing-lield. tiiulfad XXV. hair, a deriv. of /íti(í cogu. with the wint of OHG. inntbiulwa, now H iHijjfr, LF. XIX. 345. fithise path, orbit, m'|fjithisi 76, sister-form of fithis F., Ml. 28 c 19. füchla a den, dat. fochlai 44. fochlaidh (gl. cavicula), Ir. Gl. 229. foglas XX^■, greenish: Cymr. go las 'rather blue', the fo-, go- is a diniimi- tival prefix, fois 168, rest, ex *rosíí, cogn. with Ir. feiss, foss, Skr. vastu, Gr. «örr. fo-nig XI, purißes, pret. sg. 3 fo-nenaig Thes. pal. hib. 11, 322. cog:n. with Skr. netiejmi, Gr. r/Cto. fiiathróc öl*, apron, a corruption of /"«a íA6(dc LL. 59bl. Zimmer, KZ. 30, 84. fuidell 92, leavings, Cymr. gweddill 'reliquiae", Davies. fuilled addition, Ml. 69 b 6, dat. i b[fjuilliud 150. grSda epscnip, gräda sacairt 72, episcopal orders, sacerdotal orders. imuedach 154, ftdl of troubles, deriv. of t»i»íeíí, gen. imnith Wb. 6 c. innmat, innmadh 134, act of icashiyig. iris 200, a strap, a suspetider. Lism. Lives 1.4358. it Prol. 316, thou art. leistiar 112, for aUestiar 'on the west-side' from *an-leth-siar: cf. al-ieth- thess. Trip. Life 148. lam fri each séri 42, abstinence from (lit. hand against) every food. See Ériu U, 56, § 9. lam soscéli XXV, left hand, lit. gospel-hand. liter domnaig XXV, Dominical Letter. loithe Prol. '287, dumbness. mire XXIII, madness, deriv. of mer 'mad'. LU. 40a33. mi-run XI, malice, now written míorÚ7i. mór-fognam 256, great servittule. mór-gorta 146, great hunger. raór-iaraid 148, act of entreating greatly. nuimir óir XX, the Golden yumber. nvis 148, biestings (colostra), a contraction of núa ass. ochtmad 148, one of the eight. For like use of other ordinals see Ir. Teste IV, XI\', et infra s. v. tres. 6ib XXV, semblance. primchathair 184, chief monastery. samad 94, congregation, community. Compd. with sam. see a thomtree, gen. sciach 134. sentúath 256, an old tribe. soc 72, ploughshare, from Lat. soccus. soléir Aug. 26, very pious. sreb stream, pi. sreba 152. ZuitKhrift f. celt. Philologie VI. Iß 242 MISCELLEN. talmanta 112, earthh/. (lerÍT. of talnm 'eartlr. gen. talman. tiug-hás 154, final death, LL. 133 a 8- tomhichta 56, they were milked, for do-mlacbta. tonn-bliith 286, /lower-swarded, tonn = Cymr. ion, and bliitli = Cy\uv. hluied. tres 70. 136, o'/ie of three. \ialann N. Sej). 26, Nov. 29, a cry: cf Laud 610, fo. !l5bl: fricha bliarfwae an hualand rom-bui hi rigu Hérenn. I'lar-glaii XXIV, cold and pure, war c= Cymr. oer : glan = C'.ynir. gliin. iiniabJit 92, humble service, Cyinr. ufelldod, from Lat. humilitatem. ur-tbirad XXIV, act of drying corn: cf. oc tirad a cbulptba frisiu tenid, LL. 272 b 8. 2. Index of Places. Baile Atba Buidi xxiii. Baile in phuill sv. Piltotcn, Desnnunu xv, Desmond CSoutli-Muustor). Disert Betbecb xxiv. Uouinaun gen. sg. xxv, xlvii, 72. Dim Doigbre xvi. Duniry, co. Gahva)'. Eoir xxiv, the river Nore. Miiadán 110. Red Sea x. iTinunm xv, Ormond 3. Index of Persons. Affrodius for Apbrodosius -12. Bugge, Alexander, xxviii. Bury, Pro- fessor, xxix. Butler, Edmund xiv. Cathal JIaguire xiii. Colgau, Fr. John, xii, xiii. Dauann ix. Dergtiieue ix. Dubaltacb mac Firbisig iv. Dubtbacli ua Duibgennan xxiii. Dubtbacb ua Lugair xlviii. Elenus for Helenus p. 98. Feuius Farsaid ix. Gregory of Tours xliii. Jocelyu. bis Life of S. Patrick xxi. Lbuyd, Edward, xiii. Michel 6 Clérigh viii. Mug Xuadat ix. Mall son of Fenius Farsaid ix. Petrie, George, ix. Stereu p. 98. Todd, J. H. xv. Tomas, Earl of Desmond xv. Triton lii. p. 370. 4. Index of Things. accent xxxix, xl. Alliteration (úaim) xli. Apgiter crúbaid x. Ar- chaisms xxxvii, xxxviii. Assonance xl, xli. Book of Carrick xv. Buddhistic legend 2C1 n. Burning alive lii. Deponents xxxv. Disyllabism xxix, xxx. Eastern Church xliii. Exchange of names li. p. 244. Exposing infants 1. i. Expulsion from a tribe lii. Fetish-stones 1. Galilean Lnfiueuce xliv. Glossary xii. Irrational vowels xxii. Manuscripts of the Martyrology of OeugU3 viii — xxiv. Mermaid 1. Perfective prelixes xxxii. Reduplicated preterites xxxiv. Scdji a Fanait xi. Skaldic verse xiii. Sources of the Martyrology xliv. Syntax of the Martyrology xxxvi — xxxviii. N'eibal particles xxxii. Yogis xlix. Loudon. Whitley Stokes. inscFTjiEK. 243 •i. /u 'rocliiiiiu'c Kliiiiic. Ill dem irischen Texte OZ. 5, 524 Z. 1 siml die Worte caencomrac (.i. 6(, statt báeth lies 6áií/i. S. 24, Z. 81, statt lötar lies lotar (ebenso S. 38, Z. 33), und iu Z. 81 statt conibrúithe lies co mbniithc. 8. 26, Z. 15, statt domna lies aouiüii (: forinnit, sie leg.). S. 28, Z. 26, lies ba hcat fodroirgeiar. Hier reimt das zweisilbig zu lesende heat auf gUalt und allitteriert mit fodr-oirgctar. S. 30, Z. 46, lies dg statt «Vi (vox nihili). Ib., Z. 57, lies triath tuired (: .Vittrcrf, sie leg.). Ib., Z. 66, statt drongdide lies drongidc. S. 32, Z. 69, lies oic jnioi royene and sin. Ib., Z. 77, lies aon-ard sc. Ib., Z. 70, lies (i)-e (: gcne). 8. 34, Z. i)4, lies tadrhlaid túath. S. 38, Z. 42, lies /oi- 6io6a. Hier sind die älteren Formen handschriftlich gesichert. S. 80, Z. 15, lies tir cadla, cathir chrichid. S. 82, Z. 28, lies ba statt bat. S. 2, Z. 9, statt 'kept' lies 'had brought up" (roalt). S. 11, Z. 4, statt ' possessed thee ■ lies 'driven about on thee" (immotrét = immot-réded). Ib., Z. 11, statt 'in sooth ' lies 'readily' (éini). Ib., Z. 20, statt 'he' lies 'it'. S. 13, Z. 38, statt 'on his track' lies 'on Leinster' (Lore). S. 15, Z. 51, statt 'they are' &c. lies: 'verily, thou art not bereft of wealth: Conn the jtist of the hundi'ed battles has come to thee'. Hier reimt écradach auf eétchaihach und kann deshalb nicht für ecratach stehen. Es ist vielmehr ^ é-crodach. Conns Beiname bezieht sich auf die von ihm gelieferten hundert Sehlachten. Ib., Z. 55, statt 'proud' lies 'lonely' (líaí/wúí). Hl., Z. 58, lies ' because of the Truth '. 8.17, Z. 73, statt 'kind' lies 'fair' (cdin). Ib., Z. 75, statt 'let men' &c. lies: 'because they have not worshipped great God, — very hard for them! — they are in torment'. S. 19, Z. 2, statt 'points' lies 'verses'. S. 21, Z. 30, statt 'deception' lies 'beauty'. Ib., Z. 33, statt ' refused ' &c. lies ' expelled him from his keep '. Ib., Z. 43, lies: 'from which he drained — a sjjeedy draught for you — his drink for the host'. Ib., Z. 46, lies: 'with pride of concord, wise men declare it'. Ib., Z. 48, statt 'pair' lies 'deed' (beirt). Ib., Z. 49, lies: 'on a fool's foolish errand'. S. 25, Z. 95, statt ' when the eye ' &c. lies ' when he broke the eye'. S. 29, Z. '26, lies: 'that it was they that had delayed him". S. 31, Z. 66: dnitgide 'full of hosts, crowded'. S. 33, Z. 70, da ere zu lesen ist, kann ' burden ' (íiíje, ere) nicht die richtige Übersetzung sein. Ib., Z. 77, translate: 'This then said the loud-voiced host whom Ruad, very rough of wrist, possessed'. S. 35, Z. 94: tadchlaid ist ein Substantiv, von dem túath &c. im gen. plur. abhängt. Ib., Z. 99: nirbo thru 'she was not doomed to au early death'. 2-18 EKSCniENEXE SCHRIFTEN. S. 37, Z. 14; (Ic Lagnib iir 'of the Leinsteinien nf the sea"; krda ist ein stehendes Epitheton für die Provinz Leinster. Ib., Z. 17, lies: 'What hronght the man of Leinster yonder?' S. 45, Z. 41, statt 'lamentation' lies '[iride'. Ib., Z. 47, lies; 'as polished lore relates'. S. 45, Z.Öl: greis 'protection' hat kurzes e; wenn grcsa die richtige Lesart ist, liegt wohl der gen. sing, von gross 'Werk, Arbeit' vor. S. 47, Z. '2, statt 'great was the day' lies 'many were the days' (ba miir la). lb., Z. 11: rath hat im älteren Irisch noch nicht die Bedeutung 'luck', sondern vielmehr 'grace, endowment, gift'. S. 49, Z. 34, statt 'among princes" lies • beyond kings' (dar rigaib). Ib., Z. 18, statt 'swift' lies 'comely' (fZn(/in). Siehe meine 'Contributions', s. V. dafh. S. 53, Z. 8, statt 'since' lies 'from'. S. 55, Z. '22, statt ' onsets of women ' lies ' fair hills '. S. 59, Z. 12, statt ' she loved ' lies ' she satisfied ' (nodiled). S. 63, Z. 1, statt ' silence ' lies ' murmuring '. Ib., Z. 4, tilge 'smooth". Ib., Z. 18: tuga bedeutet nicht ' roof-tree", sondern 'covering, roof. S. 65, Z. 4, statt 'with' lies 'of". Ib., Z. 8: daiger-derg, nicht 'red-kuived", sondern 'flaming red", lb., Z. 10; fri fola frithbert 'at bloody attack'; fola. gen. von fiiil. Ib., Z. 11; sieg tüith. Hier ist iäüh der gen. von täth = W. tawd. Ib., Z. 15: ba greit gdid, nicht 'he was the warrior who prayed', sondern 'he was a dangerous warrior". S. 69, Z. 29, lies: 'that is an ancient stream' (sruithlind sin). S. 79, Z. 11, statt 'with the spear" lies 'with spears" (i>» gú). S. 83, Z. 42: Segsa snds, uicht 'the Segais which flows', sondern 'the stream of the Segais". Ib., Z. 44: libit, uicht 'they drain", sondern 'they beat upon'. Liverpool. Kuno Meyek. Melanges H. d'Arbois de ,Iubaiiiville. Keoueil de mémoires conceniaut la litterature et riiLstoire celtiques dédié ;i M. H. d'Arbois de Jubainville k roccasion du 78e Anni- versaire de sa naissance. Paris, A. Fontemoiiio- (1906). VII + 289 pp. 80. Zur Ehrung fur den verdienten Förderer der Celtologie in Frank- reich, der bis in hohe ,Iabre an der Forschung teiluimmt und seit zwei Decennien die von II. Gaidoz gegründete Revue celtique herausgibt, haben sich vierzehn französische fielehrte vereinigt, die jeder eine (thI"' aus dem Gesamtgebiete der verzweigten Studien in diesem Bnche dar- bringen. Einige Aufsätze betreffen das Altceltische. So prüft F. Lot die mit uxellos {oscclltis), oxiina, cvisamn, uccio, Kcciacm zusammen- gesetzten gallischen Ortsnamen, denen allen die bezeichnende Bedeutung ERSCHIENENE SCURIKTEN. 249 des Hoi-hgelegeuen gemeinsam ist. E. Pliilipsou sucht in den iiifchiiftlich überlieferten iberischen Xamen, die W. v. Humboldt vergebens mit Hülfe des Baskischeu erklären wollte, die indogermanische Deklination fest- zustellen. C. JuUian führt aus, dal's der ligurische Stamm der Salyer, dessen Gebiet die Gegend um Arles wai-, sich seit ca. 400 v. Chr. mit den einfallenden Gelten vermischt hat, bis seine Sprache auch die gallische wurde. A. Meillet erklärt die irische Genitivform tnaithe aus einer Doppelbildung von dem indogerm. Thema auf -ä, wonach der Genitiv teils auf -äs (wie noch im ir. tmui) und teils auf -yäs ausging; die letztere Form findet sich aul'ser im Irischen aucu im Armenischen und Indoiranischen. J. Vendryes erklärt sich gegen die Annahme, dals das altir. Adverb cid 'selbst, zugleich, auch' ans ce, eia und einer Copula zusammengesetzt sei; er hält es vielmehr für eine indogerm. Bildung, die im Sanskrit die gleiche Form cid hat. G. Dottin, der sich mit Vorliebe mit irischer Lautlehre beschäftigt, liefert diesmal eine Skizze der Geschichte der irischen Diphthonge, indem er darlegt, welche Geltuiig sie in den alten Glossen haben und wie sich ihre heutige Aus- sprache phonetisch entwickelt hat und wie sie zum Teil daraus ge- schwunden sind. M. Grammont behandelt die Metathese des w, die sich in den britannischen Dialekten mit einer gewissen Regelmäl'sigkeit vollzieht, indem z. B. armor, gloan, koni. gluan ans wal. gwlän 'Wolle' und arm. groac'h aus wal. gicrctch (ir. fraec) 'Weib' hervorgehen. E. Ernault bandelt von den verechiedeneu Namen für 'Gíott' im Bre- tonischen, und die mannigfaltigen Formen bieten ihm Gelegenheit auch andere phonetische Erscheinungen der Volksdialekte zu berühien. J. Loth bringt eine etymologische Auswahl, in der er meist ziemlich schwierige, Wörter der britischen Mundarten deutet; er mifsbiUigt die Ableitung des w. aches von 'accessus' nnd des w. brwydr von ir. briathar; w. etillyn 'Zukost' leitet er von lind, uneingedenk des ir. annland. Auch Gegenstände aus den celtischen Literaturen werden in einigen der Aufsätze zum Vorwurf genommen. P. CoUiuet zeigt , dafs der Einflufs des römischen und des kanonischen Rechts auf die walisischen Giesetze nur sehr gering gewesen ist. Die Regel 'testis unus testis nuUus', die Festsetzung des heiratsfähigen Altei-s der Mädchen auf 12, der Knaben auf 14 Jahre und die Rechte der Könige scheinen Bestimmungen der sonstigen westeuropäischen Rechte nach- gebildet, doch ist es sehr fraglich, ob dergleichen schon in die ur- sprüngliche Gesetzsammlung Hywel Ddas aufgenommen war. P. Le Xestour fügt die disjecta membra eines mittelbretonischen Mysteriums über die Zerstörung Jenisalems zusammen, die Le Pelletier in seinem Wörterbuche aushebt. Es ergibt sich, dal's das verloren gegangene Drama nach dem Französischen über den Gegenstand gearbeitet war, von dem eine zweite Ausgabe 1510 erschien. P. Le Rons teilt aus Penguerns bretonischer Sammlung ein Volkslied über den Seemann Duguay-Trouin (1673—1736) mit ; und einen Beitrag znr Geschichte des bretonischen Volksliedes liefert anch A. Le P.raz. Die gicerz von der Marquise Dégangc-, die der Verleumdimg bei ihrem Gatten unterliegen niufste, ist nicht bretonischen Ursprungs, sondern es ist die Geschichte 250 EKSCHIEXENK SCIIKIFTEX. der Marquise de Gange, die um 1658 in Languedoc dem Verbrechen zum Opfer fiel, darin wiedergegeben. De la Villemarqné hat sich die Ballade nicht entgehen lassen, aber sie im Clerc de Eohan nach seiner Weise ansgeschmückt und mit einem serbischen Volksliede verquickt. S. Heinaoh bespricht endlich eine von Caesar überlieferte Nachricht, wonacli es dem gallischen Krieger verboten war in seiner Kriegsrüstuag seinen minderjährigan Sohn üifentlich zu empfangen; er erkennt darin ein altceltisches geis oder tabu. H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Les Dniides et les dieux celtiques k forme d'animaux. Paris, If. ("liampion 1906. VIII + 203 pp. kl. 8». Das Druidentum ist eine Einrichtung der ^- Gelten, die etwa 1()00 Jahre vor unserer Zeitrechnung die britischen Inseln in Besitz genommen und sich in Irland bis auf den heutigen Tag erhalten haben. Grofshritanuieu aber wurde einige Jahrhunderte v. Chr., wie Orts- und rersonennameu überall zeigen, von den P- Gelten erobert, das sind die Gallier, zn denen auch die Belgae, Atrebatii und Picti gehören: sie brachten den Besiegten für die bis dahin üblichen Bronzewaffen die Eisenwaffen, nahmen aber von ihnen den Druidismus an. Dieser stand der römischen Herrschaft feindlich gegenüber und mufste vor ihr schwinden, nicht nur in Gallien, sondern auch in Britannien, wo er indes nördlich vom Valium Anton ini bis ins 6. Jh. Stand hielt. Noch länger gab es Druiden bei den Iren. Wenn die gutiiatri der Gallier etwa den Priestern oder flaniines der Römer und die uäti den VTahr- sageni oder Auguren entsprechen, so scheinen die Druiden die ponti- tices gewesen zu sein. In Irland bildeten sie eine Körperschaft, aber sie waren keine Mönche; sie galten als Wahrsager, scheinen aber eine vielumfasseude Philosophie gelehrt zu haben, unter deren Sätzen sich auch die Unsterblichkeit der Seele und die Seelenwanderung befanden. Der Glaube an Naturgötter wird durch die alten Eidesformeln der Iren beleuchtet und unter ihren tierfönnigen Gottheiten ist die Schlacht- göttin, die Krähe badb, die bekannteste; wie sich (jötter in Tiere ver- wandeln, dafür zeugen die Täin bo Hegamna und l'ophur in da muccida. Dies sind die Hauptpunkte, die der Verf. in seinem Buche behandelt: mit den Mitteln der Wissenschaft wohl gerüstet, pflegt er in dii celtische Prähistorie kühner als irgend ein andrer vorzudringen, sodal> man darüber vergil'st, dal's die klassischen Zeugnisse über die celtische Mythologie spärlich und verworren sind und dafs die irischen Märchen zwar manches ahnen lassen, aber nicht den Wert geschichtlicher Wahrheit haben. In einem Schlul'sworte wendet sich der Verf. gegen Caesar, der seine Gommentarien nicht mit 'Gallia omnis", sondern mit 'Gallia comata' hätte beginnen sollen, mit .\usschlufs der 'togata' und der 'braccata'. In der walisischen Bardenabstufuug deruydd-rardd. uvydd und priv-vardd, die übrigens in ganz moderner Zeit ersonnen ist, vermutet der Verf. die alte strabouische Dreiteilung, sodal's der ovydd dem uäti entspräche; bei den Barden aber ist der ovydd zweifellos der Ovidius, der Meister in der .\rs amandi. EKSCIIIKNENE SCllliU TEN. 251 V. Tourueiir. Une nionnaie de nécessité des Bellovaques. ßruxelles, imprinierie Polleunis & Centeiick 1906. lu einem Funde gallischer Münzen, den man 1905 zwisclien Reims nnd Chalons s. M. geniaclit liat, finden sich neben Stateien, die man den Moriani zuschreibt , Goldstücke in Kugclform von 1'/.. cm Durchmesser, die keinen andern Stempel als einen vierstrahligen Stern tragen. Diese Kngelstatere von 7,20 dlranim (xewicht sind in unvoU- konimener Weise mit Silber legiert und der Verf. schlielst, dals sie von der Völkerschaft der Belluvaci stammen und eine Art Notgeld bildeten, wie sie es vielleicht herstellten, als sie in den Kriegen Caesars, mit den Moriui verbündet, Ale.sia zu Hülfe eilten (de hello gallico 7, 76). J. Vendryes. Mélauo:es italo-celtiques (Ménioires de la Société de Liuguistique de Paris XIII). 25 pp. S". Ein etymologisches Allerlei ans dem Gebiete der celtischen Sprachen, wovon die folgenden Einzelheiten hervorgehoben seien. Lat. terresUis ist durch das Suftis tcro- (tro-) von ieira oder genauer von dem neutralen Stamme ^tci-os abgeleitet, der sich im ir. tir erhalten hat. Die gallischen Ortsnamen auf ö oder ö« (wie Aballo 'Avallon'i Arausio 'Orangenstadt', Aveunio 'Avignon' etc.) entsprechen griech. Bildungen wie i\u7tfí.(ór, äinfrmr, cxaritfwv, \lrnftuv u. a. Gall. Eigo- dulum ist aus *rigo- durum 'königliche Festling:' entstanden und Xemours geht auf JSt/jvjaoóe zurück, mit rs für ss wie Marseille (Massilia) u. a. Das Suffix der Verbaladjcctiva -to-, das sich in ir. gndth 'gewöhnt", ru ort 'er wurde geschlagen', orte 'geschlagen' u. s. w. findet und von dem die britannische Bildung auf -etic abgeleitet ist, findet der Verf. auch im Gallischen, wo es jedoch oft als -ti- erscheint. Altir. nach statt «a 'noch' weist der Verf. auch aus Wb. 17b 18. 20 nach. Für da,s altir. Interrogativpronomen stellt der Verf. fest, dals während im Mask, und Fem. ce, cia (lat. quei st. quo-) sowohl pro- uominal als adjectival ist, im Xeutrum (quid? r/) ir. cid in der ersten und ced in der andern Bedeutung üblich ist; auf den Stamm quo- würde ir. coich weisen, ebenso wie can ' unde '. Das noch in Ortsnamen erhaltene bretonische kougm 'Grotte' ist w. gogof vmA dies wird mit dem ir. ciia 'hohl" zusammengebracht. Die irischen Stämme rfcrc, driss, draigen gehen alle drei auf die Wurzel dhergh- zurück, die am deut- lichsten im griech. ryiyvoc 'junger Sprols' (st. U^jtyvog) vorliegt. G. Her big. ' Keltolig-iirisclie ' Inscliriften ans Giubiasco (Anzeigen für schweizerisclie Altertumskunde Nr. 4, 1905 — 190(5, p. 187—205). 8". AnsgTabungen , die mau in Giubiasco bei Bellinzona im Kanton Tessin vor einigen .Jahren gemacht hat, haben Tongefälse mit kurzen Inschriften zu Tage gefördert, die jetzt im Laudesmuseum zu Zürich befindlich sind. Die Schriftzeichen gehören dem nordetrnskischen Lokal- alphabete von Lugano an, das auch zwei mit Wahrscheinlichkeit als gallische angesehene Inschriften gebrauchen. Die sonst im (iebiete der celtischen Ligurer gefundenen Denkmäler sind aber kaum celtisch, da 252 ERSCHIENENE SCHRIFTEN. sie namentlich die Genitivendnng -ui zeigen. Der Verf. betrachtet auch die Inschriften von Bellinzona als ligurisehe, bezeichnet aber das Er- gebnis, zu dem ihn seine mit vieler Sorgfalt geführte Prüfung des leider wenig reichen Materials gelangen läl'st, mit Nachdruck als ein vorläufiges. Kuno Mej'er. Tlie Triada of Ireland. Dublin. Hodges. Figgis & Co., 1906. (E. I. Academy, Todd Lecture Series vol. XIII.) XV + 54 pp. 8». Trécheng hreth Féni 'die Triaden Irlands', etwa 250 au der Zahl, sind ein altes Werk, das im Gelben Buche von Lecau und einem halben Dutzend jüngerer Handschriften überliefert ist und nach der Sprache, wie der Herausgeber ausfuhrt, aus der zweiten Hälfte des 9. ,lhs. stammt. Dafs die Form der Triaden, die übrigens nur einen Teil der gnoraischen Literatur der Iren bilden, in der biblischen Sprache ihren Ursprung haben, kann nicht zweifelhaft sein. Das Genre ist weit mehr und bis in die Neuzeit von deu Walisern gepflegt worden, denen mau die Erfindung wohl absprechen mul's. Aus den biblischen \'orbilderu erklärt sich auch, dafs Triaden bei den meisten christlichen Völkern vorkommen: man braucht nur ihre Sprichwörter nachzuschlagen, um z. B. mehr als hundert deutsche beisammen zu finden. Die irischen Triaden, deren Übersetzung keineswegs leicht war (die Iren selbst haben schon Glossen dazu geschrieben), sind mannigfaltiger Art, topographisch, social, moralisch. Wenn man sie aus der gesamten Literatur bis in die Neuzeit zusammentragen wollte, so würde es ein grofses Werk geben. Vielfach haben sie im Sprichwort Wurzel gefafst und auch im Volks- liede erscheinen sie, sowohl in Schottland als in Irland. So heilst es in einem irischen Volksliede Tri ni dochint tres mi ngrddh, An peacadh, an bds is an phian; und in einem albanogälischen Gedichte heifst es: "S tri ni thig gun iarraidh. An gaol agiis eagal, 'S gun leitlisgeul an tiadach; die Triade iochd is grädh is fiughantas kommt in mehreren Gedichten vor (Mackenzie, Beauties p. 81; Glenbard CoUectiou p. 44). Kuno Meyer, The Death -tales of the Ulster heroes (E. I. Academy, Todd Lecture Series, vol. Xl\). Dublin, Hodges, Figgis & Co., 1906. YI + 52 pp. 8o. Von den Erzählungen über deu Tod (oitte) der Helden von Ulster sind zwei schon behandelt, eine (Fiamain) ist verloren gegangen und die übrigen fünf, die zum Teil nur in der Ediuburger Handschrift er- halten sind ebenso wie die hinzugefügte über Cet mab Magach, werden in dieser Sammlung von Prof. Meyer mit der von ihm gewohnten Sorgfalt ediert, übersetzt und sachlich und sprachlich erläutert. Von diesen Stücken ist der Tod Couchobars aus 0' Currys Materials p, 637 ff, am bekaniitesteu, aber der Herausgeber hat zu dem Texte in LL. noch drei andere Versionen aus Jüngern Handschriften gestellt. T. K. Abbott, Further notes on Conej-'s Irish - English Dic- tionary. (Hermalhena, vol. XIII, p, 332—353,) 1905. EESCEOENENE SCHKIPTEN. 25:5/ Der Verf., dem man scliou eine Liste vou Nacbträgeu und Ver- besserungen zu Coney verdankt (CZ. 5, 426), liefert einen weitern nützlichen Beitrag zu dem Sprachgebrauclie der iriseben Bibel. Er kommt zu dem Resultate, dal's O'Donuells Neues Testament aus dem Griechischen übersetzt ist, dal's aber dem Alten Testamente Bedells, das hier und dort vor der Drucklegung durch Marsli verbessert wurde, die englische Version zu Grunde liegt. Der Verf. ist auch die Apokryphen Bedells durchgegangen, deren Manuskript ebenso wie das des Alten Testaments in der UnivereitKtsbibliothek zu Cambridge aufbewahrt wird. Alfred .Schulze. Zur Breiidaulegende. (Zeiteelirifi fih- Ro- manische Philologie XXX, 257— 279.) 8". Der Verf. betrachtet das Verhältnis der lateinischen Navigatio Brendaui, deren Handschriften bis ins 10. Jh. zurückreichen, und das irische Leben des Heiligen im Buche von Lismore, vou dem die lateinische Vita im Codes Salmauticensis eine Kürzung ist. l'rasichtig verficht er mit Innern Gründen gegen Zimmer die Meinung, dafs das irische Leben die Übersetzung einer altera lateinischen Vita ist, deren Spui'en er auch in dem lat. Leben des Machutus, eines Schülers Brendans, erkennt. Dieses Denkmal, das dem Ende des !). Jhs. angehört, ist ver- öffentlicht in dem Bulletin et Mémoires de la Société archcol. du Depart. d'IUe-et-Vilaiue XVI, 137 ft'. Die darin eingeschobene Meerfahrt Brendans ist für den Verfasser ebenso ein Zeugnis für die gemutmafste ältere lat. Vita mit der Meerfahrt wie ihre Erwähnung im Heiligeu- kalender des Oengus. IÍ. Prieb.sch, Quelle und Abfassungszeit der Sonutagsepistel in der irischen 'Cain Domnaig'. (The Modern Language Review n. 1907, p. 138—154.) Die unlängst erfolgte Veröffentlichung der irischen Version der Epistel Jesu über die Sonntagsheiligung {Cain domnaig) durch J. G. O'Keeffe (Ériu 2, 189 ff.) gibt dem Verfasser .\nlafs die von ihm be- handelte angelsächsische Fassung (über die wir CZ. 3, 195 berichtet haben) damit zu vergleichen. Er kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dafs beide etwa der Mitte des 9. Jahrb. augehören und dafs der Northumbrier, obschon ihm ein lateinisches Original vorgelegen habe, doch mit dem irischen Bearbeiter in nahe Verbindung getreten sei und von ihm einzelnes angenommen habe. F. N Robinson, A Note on the Sources of the Old Saxon Genesis (Modern Philologj^ IV. 2, October 1906). 8 pp. 8". Die Darstellung der altsächsischen Genesis, die die Schuld des Sündenfalls durch Lügen der Schlange mindert, scheint dem Verf. aus einer apokryplieu Schrift ähnlich der Vita Adae et Evae und der Apokalj-pse Moses geflossen, deren Einflufs auch im 'Saltair na rann' erkennbar wäre. 254 EliSCHIENENK SCIIliIFTEX. Phil, de Felice, L'autre nioude, mythes et legendes. Le Piir- gatoire de Saint Pati-ice. Paris, H. Champion 1906. 193 pp. 8». (0 fr.) Der tief wiuzeliiJe Glaube au die Gerechtigkeit, den die gegen- wärtige Welt nur zu oft zu Schanden macht, liat die Menschheit seit den ältesten Zeiten dazu geführt, die Vergeltung von dem Leben nach dem Tode zu erwarten. In dieser Vorstellung sind die .\gy])ter voran- gegangen, die Griechen schlössen sich an und zur h'öchsteu Blüte ge- langte sie im i;hristentume, das eine lauge Reihe Visionen des Jenseits entstehen liefs, von der Apokalypse des Petrus und dem Gesicht des Paulus bis zur Göttlichen Komödie, deren Dichter von seinen Vorläufern allein den Paulus erwähnt. Doch wir stehen in Gefahr uns ins Weite zu verlieren, wenn wir dem in der Eschatologie der Völker bewanderten Verfasser folgen. .Sein eigentliches Thema ist das Fegefeuer des heiligen Patricius, das bis in die Neuzeit hochberühmt war. Er schildert uns die düstere Höhle auf einer unwirtlichen Insel des Loch Derg aus eigener .Anschauung. Er unterrichtet uns weiter in dankenswerter Weise über jene lateinische Vision des Cisterziensers H. von Saltry (c. 1189), die neben der des Tnugdalus im Mittelalter am bekanntesten war, hat sich aber die Geschichte ihrer Verbreitung in den verschiedenen Kultursprachen noch vorbehalten. Der Verf. erkennt in dem Helden der Vision Owein miles den irischen Elfen Oengns oder Mac Óc. Hierin trete ich ihm nicht bei, denn das irische Wunderland hat mit der christlichen Schilderung des Jenseits nichts zu schaffen. Die Iren excellierten im Elfenmärchen, aber die Hölle haben sie nicht erfmulen. Eher wären, aufser Fursaeus, Adamnän etc., die irische Vision Laisrens und die Gedichte über die letzten Dinge im 'Saltair na raun' zu er- wähnen gewesen. V. H. Friedel und K. Me3-er, La vision de Tondale (Tnudgal) Textes franrais. anglonormand et irlandais jiubliés. Paris, H. Champion 1907. XX -f 159 pp. Der Zufall fügt es, dafs wir hier sogleich ein verwandtes, uns noch näher angehendes Werk anzeigen können, mehrere t'bersetzungeu der eben genannten Vision des Tuudalns. Das lateinische Original wurde von einem irischen Klosterbruder .Marcus im Jahre IU",> in Regensburg niedergeschrieben und war bald weit verbreitet. Das Jalir der Abfassung stellen die Herausgeber gegen den erhobenen Zweifel fest. Der Verfasser war in Munster zu Hause und kannte die Er- eignisse, die seine Heimat in jener Zeit beunruhigten. Er erwähnt Cormac den König von Desmond (f 1138), seinen Bruder Donnchad mac Muredaig (f 1144) und seinen Verbündeten im Kriege gegen Connacht, Coachobar GBrien (■]- 1142). Die Wanderlust hatte ihn nach Regeusburg geführt und er fand vermutlich .\ufnahme im St. Jakobs- klüster, das der Bischof Hartwich um 1120 für die zusammenströmenden Schütten geweiht hatte. Von der Vision des Iren verüti'entlieht nun V. 11. Fricilcl nach Ihnulschriften des 14. Jahrb.. von denen die eine in ERSCHIRSENK SCnUIFTEK. 255 Loudon, die andere in Paris liegt, zwei franziisische Cl)ei'setzung:en. «nd nach einer Handschrift im Trinity College zii Dublin das Bnicli- stüuk einer auglonormannischen Bearbeitung in Versen. K. Meyer druckt zwei irische Yersioueu ab. Die ältere iu H. 3. 18 TCD., einer Hand- schrift des 17. Jalirh., ist die Übertragung des lateinischen Textes durch Maurice O'Mulcoury, den wohlbekannten Cumpilator des Buches von Fenagh, aus der Zeit von 1511 bis 1511). Die Sprache ist also früh nenirisch, hat aber, wie der vom Herausgeber beigegebene Index ver- boruni zeigt, mancherlei Altertumliches, i'er zweite leichter verständ- liche Text findet sich in Ms. Stowe C II 2 RIA. und gehört dem 16. Jahrh. an; er erweist sich als eine Überarbeitung 0"Mulconrys, dessen Stil dadurch in lehrreicher Weise beleuchtet wird. R. H. Í" let eher, The Artliimau Material in the Clii-onicles, especiall}' those of Great Britain and France (Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature, vol. X. Boston 1!^06). YI + 313 pp. 8«.' Der Verfasser bespricht die Chroniken, die die arthurische Legende enthalten, also die lange Reihe jener Gescliichtschreiber, die sich an Gildas luid Neunius angeschlossen haben. Von den nächsten Nachfolgern legt AVilliam von Malmesbury in seinen Gesta regum Angliae 1125 ein bemerkenswertes Zeugnis ab für die Popularität, deren sich Arthur unter den Briten damals erfreute, aber der eigentliche Gewährsmann ist der etwas spätere Gottfried von Monmouth, über dessen Quellen der Verf. eingehend handelt; dafs der famose 'liber vetustissimus ' des kühnen Fabulators eine Fiktion ist, erscheint auch ihm glaubhaft. Auf Gottfried folgen gegen 200 Chrouiken des 12.— 16. Jhs.. in lateinischer, französischer, englischer und schottischer Sprache, teils in Prosa und teils in Versen. Von den Gedichten sind der normannische Brut von Wace und der englische von Layamon die bekanntesten. Der Verf. hat den weitschichtigeu Stoff mit grofsem Fleilse zusammengetragen; er legt dar, was die einzelnen Werke Besonderes haben, wem sie folgen und wie sie von einander abhängen. Von dem sachlichen Inhalte gibt ein ausführlicher Index übersichtliche Auskunft. A. L.C.Brown, The Knight of the Lion (Publications of the Modern Language Association of America XX, 673 — 706). 1905. 8«. Der Verf. hatte vor einigen Jahren über das Märchen von Iwein geforscht (CZ. 4, 582) und war für seinen iu allem Wesentlichen celtischen üi-sprong eingetreten. In der vorliegenden nachträglichen Studie hebt er hervor, dafs die walisische Fassung in den Mabinogion in mehreren Punkten eine ursprünglichere Farbe bewahrt habe als Chrestiens Gedicht, und ist der Meinung, dafs auch der Löwe als Führer in die andere Welt den alten celtischen Sagen keineswegs fremd sei. Er verweist namentlich auf Tochmaie Emire, wo auch Cúchulinn ein Tier 'wie ein Löwe' dienstbar ist. Der Löwe möchte also schuu iu dem Märchen vorgekommen sein, das Chrestien vorgelegen 256 ERSCHIENENE SCHRIFTEN. hat. Das ist wohl zuzugehen, doch weist ein Löwe, der in einem celtisehen Volk-sniärchen vorkommt, nicht auf ein Land hin, wo man ilm aus der Anschauung kennt? II. Zimmer, Randglossen eines Keltisten zum Sclmlstreik in Posen -'Westpreufsen und zur Ostmarifindu sétu ceim^) thias fo nim, robbe oc ma c[h]abbaii- a hitc[h]i domforair mäthair ísu ghil. 4 Romsmldha a horaid fo bith rodancaraid Maire higen uag,^) rob lúirec/i dom anmiiin, domremho ar tedhmaim. nlmtbairle in Itiagh. 5 NlmthaiiTle a ugal!<>- fili^) gusan amar ar nditlioman each, lii suidhiu, hi lighiii is Muii'e go ngaire do»» c[h]obi(>- gacli trath. 6 Atach ind so atroithich Colum Cille co m-máthair nisu ar ind lúaidri rorat do Colum Cille. Nach aon dia tiberthá in brothc[h]án sa asmperam ó ragaibt/ier ind mbennacharf sa foir trés no sebtimó bith slán de manabt/o- .i. berbht/iio- ctladh do t/iromthoit lemnachta ib«*- talm( ^) ) aire 7 es bee a ain iphthi compi säithecli 7 doppoar ettac/i tromm foir coKdoticc aldus. Bidh si«'» iaruui sL Dens vo . . . ') Lies fort *) lÁes domaisilbim ') Lies ceini? *) uádh MS. ') Lies file ') Lies talmaidiu ? Zeitschrift f. celt. Philologie VI. \1 258 KrNO MEYER, Oracio Colutn Cille .cc. (lb. S. 115.) Dumfett Cristt cuntt cumhaclita. co Rigb iniia ii-uili n-ard. aiteocli naüiiitlirinöitt. tri iiert dreconta. uasalri nodomfriserbh adhbartaidhi. snaidbfe snaidbsium. saorsam carsam cäemhac/i/. cuiriss dim chiu idban. fritbcbuii-es dim accra olcii amliuinsi 5 cotomimtbegat luirecba uile leasa uadb. ar tbriiime meanman ar cruas ar romliaitbe ar tlaitbeltraib gaibtbi gutb 7 aicned. Xímrombúcbat nimradbmillet nimindrisit arurcc a tiacbra 7 a 11-amainsi. Uamb traghat bi muir. maidbet bi i&hnuin. nira- tbisat niiiitacmbaisit a n-atbc[b]a a miscsin a n-adbbartaigbe. 10 moigiitiumii dia dánaibb saoraibb. sbiimigbtium contt ceill ciuiiH ciirp ciulmbaibb ruisc tengadb slane ariabbra gutb. nTmrombiicbat iiTmradbmille/ nimforbriset uimuert uile earcoél^ nibbat form (•burp contt ceill coimsigbe cotomnert iiaomt/iT-moit róatbar bi toil De 7 a tbimua bi niurt atliar 7 aobmaic 7 aobspirda naoimb 15 dusnicc dim meircci muirecba mertuecba di chiais mo dbá ó no di ruse mo da sú[i]l. dim cet aisle dim dét fetbi dim cct cnámba. madh fer dotgbné soaitb for a ferda/i. madb ben dotgliné soaidh ■ for a bandaii. madb ingben dotgne soaidb for a genus dusnic dim feis nEirewn fós fess nAlba« feiss süadb feiss druadb feiss 20 cerda feiss cuthcboire feiss corrguine feiss sedbguine feiss cecli diiine bi doni olc 7 ambnus frini cÄorp 7 mb'anmuin atsniasat a neimbe 7 a mbraona for ci'ilu atsnigb gäitb muire atsnigh tontt tracbta. Dia athair rium mac dorn coimet spiratt uaonih dorn insorcbugbadb. anibein ambén. Zirölf Arten der Heue. (Rawliuson B. 512, fo. 143 b 2.) .XII. cinel na baitbrigbe, edön: säethar lar n-uaignis, grädli lar fuatb, umla lar ndimus, genmnaigbecbt lar ndniis, cob- saigb[e]acbt lar n-utmaille,') aine lar cräes 7 intinn maitb lar ^^ formad, ernai[g]tbi lar maitlmecbtaigbe,-) bocbta lar sai[d]bris, trucaire lar n-etröcaire 7 maitb lar u-ulc 7 cet. ') udutmaille MS. ') maituecbtaidlie MS. MITTEIIil'NGF.X AUS iniSCHKN' HAXDSCnUlKTEX. 259 M) etii- chorp is anmain, etir ii'is n-imglain co ndigius«) fon talmain. 2 Comet dam mo sule, a Isu meic Maii'e, nacliam-derna') santach aicsin cruid neich aile. 3 Comet dam mo chlüasa uär' cloistet filtt^) ecnach, när' eistet co rognath*») for bas, for bith betach. 4 Comet dam mo thenga[id] när' ecnad ar duine, när' cäiner ai-aile, när' bäider tre luige. 5 Comet dam mo chride. a Christ, ar du bäide, '") när scrütar") co trüaige'-) düthracht nachat-cläiue. 6 Nl raib miscais foe nä format nä dallad. na dimmus nä dimes nä eilned nä annach. 7 Comet mo broinn mbuilid när llntar'-') cen mesair, CO rop deniu a tosaig a bith isin tesaig.'^) 8 Comet dam mo läma nä rigter fii debaid, när chlechtat'^) Iar sodain adchuiugid fo mebail. 9 Comet dam mo chossa for bith builid Bauba, nä digset i'«) fosta fri tosca cen tarba. ') ig MS. ä) 2/tes deisc ') Lies fudomain ') Lies ar a ais co mbüi ä) namcomed MSS. ') condigiu H. ») nachanderna H. ») fri E± frith H. ') ragnath B. ">) dubairde H. ") scrute^r H. scútar E. ") truade EA. ") lintoir AB. ") tesaid EA. ») clechtaid B. >«) a MSS. 17* 260 KrNO METER, 10 Nlrbain utmall aubsaid, a meic mo De deithuig, CO nä farcbur m'inad, co rop dliged deitlibir. 11 Comet mo ball ferda imm genus co uglaiue, etrad nT rom-bade, nlm-thairle, nTm-thaire. 7 rl. 12 Nim-reilce i cair chenua') dond ochtar ard aii-deirc, a I'lulst, tail- dom dochum dia tofunn, dia tairbirt. 13 Nom-erbaim duit-') uile dom ditiu') cen doidnge, ar do rath co romet uom-chomet. a Choimdiu. A. C. Ein Traum Colnni Cille\s. (H. 3. 18, S. CO a.) Fis atclionnairc ColHm Cilldea, ludalleis btii fo^leblaÍDg Aodiia mic Ainmirecb. Föchtaidb Aodb meumarc iuutsamla/i/thi frisna ruibhni 7 frisgart Colimi Cildea. conid ann asbert: Tarfas dam-sa dul for set, itbér is ni himarbréc, focliiinim cluibhue ein cbol, is é rombi«? for comror. Euibne roratas for cai, fuiglim is ni fuigell gäi, is é mil me«marc itceas condorala for ruidhles. Is é mu chubbus ein clilaón. cidb socbaidbi nu cidb aúu. coniscumbaing mu Elgli ran mu hcilh ic timtacb ein tár. T. rl. finit. Sprichwörtl icJies. (Additional 30, 512, fo. 33 a 2.) Vgl. Senbríathra Fithail, LL. 345 c. Ferr dála inä deabaid. Ferr teicbed inn tairisi, Ferr sobarthon iua imad, Ferr sidb inä soc[h]ogad. i'err cara ina conmlr. Ferr ciall inä ca^mchrutb. Ferr itbe ina cobadb.') ') cenua H. Lies chcnnda; cair ch. Uaiiptsiinde. ») doit EH. ') dliiden EH. *) lloAi verderbt aits ierr aithe iu5 opad. Vgl. LL. MITTEIHTNGEN AUS IRISCHEN HANDSCHRIFTEN. 2G1 Ferr fairi') ina iar>flid, Ferr foigidne inä imrisain, Ferr ana inä ancis, Ferr rath ina riaga/,') Ferr reide') ina rogaos, Ferr buidi inä dlgbäZ, Ferr bfc inä era, Ferr cara inä cuirm, Ferr sobés inä doilgid 7 rl. Ib., S. 31 b 2. Vgl. Sctibriathra Filhail, LL. S.3-13d. Dligid ecna airmitin, Dligid gl') cairiugud, Dligid rath naradh, Dligid fiiidir^) frith[f]olta, Dligid maith móradh, Dligid dibhi dim[m]olad, Dligid üg eladha, Dligid altrum imfoehaid, ») Dligid maighistir sogaire, Dligid fiendledach forógra. Dligid ecconn imchoimét, Dligid athtííV somiad, Dligid niäthair mine, Dligid mer a múnad,^) L)ligid cú a hastadh, Dligid dall a didin. Maith dan egua, ferr dan forba, doiligh dan laech[d]acht. Nl suthain a mbi, ifernnaig a maii-b. Xi thimuin athab- dia mac. Mairg dianad dan läech[d]acht. Ib., fo. 31b2. Äine anma is chuirp co cert, coicc nilc ina coimidecht: ferg, bron. dimus, — dian in da!. — deinmne im blad is at[h]imräd. ') Lies aire ») riarugud LL. ä) reige MS. *) pudhair(!) MS. Vgl. LL. '; immaithigh MS. Vgl. LL. ') aumonn MS. Vgl. LL. KUXO MEYEE, Lobet den Herrn. (23. X. 10, S. 78.) 1 Lautiate Dominum') de celis, in fuair do doma. laudate eum in exelcis, ite connoga. 2 Canum alli etorport. fillem conghiine.') adram in Ardrig, coimsid^) na ndüla. o Donfe Fiada findneme for aite röetu, uidrlne oc.cits oislne isatniuindter daena. 4 .\dcliiu gedat^) C('/am?<.<; nä dignad fo diud. fil ann iiia certfaria[d] teimneu cona triur. 5 Täinic in trath gaba7rt, in tirt is comlan?«, tinciilid für ndamana. laudate Dominum.') Lau. d. Sechzehn Teile tier Dichtl.-nnst. (Laud 610, fo. 92 b 2.) Vgl. Irische Texte III, SS. 29 und IL'O. [Imjgabail emeltupa .i. iss«? 7 is é ceud in fir 7 is si cend na niná. Sochraidi raid [.i.| is hi in gobur, ar rop emilt a r;ld is he in gobur 7 is lií in gobur. Dilmaine .i. in lestar usci do rádh, ar rop é a haicned in lestar cosin uisce do rád. Tucait deochr«/f/í/ic is si, is he, issed. Ni fili nad fiastar sé hernaili dec na filidechta co n-aisneis anma atliar Athirne: saigid 7 ascnam 7 huaini do rind 7 coni- insma, comgne céille 7 brosna suad 7 duinediglaim 7 sretli immais, coir molta 7 cubaid comfotta 7 iidrad frecomail 7 ord slonte 7 imgabail emeltussa 7 sochraidi raid 7 dilmaine raid 7 tucait decluaigthe .i. commad isind iarconiarc in focail toisserli amaí7 rogab lassin filid:-') Dondcliad dia fich domuu 7 rl. .i. CO rop Dondcliad rissin fordunad. ') Lies Doiunum. ') Lies ar ni^lniiie'/ ä) coimsigh MS. *) g (oder Vi) und t auf Rasur. ■•■) file MS. MITTEILIXGEN AUS IRISCHEN HANDSCHRIFTEN. 203 Ascnam .i. co a leth .i. don fainne son bic. Hn[a]ini de rind .i. co rop do rind na cethramfhan do raitli araile. Cominsma .i. insraa ind larconiairc isint sillaib thoissig nammä, amal roiigab 'do' .i. 'Donddiad'. Coiuge céille 1 co rop inand ciall dia n-ais[neis] ó thossach CO diaid ind raind .i. nä raib clóen and 7 rl. Danklied eines Srhirerkranke». (Franciscan Library, Merchants' Quay, Dublin, Handschrift A (9).') 1 Atlochar diiit, a mo Kí, do-gnl ar sochar ar bith ce, I) domrala il-ligi leoin se niTs fo deöid cusane. 2 Ato mar chimid i cip do tarrachtain imid n-uilc, siias heres m'anmain inocht, mo chorp ishi ta.\main tiiit. 3 Domratad i slabra[i]d sunn, niaith dorn anniain as gach am. bec mo nert. am scTth bun's cind.^) iiidar lim fomrTth co fann. 4 Fearr lern, a degmic De dein, cidh leir in treblaid rom-t[h]räig, inä fledhol im t[li]lr tuaidh no degör-'*) ein lüaigh fom läim. 5 A log mo chuil is mo cealg mad romgab muin mö cech mairg, domfaraill. nl düaii-c in t-(o)rt. beim näd borb dot abainn aii-d. 6 Atil-sa mar bis dall dub, is mo t[h]äeb co fann re fraigh, monttaragan. a De dil, mise trüaghag<än in*) taigh. 7 Testa mo neart, nual ce« cleith, a Athair na sluagli, uam-saich, romlais i cuimrech i croich amuich i tir iluimneacli maith. 8 Matat co met teimil truim mo da rose i ngeimil^) grinn, adsseilim. a El na rann, beither tall co Lieibind ind. 9 Is e mo samail acht bec mar bis lueh gaba?7 ar gruig, ic a crothaf/ fo c[h]rub c[h]ait, ni nach ait, atloch?«?- duit. 10 Uch! nocha n-eirgim cen cneid, nocha teigim fo guth cluic. ni gairit') m'othiaklh talman t'?t!ni/r. 2 Is e do t[li]eclita tongu,') cath frit c[li]rechta 's frit c[h]aire, guidli in Ri[g] reill nac/i faictAer co ti d'aitreb do t[li]ighi. 3 Trebaire^) is tír i-tathar nl gnim ceanaidi at-cit/icr, ''^t^J- crabitti ar bitb nl b;¥tlia7-, maith in säetliar dia snitliar. í~t!rabí(rf eroidhi glain genmnaidh in denmna samad sobraidh, cäiniudh cac/i cinadh caingnig^) co nderaib saidbrib ') solma?i/t.'') 1 5 Srian frit broind. buaidh ria mbannaibh. srlan fi-it cfbjridhi \ cniaidli cumail, srian do taba/rt fri tengaidh ce« meandair is ciall ciinnail. G Is set cert caem co cuibdbi teclit co Dia näem norn-anghi, rochtain cosiu Eifg] nemdha acatät sealba sai[d]bri. 7 Saltrad ar demon ndimbraig«) ■) nä rab marcach ar t'anmuin, he do rath in c[h]uirp chredlaig, cath fri each n-erbaidh anilaidh. 8 Ernaighthi, äine it aiseul re cläine ar cacA eonair, co ris in saidhbr/ suilid iar ndai[d]bri diiilig") domoin. It Druim fri mnä ma'tha mine, däigli nidat givtha a ngaire. laim fri loelita co leire, feili is boehta co mbaine. 10 Betiia cräibdecli co cuibdhi, aicned'') ailgen cen ainble, is dreim diadlia ein dirada ceim cialla idhna ainnine.'^) 11 Ateiam erchra na ndaine, cia mairit teah'ha ar tire. is bee nac/í fas cac/t feili bas co ndeine gacli dine. 12 Is denta dnn ord larum, betha nach borb 's nricli baeghal, lacht an talniti» ac traghndh, slabrudh diar snadhudii sacghiil. lo yganini fris gacli") mba-s mbnnaidli. na carnm craes na cinaidli. saltram for tarbaib toniair, '-) cobair diar n-anmuin idliain. ') gougu MS. ') .1. gliocus ') caingnid MS. *) saibri MS. '■) .i. ésguidh ") ndimbraidh MS. ') darüber iieimeg-. '') duilidh 3/8. '') aignidh MS. '") f.i.] foigidue ") Mit fris gacli vergleiche iiTmgeb forinach fris iiaob sen, Otia 1. S. 124, § 13. '') uyiientrichen und darüber düiuuin MITTEILlTiOEX AFS IRISCHEN UÄNDSCHKIFTEN. 2(35 M Ifern ') denu.-) dner an ditlinib,'') romeall mor loech co^) lüathc[h]Hr, carcair oruaidh corr crom casrach, loc lonn lom^) lasrach lüacbdub. 15 Mairg lingis leim in leth-sain, mairg cingis in reim rod-sain, mairg bias isin mbriaidh mbrisc-sin, romiscnidh liaig in loc-sain. It) Leic liait do iot[h]rad liiarda! leic do c[h]odla(?is do c[h];i!mda ingaib ifern") searb sianacb, rothi nem niamach na-bda! 17 Xot-iuiber frisin maitli-sin ar lis imaid an uilc-seo, ar an Atliair n-ard n-anira cathaig co calma, a c[h]iiirii-seo! 18 FotiYjcaib, a c[h]uirp congbaid,") gnim co n-altaib iiilc adbuil, fathair o tacmud meabnjiV/ erbaidh adbal fon talniftm. 10 Do mätliöiV niailh co mine, do da bräthair co mbäine tucsat fo tuiun uill aire co ndüire a ndruim fri däeine. 20 Dociiaidli i n-flaig^) giarb esbaid necli iar mbethaiV? glriair glasglain, erchra in fir») cubaidh cosmuil dobei»- osnaidh foni asnaibh. 21 Erniör ar csm 's ar carat robädar co saer sealat. fuaratar tlr nä togat, fir co lobat, co leaghat. 22 Nl luga legfa feisin, «ocot-fia seachna sosaidh. iar do brudb. iar do brisiud'") biaidh ein clisindh fo cbosaibb. 23 Comaill a n-ecna n-nclan,") bl co becda amaí7 bocbtän, bidli snadbudb for set sercniem cr&hud certc[bjäem i corpan.'-) 24 Fogebat plagba pectbaig, ':'') ar it lana do locbtaib, a n-anman") duba i ndaire, ferr leo ca'ime dia corpaibb. 25 Cidh tend do bcria bladbach, cid at seg[d]a seang subacb, not-Isat d?ela duba, llnfat'-'') cruma do c[h]urach. i«) 26 Cacli soim is cech doini seachtair, each aen fo mbi coim colcaidli. is taliiui moirtc[b]enn martair carcair coilchenn dia coYj)aibh. ') Diese Strophe findet sich axich auf den oberen Band von Marl. 52H0, fo. 22 geschrieben. ') ilim deang MS., ifernd deud H. s) in ditreb E. ') is K ^) na loc lom S. ") ifirn MS. ') congbaib MS. ») aniiaidh MS. ») fir MS. >») brisidh MS. ") Lies óglán oder = ud-glan? ") a corpain MS. ") pecdaidh JtfS. ") ananwi J/S. ") linfad MS. '•) S. 3. curach, Contribb. 2GG KUNO ilEYEK, 27 lar teacht don') domun dronnfinn. iar cac/i rohud cert cluinim, cen trist öm c[]ijurp geal glanliiin m'anim'-) i') n-uclit Crist cuii-im. A. C. An Citnoc. (Ibidem.) 1 A C[hjrinöc, cubuidh do c[h]eöl, ein co fat firnc, it flal, ronmösam tuaidli i*) tir Neil tan dorönsam feis reidh nam. 2 Rob 111 m'«s tan ro[f]öis lern, a be niata in gäesa grinn. daltän cllabglan csm nat cam, macau mall secht mbllarf«» mbind. 3 Palliar for bith Banba bailc ein eilniudh aiima nä cuirp. mo ll lasracb Ian dot hseirc. umail geilt ein aslaeh uilc. 4 Erlnm do e[h]omairli coir dnigb nos-togliam-ue in eeeli tIr, is ferr rogradh dod gifis geir 'tul comrädb reidh fi'isiu Rigli. 5 Ro[f]ois re ceatlirur lar sein im dla[ijdh cen nach methladh mer, doiVdai-, as beudlia in bladh. at glan ein pheead re fer. 6 Fodeoidb dom-riuicbtais a-ns iar euartaib sgis, gleo eo ng*is, dodeclia/rf temel tart=') gnfiis, ein drilis is dered«) dot äeis. 7 At inmuin lem-sa een locht, rotfia mo clien-sa') ein cacht. nl leiefi ar mbadhadh i*) pein, fogabum cr&hud leir lat. 8 Lan dod labra in bith btlan. adlibul do rith tar each nan. dia seichmis cech dia do dhan, roseismis sIöm eo Dia ndiau. 0 Dobere do timna nl toi do cfhjacli co himdha ar bith ce, sithlai dnin uile in cech lo, nl go guide dichra Dhe. 10 Dorata Dia debradh (lu[ijn are rit ar menman'-') min, rob "^) rolaind frinn ' ') gniiis Righ reil Iar n-ar leim or eolainn crin. A. C. 11 Rogatai- iiaim cech sal sneid, doratar nem dam 'na diaid! romgabat fir richid '-) reill tan ragat'-') iar ceim on cÄnaidh! A. Cr. c. ') = din ■•) maiia») MS. 3) a MS. •) a MS. ') tar do MS. «) deridh MS. ') moceuusa MS. ") a MS. ") mfiimain MS. "") robo MS. '■) linn MS. ") rithigh MS. ") radliat MS. MITTEILUNGEN ACS IKISCHEN HANDSCHRIFTEN. 267 Verstand geht über Sr/iönlieit. (•23. N. 10. S. 112.) 1 Nimgeib format fri fer find, fiad cliacli a chnitli citli iiagfind,') ar is derb in ferrde de. a clilall dia mba teimnide. 2 Cnith cen chéill. döiriu-) each cor, is neime i») n-örlestar, is newii dian serb^) cacli sruth, is crann cäia co mltliorud.^) 3 Ni hiugnad a beith cen rath, duine drechmas co ngeldath, uiebal iotuiim fosluide, cid flada fuilt tiiidbuidi.'') 4 A chruth is cäiniu") setaib minbnJ lan d|i] ilbrecaib,*) is hiclira greine do fraig. cruth rochäin'-») co ndrochalaib. 5 Is bhith for laith, is trüag set a chi'uth llnas cech länbrec, flad c[!']äch is nathir ii») cris, nl do c[h]arait nl duthriss. 6 As tine sindaig sechtali-, fiad c[h]acli is blath selestair, län menge a corp co mbäine, cia rothibe") findgäire. '-) 7 La decsin a chrotha gil la each n-oin is indeithbii-, mina tegma,'-*) süaichnid'*) sin, ceill n-äith n-airetraim n-imglain.'*) 8 Is ed so rombia de, la each n-öin bid cuitbide, duine tiamda techtas cruth cen c[h]eill glain"') dia fiu-- sundud. '•) 9 Duine nonerba dia chruth ceu nach ceille comslonnud is cosmail lemni, nl mess buii'b, fii borrfad '") nö side builg. 10 Nimtha sin diüue teimen co nglanc[h]eill, cid imthemel, nlnleu robäes, ferr each rath, bréc na fogäes na fobra[th]. 11 Cid dam focerdta roga, nogegainn mo chöimthoga,'-') ni gelc[h]ruth teite tar reir, ferr limn teimne co ndagcheill.-*) 12 Duine techtas ceille cruth sloinuet cen merba merugud, ecus nä len meum« mör, is findruiue fri firör. -) daoire •") seasp ") fionbuidlie *) ilprecaiph '■') naithair a ") fiongaire ") suaitbnid '») glaoiu '") porrfad *") go ndagceild ') uaghfion ^)a '^) niithorad/i ■) caoite ') rocaoin ") rotipe ") Aegma ■5) imglaoiu ") fursaudi«^ '■') caomtoga 268 KrXO MEYER, 13 liíad äille lat dala cur dam-sa arnad imracul,') is lestar n-oir [as] Ian d'fln ciall glan la criilli nach anmlu. 14 Do duine tenien is gle bat cara, bat cocele, fri findruine, fath is prap, co bräth nimgeib-) a format. N. g. f. X)i> J)ösc Schwief/ermntter. (Additional 30,512, fo. 33a m. inf.). Is dobran I'e minlascacb, seobacc re hénaibh sléibhe, catt re \odiaid. cú re muic hen mic is niathair chéile. Die Tonsur allein tut es nicht. (British Museum, Additional 33,993, ^) S. 7b m.) Coröin do chur isi'') cenn, numba deóin le Eigh na rann, bia in t-anum co liainmech de, munbo eairnech*) in craidhe. Zeichen des Alters. (Brüsseler Handschrift 5100, S. 6.) Is e airrdhe na crine: dibe, delus is deine, biiille Siebh forsna siüle, lámh for na glíiine ag éirge. Schrei be rh itte. (Ibidem.) For cubhas caicli léglifas leir ocus fögfas senadii sir. tabradh bennachtain in lain'') for anmain an triiaigli roscrib. ') iomracal -) ni "eip ») reryamcnthandschrift aus dem Ende des 15. Jahrhunderts. Sie enthält u.a. auf fo.la — lb Tain Bó Eegamain, fo.lb — 2b Tain Bó Dar- tada, fo.2b^3b Siaburcharpat Conculaind (Fragment); fo.4a — 5b Tocianaxc Etáíne {Fragment); fo. 5b — 7a die irische Version von Maundeville (s. Zeit- schrift II, S. I), fo. 7b — 8a Auraicept no Tecusc Morainn, ferner eine Anzahl Gedichte auf einzelne Stämme und Familien. *) :^ isa '') =^ coirnech ' mit einer Tonsur versehen '. ") .i. aguus Dei MITTEILÜKGEN AUS IKISCHEN HANDSCHKIFTEN. 260 Mac Co ins i cedit it. (Ibidem, S. 6.) Der Dichter tröstet Derhail, die Tochter Tadys, über den ^\'rhtst ihres Sohnes Aed. 1 Abair dam-sa re Derbail, ta^air re liii.g:bm Taidg tüaith. nä denadh ditbre di . . .,i) ul le fein an frltbe fuaii-. 2 Xä ferad debaid re Dia, re Rig belaigb bttha cé. adradh don tslicbt for atu ...'-) ... donneach nar le. 3 Leigedh an rigan a rec[b]t, tr[eiged] bitb brecht is a bruc, gé cáine gacb ben a mac, anti dorat as e rue. 4 Cai- doilge [le] ingbin Taidg éc Aodha aird, aidbble uird, inä d'Ecbtaigh a bás bróin Corbmoic bí7í Ciiinn ö [I\Iaig Luirg.] 5 OcMA- is luga roletb cuniba dar Saidb, soillsi a dath, la iar tuitim Eogain uill ecus Aii-t maic [Cbuinn] hi ccatb. 6 Xocbar isligb Bebinn blaith faidb a guil guaitb risin ngeice. dar' maibh Ciic[li]ulainn grinn ... a mac Frscb for Linn finn Féicc. 7 Nocha lugha rocaoi in ben Cäintigern da treb da s . . . bás Mongäin i nGartüir glain don ail doteilcc Artüir air. 8 Xocba ferr le rign[ai] rain bäs Lsegaii-e meic näir Neill in bbail itá lecbt in Ifeich roselt o ga?itb is ó ghr[éin]. 9 Xir ferr le Fe[d]lim in mbeirt easbaidb Eire, immain le a mac, dar' thuit mac Coirpri ina f[uil] le Conall ar Muigh Bregb bale. 10 O'tcualaid Écuba in gnlmb, de noeba derna snimh s[üaill], don racheim rucc Ei chtair an dar gabb fa gaibb Aieheil uair. 11 Cidb mor do maitbiibh mac rlgb roratbaigb cec/j gnlmb cen gliaidb. fada atäthar ar a rain dail a mäthar ina ndiaidb. 12 Xacb cüalaidb Derbail dar Dia nach mo le Crist cäidh co ceól, gémad grúg leis gacb righ ran nä do ládb a drucbt don feór? 13 Xl mo leis blätb droigin duibb ecus cäcb do cbur 'na cbin.3) itir tuile is träigb is tor inä duille da ebor d'fidb. 14 Leiccedb a daghmac do Dia, bud be flach da n-adhradh i,'') met grädha a mei'c lennaig le bud é med a chennaigh di. ') Durch Abstofsen des Bandes sind die Zeilenenden meist U7ikserlich geworden. ») atu'.u (?) mit c über n (?). *) i. e. chinn ') di MS. 270 K1"N0 JIETER. 15 Tabradli cro|i]s CiTst dar a liucht, adradli don Eigh darab ced, seaclinadli seacb ifreaiin ugarbh ugrod go port ua ii-apstal 's na n-abb. Abair.') ('orhiimc UHÍlennam cecinit. (YBL. S.4201), II. 3. 18, S.37, 23. G. 3, S. 37, 23.G.25, S. 13, 23.N.11, S. 179.) 1 Kocbair cliéille coistecbt, eocbair seirce samud,^) eocbair ecna umla, eocbair cbundla cnlbiid. 2 Eocbair ratba rocbrutb, eocbair socbra') saidbre, eocbair nóibe^) naire, eocbair aille ainmue. 3 Eocliair ferge tuasáit, eocbair atbcboir ecbta,^) eocbair sainte soirtbius/') eocbair tboirrcbius'j tecbta. 4 Eocbair giiinia gaisced, eocbair amsa^) ailecb, eocbair luire'-') mellgal, eocbair enguam"*) enecb. 5 Eocbair iiaisle étacb, eocbair cbádais cenuacbt,") eocbair duaisi'-*) di'iana, eocbair búada benuaclit. 6 Eocbair feicbim'^) ferauii. eocbair aile'^) opad, eocbair cbomais coinnmed, eocbair cboidben cocad. 7 Eocbair '=■) dibe diultad, eocbair seilbe seccad, eocbair ferta feile, eocbair peine peccad. 8 Eocbair táma laisse, eocbair- timme tecbed, eocbair I'laisle áisse,'*) eocbair báisse brefel. 9 Eocbair tniitba'') trebad, eocbair dotla dúarcus, eocbair cumainn'"') cuidbde, eochaii- siiirge súarcus. 10 Eocbair fessa foglaim, eocbair eta anble, eocbair cirte'-') comrainu. eocbair dograing-") daidbre. 11 Eocbair liiida hiardacbt, eocbair congair cuitriud, eocbair forrain forlonn, eocbair comlonn'-') cuitbiud. ') Slicht an liubair n'laidli innsin '-) e. sesaim sásdacht G ') sochair 1' *) iiaeinihe Y, iieime H ^) e. echuir dachta H ") saidbrius 1' ') thoirchiws 1' ") anisach 1' °) mille G ") d'eugnam G ") cennsaclit G '') dúasa // ") feichimh i', feiche H >) aille G '") Diese Strophe fehlt in 0) aoisi G, isle // ") tuúide E ") coinain Y ") ceirte H, ceille 1' ') dddliraiiii!; V ") comhluiiiu G MITTEIIA'NGEN ATS lUISCnHN HANDSCHRIFTEN. 2/1 12 Ronulítne ') Dia dUes ar ifernn í'éig feocliair, na rop ass-) nio iilanad glass ro hiadad^) d'eocbair. E. jyie acht Hören zur Bekämp/'ung der Todsünden. (H. 3. 18, S. U.) Vgl. Wh. Stokes, Lives of Saints from the Book of Lismore, S. XVIII. 1 Ocht n-airic[h] go ngolaige rongléat go grian na boclit trátha togbaide dia ndicbar cc di'an. 2 Prim fri cairib comsidi, tert fii feirg na fátb, medönläi súairc soillside*) fri betrad ngér ngiiátb. 3 Nöin fi'i baigid n-accoba[i]r ös mur talniau tinn, esparta suairc socomail flaind fri toirsi timni.^) 4 Comple/i fri snim secbmallac/i, isi in comroinn coir, iarmi^rge liar letbrannacb fri nioidmuigi möir. 5 Tiugnäir me/c De dilgetbuigb fi-i dimmus nderg ndocht, CO ronsaora, a righbretbaig, a Isu, ar in ocbt. 6 Is tuideelit dar [ JrTagaíV, bid bitbbuan a olc, a ndenat ua fnatbc[h]leirigb na tri tratb da boclit. Hintei'lassetischa/t eines Mönches. (Ibidem, S. 10 a.) largrinde (no iargrine) gacb manaig lar n-egaib 7 a dicelt .i. a brat tri leth n-uinge 7 léne letbe n-uigge 7 a c[b]aindten foirpe 7 a c[h]ercbaill cluimhe 7 a geinibin") claisi 7 a c[b]ris cuipre 7 a da ass 7 a di eocbra 7 a di lanibann 7 a fidhbac 7 a feac 7 a sltiasat 7 a c[b]omain') 7 a mias 7 a ardán 7 a c[bJolpacb firind ing>isi 7 iuman screpaill*') 7 a saillmt' a chis fein don C[h]oimdhe, nä imrir/ re inraidh ort, dena fúisitin gan iarair. caith fo thri 'sa bliadain corp. IG Bidh CO liumal é&caid indra/c, nä rub uglidar indisin sgél, den"*) mo c[h]omairle mur aderim, duit doberim is iohcr. Dobér. ■) déuadli MS. •') flegliuib MS. 3) eiridlisi MS. ') fleigli MS. ') Über dem g ein Strich. ") deiia mit punctum delens unter dem a. Liverpool. Kuno Mkyer. THE IRISH LIVES OF GUY OF WARWICK ANIJ BEVIS OF HAMPTON. (Contimtalion.) [Bethadh Bibuis o Hamtuir.] 1. [p. 3-i8aj Bui iarla saidhbii-, socarthauacb a Saxanaibh doshinnrudh diarba comainm Sir Gyi o Hamtuir, 7 dochaith se da trian a aisi 7 a aimsii-i re gaisced 7 re gnatliirgail; 7 ni roibhi bancLeile aigi risin re-sin. 7 Tugiidm- a aes gradha mur coDiurle do iugen righ Albim do tbabairt mur mnai. 7 Is amlaidh robui an ingen-sin, 7 rogradli adbulmor aici do mac an imper Almaindigh .i. Para a ainm-sidhe, 7 dobidh sei-sin di-si mur sin. 7 Gidhedh is i fa comurli le righ Albun a thaburt d'iarla 0 Hamtuir ar egla a laime 7 a dighultits, uair ni roibi acht sruth Biroigi eturra, 7 gxirb eidir le hiarla 0 Hamtuir a les no a n-aimles do denum. Tug iarla 0 Hamtuir ingen righ Albun, 7 dorindi a banais iarum, 7 thug leis hi da chathraigh fein; 7 nil- chian di gur ba halacht hi, 7 dorug gein minalainn mic, 7 tucadh Bibus d'ainm fair, 7 tugadh da oilemain e do Sir ■Saber .i. ridiri crodha fa derbrathair don iarla, rl-. ') 2. Aroile la dia roibi in cunndais cruadcuisech-sin aga fothrugudh ina seomi-a 7 docunnaicc si a delbh fein 7 adubaiil: 'Is truagh dhamh', ar-si, "senoir crichthach,-) crolinntech ar caithemh forgla a aisi 7 a aimsh-i do bheth mur cheile agum 7 mo cheile comaiu-si 7 mo cetgradli d'feruibh in talman .i. in ') 1. et reliqua. ') 1. wechtach'i Zeitschrift f. celt, i'hilolo^ 274 í". N. ROBINSON, t-imiier o«: Almaindecli gan banclieile íós dorn serc-si ; dom sirgradli. 7 da fliedur', ar-sí, 4s gerr co u-ingen a tlioil 7 a sinnian". Tus' an oigrighan-sin sguiger da muindtir fein cuici, 7 dogab minda ruin') fair, 7 do- [348b] lig a coibhsena fris 7 dogliell iia li-uili mhaith dó 7 dul uaithi a teclituii-echt coruicci in iniperi, 7 a rad ris beth deich cet-) ridiri derbtha da mortegli- lach fein a furais fiadhaigh iarla 0 Hamtuir indara la do sliann-ud. Dala in sguigir roimigii roimhe asa haithli co catliraigh an impir, 7 fuair in t-imi)er innti, 7 roinnis a thosca 7 a techtaireclit do co liincleitli. 7 Ba luthmenma lasin imperi na scela-sin; 7 roghell co n-ingued mur adubradli ris, 7 adubairt CO n-ingned ridiri don sgniger fon am-sin. Tanicc in sgiiiger tarais a cenn ingine rigli Albun. 7 Ba niait[li] leisi a menma ona scelaibli sin, 7 doing as mur sin co tosuch samraidh, 7 dolig si galair gnasachtach bregi da hinnsuigi fon am-sin, 7 adubairt co roiblii si a n-guasacht bais. Roflarfaigh in t-iarla cred tanic re no in roibe furtaclit uirre. Adubairt an di'oclaben celgacli, mailisech, 'Ata, niadli ail let-sa', ar-si, '.i. mo saitli d'fheoil oc- cullaigli allta domuirbfiglii a furais an cuain do tliabaii-t dam", ar-si. 'Dogebuir-si sin', bar in t-iarla, 'uair rachad-sa a maruch gun mouindtir^) d'fagliail in cullaigli-sin duit." ' Na beir aniduine let', ar-si, 'acht do gilla con cud fir-*) cloidhim. uair ni fhuil egla do muir na do thir fort, uaii- dogeudais do sluaigh-si garta seitrecha selga, 7 dobrisfidis fiadhac na furaisi na pailisi com- daigin claraigh ata ina timcill, 7 dofiucfigi an furais gan fhiadliach.' Imtus iarla 0 Hamluir ar niaidin iarna marach docuaidh isin furais co n-uathadh nuiindtiri maran ris, 7 doligedur an gadhur 7 dolabur^) asa haithli. 7 Docuaidh in t-iarla ara cinn ar in conuir 7 ni rairigh ?enni no co facaidh in t-imperi ina dochum CO ndrecht ndana, [349a] ndasachtach, ndifhuluing, ar n-iadhad ina urthimchell; 7 rocaithsid frais fergach, firneimnecb da n-arniaibh ar «nsligidh ris. Tue in t-iarla lamtapadh l.Tchda. lanarraclita fora cloidim 7 dogab do beimeannaibh bithnertmura fur niuindtii- an imper, co torcuir cet^) lajcli lanehalma don cet- ruathar leis. 7 Docuaidh iar-sin mur a facaidh an t-imper. 7 tug builli bithchalma do gur trasgair asa dilait e 7 cromuis air ') Perhaps mind a ruin, 'an oath of her secret'. '-') MS. .X. c. ^) 1. »10 mhuintir. •) Reading uncertain. ') 1. dolodur'i ') MS. .c. THE IKISH LIFE OF BE VIS OF HAMPTON. dih iar-siu dia') choscairt 7 dia cnanigerradh. Docliuadur 11a liAl- maiunig eturra co lianachta. 7 dorugadur in t-imper on toruind- siu, 7 docuredur ar ecli allata, arderniach é, 7 roiadhadar a timcliill an iarla. 7 romarbudur a sdét. 7 robiii in t-iarla da chois. 7 urluigbi arrachta, ainntreannta, irgalach. 7 comach cuaimgerrta aigi aga tabairt ar muindtir an iinperi. Is ann-sin adubairt in t-imperi: 'A iarla 0 Hamtuirr', ar-se, 'tabur thu fein budhesta, 7 dogebuir h'anum'. Adubairt in t-iarla: 'Da tugtha- sa ced imtliechta damh 7 mo ben 7 mo mac do breith Hum, doberuinn me fein duit.' 7 Dogell in t-imperi sin do, 7 roiar a cloidiui aran iarla asa liaithli, 7 tug an t-iarla sin do. 7 Anuair fa-rainic in cloidim a láim an imperi aingidhi. etroccuir, tug beim bedguimach bais don iarla gur these a chenn da coluind, 7 docuir tech i a leisin cenn cum ingiue rigb Albun mur sed suirgi, 7 fa luthairech le cenn a fir d'faicsin mur sin. Adubairt Bibus 0 Hamtuir. 7 se a cinn teora bliadan ann-sin, "A merdreach, mailisech, mitlisemaunach ', ar-se. 'is truagh in gnim doronuis .1. in t-seniarla is ferr robiii sa cristaigecht do marbadh let; 7 rachaidb sind co hole duit fós'. Rolonnaighedh 7 roluath- fer[g]aighedh in righan rena mac 7 rocuir fo pein a anma ar Sii* Saber bas do thabairt do Bibus. Adubairt Sir Saber co tibradh, [349b] 7 dorug leis co prap he, 7 dochoimil [use 7 ola] de, 7 docuir sin delbh dochraidh, doaithennta fair. 7 Docuir edach deroil, drochdatha uime, 7 docuii- an gleuntaibh fiadamla fasaigh do comet muc é. Conidh i adhaigh^) iarla Hamtuir sin. 3. Dala in imperi iarum, tainic roime sa cathraigh cona muindtir, 7 rohullmuighedb fledh bainnsi do; 7 in tan rob ullamh in lledh, dorinded aithfreann posta doibh. 7 Docuadui- iarum do chaithem na baindsi; 7 rodailedli in fledh forra, 7 ro- eirigh seiseilbe 7 sarmenma isna . sloghaibh. 7 Dobi Bibus 0 Hamtuir an la-sin faris na mucuib ar comgar na cathrach, 7 doruc crain acu bainb, 7 domarbudur buachailli na muc cuid dona banbhuibh, 7 robadur aga n-ithi do grisaigh, 7 dobi Bibus aga ithi leo. Adubradar^) na buachailli: 'Mor an metachus duit, a Bibuis, beth a cuidiugudh na mbanb-sa linne, 7 banais do ') dia Í8 corrected from do in the MS. ») MS. .Hi. ») 1. aidhedh. ♦; MS. A. d. 18* 276 F. N. HOBINSON, inathai- aca caitliem a ndunadh Irathar ; do shenathar aiiiugh?' Koiniig Biblis iiallia leis-sin, 7 docuaidh co dorus na catliracli. 7 docuala') se greadan 7 garta grenaclia na gasraighi ag ol na fleidi. Tanic Bibus co dorus na cathracli, 7 roiar oslugud; fochtuis in doirrseoir cuidli búi ann. Adubaii't Bibus ba he muiccidlii Sil- Saber. Adubairt in doirrseoir gur maith in dil esanora e tri iarraidh teacht sa cathraigh. 'An licfir astegh me?' ar Bibus. 'Ni licedh", ar-se. '7 da mbeinn amuig docur- finn a aithrechus ort techt dh'iarraidh osluicce.' Adubairt Bibus: 'Da mbeithe-sa amuig agum-sa'. ar se, 'docurfind a aithrechus ort gan mo ligen astegli." Dofergaighedh in doirrseoir trit-sin 7 tanic do'-*) marbadh Bibuis. Dotoguib Bibus in caman crom- cennach cuill. robi aigi ag timain na miic, 7 robuail builli co brighmar a mbathais an doirrseora de, 7 ba marbh in doirrseoir de-sin. Dochuaidh [350 a] Bibus asteg in tan-sin amesc na sluagh 7 docunnuic se in t-imper. 7 atbert fris do guth ard, fhollusglan: 'A tigerna iniperi', ar-se, 'is felltach. furmudach in gnim do- ronuis .i. in t-iarla uasal, oirbidnech do marbadh gan fhochuin do miau na merdrighi meblaighi. miceirdighi sin fur do gualainn". 7 Adubairt: "Ber do meirdreach let ad crich 7 ad catliraigh fein. 7 fag m'oighreacht 7 mo cathair dam-sa. uair is me Bibus. mac iarla 0 Hamtuir'. Eofurail in t-imper Bibus do ceangal 7 do cruadhcuibrech. larna clos-sin do Bibus, roglac a caman co calma, cruadhnertmur. 7 robuail tri builli aran imper de innus gur bris 7 gur bruid in cumdach clochbuadhach. cengailti robui fura ceun an imperi, 7 gur dhoirt a fhuil co falcmar, 7 rotras- cair fon mbord é. Is ann-sin roeirgedur teghlach 7 tromtiuol in imperi do malairt Bibuis. Dala Bibuis iarom roeirigh roinie co dana. dethtapaidh, 7 domarbh dronga dibh lena chaman. 7 docuaidh asin cathraigh amach. 7 Tarria Sir Saber ina coinne do. 7 adubairt: 'A Bibuis'. ar-se, '.i. is truagh an gnim doronuis .i. dul sa cathraigh congairigh, ar egla h'aitlieimta innti, 7 co tiu- radais bas duit da festais cia thü. 7 Dogendais an cetna rium-sa da mbeth a fis') acu co mairinn tu'. Adubairt Bibus: 'Is maith in gnim doronus', ar-se, 'oir is doigh gur dilus m'athair 7 gur marbus in t-imper'. Tarna clos-sin do Sir Saber dorug se Bibus ') l'erhaps rather to be expanded docualaidh. It is not written out fully anywhere in these texts. ') MS. do a, with do above the line. ') a fis above the line. THE IRISH LIFE OF llEVIS OF HAMPTON. 277 leis 7 rofhoilitiii e ina caislén feúi. Eoimderg- 7 roaithisigh in t-imper ingin rigli Albun 7 adubairt gur gell si bas do tabairt do Biblis, 7 0011 deiTiia-si brég ara gelladli. Doraidh in righan: *Doberim-si mo bnathur", [350b] ar-si, "gur sailes co fiiair se bas'. Is ann-sin tauic iugen righ Alban aniach, 7 adubab-t re Sir Saber: 'A treturaigli, fiiallsa'. ar-si, "adiibrais co tucuis bas do Bibns, 7 to[itfir fein] con do ninái 7 do mac arson in gnima dorindi Biblis '. 7 Dogabadh Sir Saber iar-sin 7 a ben 7 a mac .i. Tirri, 7 dobadar aca cur cum bais. lama clos-siu do Bibus tainic amach a fiadhnuse na righna 7 adubairt: 'A righan reclit- mur, roaingidhi, sserter Sir Saber let 7 a ben 7 a mac ann a neinichin, 7 dentur do thoil fein dim-sa, osa me dorinde in gnim.' Dogabadh Bibus iar-sin, 7 rosaerad Sir Saber cona mnai 7 cona mac, 7 adubairt ingen righ Alban') re dis ridiri da nuiindtir do marbadh 7 oomurtha a claiti do thabairt cuici. Dorugadur na ridiri Bibus leo dia milliudh. 7 robensat a etach de. 7 anuair docuiuicadur gnuis alainn. furbailigh inn oig-maic, rogab truaighi 7 tromneimeile iat 7 adubradar na ridiri: 'Is truagh duind', ar-siat. 'bas inn oig-mic neimcinntaigh-so do beth ar ar n-an- main'. Adubairt Sir Sabei-: "A ridiri uaisli, trocureacha ', ar-sé, 'denaidh-si co maitli .i. racaidh in mac risin luing paganta ata ag fagbail in cuain, 7 berdid sin an oiiTter in domuin é, 7 ni fuighter a scela co brach aris'. 7 Dorinrudur-) amlaidh, 7 dorucadur na ridiri edach Bibuis iarna gerradh lena n-armaib Ian d'fuil coriiigi in righuin. Conidh e-sin loinges Bibuis. 4. Dala na luingi inar cuiredh Bibus, nir an si noeo ran- gadur d'iath toictech. tromconaicli na .Aleirmidonda moire sa Greig. 7 Robui paganach poinnighi. primarrachta ina rig furan crich-sin .i. Eirmin a ainm-sidhe. 7 Dobronnsad furenn na luiugi Bibus don righ. 7 rofiarfaigh Ermin scela de, cuidli e budein 7 ca tir do. Adubairt Bibus: 'Mac d'iarla Saxanach [351a] me', ar-sé, *7 romarbadh mathair a fell, 7 dogentaighi me fein mur an cetna da mbertai orum '. Adubairt in ri : ' Creid dom deib-si ', ar-sé, '7 dober-sa m'ingen do bancheile duit, 7 dodén oighri dit ar mo tigerntus'. Adubairt Bibus nach treiccfed a tigerna fein .i. in t-athair nemdha. ar maithus na cruinne co comlan. Dala ') riyh Alban added in the margm. ') 1. dorinnedur. 278 F. N. EOBIXSON, Bibuis iarum robüi se seclit ') mbliadna a g^llacht ech don righ. Ai-oile la dia ude[ch|adar2) sescad ridiri do muindtir Ermin do gnim a n-ecli 7 Bibus marnen riu. 7 Adbert ridiri dibh: "A Bibhuis'. ar-se, 'in fidir tu créd é uaisliu an lae aniu isin crich 7 isin cienifeninn a rugadli tu?' Adubairt Bibhus: 'Ni eumuin lium créd i uaisli au l;é aniugh ann, uair ataim secht ') mbliadna 0 d'fbag an talam a rugud me, 7 secht ') mbliadna ele m'áis da fagbair. Adubairt in ridiri: 'Ni mur sin dam-sa', ar-se; 'is cumain lium créd an uaisli fuil aguibli-si aran la aniu, uair is comainm na haidbchi aréir da rucadh in dia da creidi-si. 7 Is iat ar seinnsir-ne docroch he, is la nodlag ainm an lae aniugh aguib-si a crichuib Saxan'. Adubairt Bibhus: 'Is truagh lium- sa', ar-se, 'gan nert agum a digailt oruibh-si a admail curob iad bur [sinsirj^) tug pais dom tigerna'. Adubradar^) na ridiri l>aganta: 'Da mbeth nert agud-sa, dodenta sin", ar-siat, '7 es againne ata, dodenum an cetna rit-sa'. Docruinnigedur in da triehad ridiri ar wnslighi docum Bibuis dia malairt. larna faicsin-sin do Bibus doben se a cloidheam don ridiri roba nesa do dibh, 7 dobuail é fein de co nderna da n-ordiiin de. 7 Eobuail fa na ridiribh iarum, 7 romarb uile iat acht sentriar nania docuaidh le luas a n-eeh mur a roibhi in ri do chosaid in gmma- sin. Docuaidh Bibus ina seomra [^351 b] co ferg n-adbuil tre gan dil a shainnti d'faghail doua paganachaibh. Docuadur an triar ridiri sin, docuaidh ^) as 0 Bibus le cosait cum an righ, 7 ro- iiiusidur Bibus do marbadh na lidiri. Docuir an ri techta arcenu Bibuis, 7 roiaradur na techta leo é acenn in righ. Dotho- gaibh Bibus a cenn ona édach, 7 robadur a shuili ar merlasudh ina cinn le ruamanntacht na rofergi. 7 Adubairt Bibus: 'Da mad ridiri no lucht gaisgidh dotiucfad leisin techtairecht-sin, ni liccfind eladhach betha beo dibh, 7 ni flu lium echt anuasal na gillannrach do marbadh. Tangadur na techta coruigi in rig; roinnsidar nar fivm Bibus leo. Adubairt Sisian, ingen Ermin, CO rachadh fein d'agallaim Bibuis, 7 docuaid co ndröing niöir d'uasalmnaim maran ria, 7 roaigill si Bibus do briathraibh ■) MS. .7. ') MS. deadar. ') MS. indistinct. ') MS. A .1 ') docuaidh appears to be a mistaken repetition of dociuidiir, and I have omitted it in translating. THE IRISH LIFE OF BEVIS OF HAMPTON. 279 blasta, binngloracha. 7 Dotluun sin ferg Bibuis, 7 tainic leisin righaiii aceim in righ, 7 roinnis d'Ermin in t-adhbur trinar maibh se na ridiri. Adabaiit in righ: 'Maithmid duit marbadh na ridiri'. ar-se, '7 dobermid cairt do shidha diiid, uair tuicniid in tan ata in grad úd agud aran righ nach facais riam curub mo na sin do gradh orum-sa, uair is me in ri docuuncais'. Conidli amlaidh-sin dosaeradh Bibus ar marbadh na ridiri. 5. Aroile hi iarum robi'ii Eirmin a n-oirechtus ar cede na cathrach. connfaca ridiri da mmaiyhi 7 ech seng, salach, suaiti fái, 7 dothuirrling aran fod a liadhnuse in rig, 7 robennaigh do. Fochtuis in ri scela de, 7 adubairt in ridiri: 'Atait scela mora', ar-se, '.i. cnllach naimdeamail neme ar teclit ad crich^si 7 ad caemferuun, 7 daine 7 innilli imdha ar toitim les. Cuii'tenna 7 caislein aga trascairt cum talma/« co tromnertmur 7 ni hincomrac fer in talman tromfoidigh ') risin pest naimdeamail, nemcar- thanaigh-sin, 7 is iat-sin mo scela', [352 aj ar an ridiri. Doraid in ri CO tiubradh se fonu 7 feronn, or 7 airged 7 na huili niai'th donti dotraethfadh in best-) bithgranda, bedgnimach-sin, 7 ni fuair fer a freastail ara theglach na ara tromshochruidi. Dala Bibuis iarum. ar faghail uaingis do dorug eideth 7 arm 7 ech leis, 7 docuaidh d'iarraidh in cuUaigh neme. Dobi Sisian in tan- sin ar barr a grianain 7 docunnaic si Bibus ag dul do comruc risin pest nemi, 7 adubairt Sisian: 'Is truag mo chuit de sin', ar-si, 'uair is tu fer is annsa lium d'feruibh in talman, 7 ni fin lium scela do innsin duit ar romét m'oigrechta 7 mo maithusa fein, 7 nach fes damh cred i h'uaisli-si na h'athaiidecht. 7 Gideth da marbha in cullach thú, dogebh bas co bithurrlmn dod cumaidh, a Bibuis', ar-si. Docuaidh Bibus iar-sin coruigi in furais ana ndubrad ris in cullach do beith. 7 tug builli brigmur, bithcalma fui' in mbarr mbuabuill robiii aigi. 7 nir cian dofacaidh ina comduil in cullach cráesmór. cuibfhiaclach, cruadhcomlannach, 7 suUe dubha, doimne. duaibhsecha, dofhechsana ioa cinn, 7 mailgi^) mora, modardha osa dercuibh, 7 lasair lonm-ach, loin- derrdha ag techt tri polluibh a srona co seitreach, sirchalma, 7 asa gin gnúsgórm, grainemail, 7 cseba cruaidhrighni, crefoigi aga ciir asa cosaibh co coilgdhirech aigi; 7 dairgi') dainngni, dimóra, ') MS. tromfoidigh. ') The spelling with b is carried out in the arljectives. ä) Capital initial in MS. 280 F. X. KOBiy'ON, 7 cairrgi comnra doch a^a ngerradh co cruafllinertmur. co fortill. firarraclita aigi ag lúathlimadli 7 ag lanlimliugudh a fiacal arcinn in coniluimi 7 in cathaigi-sin; 7 tulca') tromlhalnian 7 caiiTgi coniora clocli aigi aga dilgen do gacli leth do dronn a shuic 7 a srona, Docunnaic Bibus in cuUach ina dochum: doleig spuir CO spraicemail isin sded, 7 docliuaidh co segmur, socraidhech a coinne in cnllaigh. [352b] 7 Tug sathadli sanntach sleglii for in cullacli, 7 docuir ina craes hi, 7 dorindi in cullach blodha beca, brisdi, bnaniebhtlia do crann na sleghi iarna cogaint co cicaracli do. 7 Donocht Bibus a cloidhem co cetfadach iar mbrisedh a shlegbi, 7 dorindi urlaidbi ainmin, ainnsergach risin cullacli CO ttorcur leis niarbh gan anmain a furcinn in comhluind. 7 Doben a cenn de asa haithli, 7 docuir arcenn a sleglii é, 7 docbuaidh ara sdét 7 rodermuid a cloidhemh aran fód arar clai se in cullach, 7 dogluais roime cum na catlirach. 7 Eobadur da ridiri dec do mnindtir Ermin a coimét na fiuaisi in la-sin, 7 docunncadur Bibus ag fagbail na furaisi 7 cenn an cullaigh aigi ar imchur. Adubradar na ridiri: "An feicidh in treturach, celgach, cristaighi ar niarbadh in cullaigh nemi? 7 imrein has air, 7 bei-im cenn an cullaigh linn cum in righ, 7 abrum curub sinn domarbh é, 7 dogebum ar mbreath fein on ri'. Docuadur da ridiri dec na furaisi a coindi Bibuis dia malairt 7 dia mormar- badh, 7 ni roibi d'arm ag Bibus cum a cosanta acht fedli laime laicli do crann cruaidh, craisighi, 7 domarbh se seiser dona ridirib do tri builli don crann-sin. Docuadur seiser ele as dibli le luas a n-ech mur a roibh in righ, 7 doronsad cosaid in guinia- sin. Eobui Sisian, ingen Ermin, ac feithem in comhraic-sin aga dhenum, 7 docuaidh si mur a roibi a hathair 7 roinnis do mur ddfhelladur ridiri coimeda na furaisi ar Bibus 7 mur domarb se seiser dib le bloidh bic do crann sleghi, 7 dosha?r sin Bibus .i. in lethscel dogab Sisian do. 6. Fecht n-8en dia roibhi Eirniin ar faithci a dúnadh do- cunnuic drong do ridiribh ac techt ina comdhail 7 litreaclia fo selaib acu, 7 roindsedur na litreaclia co roiblii Bramon .i. ri na Damaisci ag [353a] techt [d'iarraidh Sisian ingine Ermin] dais no d'ecin. Is ann-sin roiiarfaigh Ermin do Thosian^) nar cet le ') Cajiital initial in MS. ') 1. Shisian? The form in the text might be due to the iuHuence of tlie name Josiane in the English original. THE IRISH LIFE OF BEVIS OF HAMPTON. 281 a tahairt do lirámon .i. do ri na Daniaisci; adubairt Sisiaii liar cheat. •Credh in t-adhbur?' ar in righ. 'Is é is adbur dam', ar-si. '.i. curob me is oigri ort-sa, 7 da faglitha bas comad e in fer dobetli agum-sa dobeth na righ isin cricli-so tar h'eis, 7 daniad e Branion roba ferceile dam ni hannsa crich-so [do]- anfadli se acht a ciscain do breith leis ina thir fein 7 an tir-so do cur a tai'caisue tre gan ri dobeth a conmaidhe innti; 7 is e sin in t-adhbui" nach cet Hum mo thabairt do Bramon'. Adu- bairt an rig: 'Cred ele do denum?' ar-se. "Dodeniiir co maith', ar-si '.i. dena-sa ridiri do Bibus 0 Hamtuir, 7 budh moidi leis a menma é, 7 tabur cennus do sluaigh do, 7 cuir romud a tosuch cat ha e. 7 dorn doigh-si dodenase gnim greannmur gaiscidh, uar docunnac-sa e ac marbadh in cullaigh neime 7 an t-seisir ridiri le fedh laime do crann sleghi. Dorindi Ermin iarsin ridiri do Bibus, 7 tue Sisian sciath 7 cloideam 7 ech do, Arindel ainm in eich 7 Morgl» ainm in cloidim. Tanicc iarsin ri na Damaisci cona múrsluagaibh d'innrudh 7 d'argain na ileirmidoine. Docuir Krmin a sluagh ar enslighi 7 dochuaidli se a coinne Bramoin. 7 Docuaidh Bibus a tus in catha co feramail, firarrachta, 7 torcair catiia 7 ceta leis co luath. 7 Docomruicc se re ri na Damaisci iar marbadh do in crai catha robui aga imcoimét, 7 rogab se in ri amesc a muintiri. 7 docuir cengal 7 cuibrigthi air, 7 dorug a n-airginaib broide 7 gabala é, 7 tue do righ na Meirmidoine e dia coimed. Roimpa [353 b] Sir Bibus iarsin re sluaghaibh na Damaisc 7 rogab 1) a ciu" a n-air, 7 fuair se dias do muiudtir Eirmin aga ndicennud a sluaghaibh na Damaisci, 7 ros*rad leis iat, 7 torcuir in di-ong robui aga ndicennudh les. 7 Dolenadur in da ridiri sin Sir Bibus a haitli a furtachta. Tareis coscair 7 commaiti in catha sin tanic Bibus cnedach, crechtach, comurtach tara ais co cathair na Meiimedoine. Adu- bairt Ermin re Sisian Sir Bibus do breith le da leiges inan-) grianan fein. Conidh amlaidh sin docuir Sir Bibus in cath-sin ar righ na Damaisci, 7 reliqua. 7. Dala righ na Meirmidoine iaruni. doboin se a uili maitiius mur fhuasgladh as righ na Damaisci, 7 fregra cisa 7 cana ar fedh a betha 7 comurle Ermin do denum ar gach ni. Dala ') 7 ro is repeated in the MS. 2) 1. ina-^ 282 F. N. ROBINSON, Sisian, inline Ermin. dorug si Bibus le da leigfiis, 7 docuir na suidhi ar colba a liimduig-i he. 7 adubairt ris: 'A Sir Bibuis', ar-si, 'ni fuarus fein re fag-allaim tu coruigi so, uair is tu mo rog-ha nuachair 7 mo cetgradh d'feniibb an betha, 7 is tu is ail Hum do beth mar ceile aguni'. Adubairt Bibus: '><'i cubaid rit beth agum-sa', ar-sé, 'uair ni fuil isin cruinne co comcoitcenn fer nacli fuil a saith do mnai innud; 7 a rigan', ar-sé, 'ni fuil inme na ardilaithus agum-sa', ar-se, 'acht mina faghar le nert mo loiune é, 7 is uime-sin nach dingmala duit-si misi mur fir", ar Bibus. Adubairt in rigan co frithir, fergach: "A amais auuasail 7 a muidh modurdha, micerdaigh. 7 a innarbtoii- dibligi, deroil, drochbertaigh, is iargulta, anuasal in fregra tuguis orum: 7 fag in cathair so, 7 imig romud fur loinges mur is gnath let, 7 dober-sa manera(?)i) bás do tabairt duit'. Adubairt Bibus co foiginneach: "A rigan', ar-se, 'co roibh maith h'anora agudi 7 Gfideth] [354 a] ni hanuasal mese, uair as mac d'iarla uasal mhe as ferr robi-) isin domhan ina aimsir, 7 is i ingeu righ Albaii mo mhatliair. 7 An t-inadh a fuarus in masla 7 in t-imdergadh- sin gan adhbhar, fuigfed gu firaibeil he, 7 in sded 7 in cloidhemh tluigais dam a tuarasdaii bid siad agad fein budhdlieasta '. Ro- fhagaibh Bibus in tor co comfergach, 7 doeuaidh a stabla na n-eeh. Adubairt in righan ar turnad a treinfergi: 'A Bonafais', ar-si, 'is aitrech lem-sa a ndubart re Bibus; 7 da faga se in tellach-so, ni ba buan mo betha-sa da eis; 7 erigh 7 tabur cugum e, 7 dober a breath fein do ina esonoir'. Eoimigh Bonafas a cenn Bibuis, 7 roiar cum na rigna he, 7 rogell a breat fein on rigain do; nir fa^mh Bibus dul leis. 7 Eobui bratt uasal do sida glegel, glangresach fa Bibus, 7 ilimud do [tinlaice?]») oir 7 do legaib lanmaiseelia loghmura ar na cengal 7 ar ua cumdacli furan caemetach-siu, 7 tug Bibus do Bonufas e arson a aisdir. Tanicc Bonufas tarais a cenn na rigna, 7 roindis di gur diult Bibus techt dia hagallaim, 7 adubairt Bonufas ilimud maithesa re Bibus, 7 adubairt nar duine anuasal tug an brat uasal-siu do fein, 7 nar cubaid olc do rad re [fjer'») in taburtuis 7 in tinn- laice-sin. Roeirigh in rigan iar-sin, 7 doeuaidh si mur a roibi Bibus, 7 adubairt ris: 'A Bibuis', ar-si, 'is aithrech Hum a ') Reading doubtful: something is apparently omitted. ') robi repeated in MS. ') MS. very obscure. ') f indistinct in MS. THE IRISH LIFE OF BEVIS OF HAMPTON. 283 ndubart lit, 7 dogebuir do breat fein ann; 7 da madli ail ift niisi do posadh, dogebuind baistedh 7 docreidiinn don Dia da creidi-si". Adubairt Sir Bibus: -Gabhaira-si mui--sin let', ar-se, 7 dogab a lam ina laim, 7 dopogsad a ceile asa haithli, 7 dochuaidh Bibus le isin tor iaruni, 7 docuiredb leighns 7 lesngudh air giir ba slan iar n-othrus. 7 Kobadur ag eistecht risin posad- sin in dias ridiri rosaradb 0 bas le Bibus isin cath roime-sin, 7 dochuadur [354 b] mur a roibi in ri, 7 roindsidui- scela in posta- sin do. 7 adubradar') ris bas d'imirt ar Bibus. Adubairt in rigb gur mor cumain Bibuis fair, 7 nach cuirfedh fein cum bais e. 7 gideih adubairt co cuirfedh a n-inadb baiss^) d'fagail e. Is ann-sin do sgribadh litii- d"Eii-min 7 isscrf robui innti, bas d"imii-t ar Bibus. 7 Adubaii-t in ri re Bibus dul leisin litir-sin cum righ na Damaisci. Adubairt Bibus: 'A thigerna', ai-se, 'ni misi techtaire is cnesta do dul leisin litir-sin co Bramon, uair is me romarb a muindtii-, 7 robris cath fair, 7 rogab e fein, 7 roben a uili maithus de mur fuascailt as, 7 tug fa eis duid-se'. 'Ni misdi sin", ar Ermin, '7 ni ba beguil duit-si aenni ann, 7 is tu is tairisi lium-sa d'feruibh an betha, 7 na her h'ecb na do cloidem let, 7 na scail in litii- noco roichi-si Bramon .i. ri na Damaisci; 7 ber mul socair, sogluasta fud'. Dala Bibuis iarum, rogluais roime co ceimdirech, 7 nir cian do ac siubal na conaire CO facaid an falmaire feramail, firarrachta fur in conair ara cinn, 7 se ag ithi a dineii- .i. tri culbur 7 buidel d'fhin milis 7 bairgen geal. Robennaigh Bibus don oilirteeh, 7 rofreaguir in t-oilirtech e mm- an cetna, 7 dothairg pairt don diner do Bibus. Eotuirrling Bibus, 7 aduaigb a cuid don diner, 7 rofiarfaigh Bibus scela don oilirteeh ca tir do, 7 cred in t-aistir robui fair. Adubairt in t-oil[i]rtech: "Eidiri Saxanach me', ar-se, 'Sir Tirri m'ainm. 7 mac do Sir Saber me, 7 a lorgairecht Bibuis 0 Hamtuir ataim, uair is clann da derbrathair sinn nar ndis .i. Bibus 7 misi. 7 Dobenadh a tigerntus uili dom athair acht aen tor daingin difogluighti ina full se fein, 7 tanag-sa do siubal in domhun d'iarraidh Bibuis 0 tantuir',») ar-se, '7 an full enfocal da sceluibh agud-sa?' ar-se. 'Ata', ar Bibus, 'uair ni mo na da aidchi 0 cunnac-sa e, 7 is inunn met 7 delb [355 a] do 7 damh- >) MS. a. d. ') This word is divided by a hole in the MS ') J. Hamtuir. 284 F. N. ROBINSON, sa'. -Tuicim airsin curob tu fein he', ar Tirri. 'Me', ar Bibus, ' 7 im])uidli-si tar li'ais mur a fuil h'athair, 7 tabur nert de laime leis, 7 is gerr co mbiad Bibus farib'. Adubairt Sir Tirri: ' [Tabur (?)] ') in litir-sin ad laim da leighedh damsa, uair is minie docuiredh sgribend a millti fein le techtuire'. Adubairt Bibus: 'Is doigli lium-sa'. ar-se, 'nach ferr do leithoir litreach tu-sa na mé fein, 7 ni ber ag tigerna ara mbiadh amurus-) agum feil orum'. Doceilebuir Bibus do Tirri, 7 roimigh Tirri a crichaibb Saxan. Dala Bibuis iarum. roimigh roimbe, 7 nir cian du CO facaidh catliair na Damaisci uadha, 7 robui deich mill ficliet-') uadha hi in tan-sin. 7 Is amlaidh robüi in cathair-sin, 7 secht^) murtlia daingne, dobristi ina hurtimcill do ballaibh cruadh-daingni doch, 7 tri fichit^) troigh idir in da balla dibh, 7 tri fichit^) troig ar doimne isna diguib doimne, duaibsecha, doimtechta. 7 robui idir na ballaibh-sin srut ruadh, roburta, 7 muir mer, moranfaidh ag imtecht fo cuairt isna loguibh lethna, lanmor[a] sin. 7 Barca bronnfhairsinge 7 longa luchtmura 7 lestar lanaible ag imtecht arna gaethaibh gaibtecha, greannnmra sin. 7 Droitced togbala a dul isin cathraigh-sin. 7 jieilir poiii- dighi, primarrachta prais aga imfulang, 7 deich «i) cluicc cainn- techa, cichanacha fur in droithcet-sin .i. cuig cluicc ar gach ta?bh de. 7 Da saltrad urduil ind ein') dein, dasachtaigh, risi-raiter'') in dreollan, for in droichid-sin, duboinlidis na cluig-sin co cathaisech. congairech innus co cluintighi ar fedh na cathracli gair greannmur, geranach na clocc caismertach-sin. 7 Dofrea- gradais oig ainntreaunta 7 curaidh coralonncruaidhe na cathrach CO détla, dethtapaidh cum an droichid le garthaibh na clog. 7 Robui tor taithnemach, toirtemail arin cend fa nesa don cathraigh don droitced, 7 dealbh dragain duaibsig, drochdot/m, arna buaiu ar taeb in tuir sin. 7 Da lig lanmora, loghmura mur shuilib aigi, 7 comla lethan, lanmör do [355b] pras re dorus in tuir siu, 7 is trit in dorus-sin dogabthai a dul isin cathraigh. 7 Rob imda cloclia cristail 7 carrmogail 7 lega lanmaisecha, logmura, cengailti co cerdamail le hör na hAraipi a fuindeogaibh 7 a seinistreachaibh na cathrach-sin. Dala Bibuis immorro, roleig spuir CO spraicemail isin sdet, 7 rocuir na rith for an droichid ') Indistiuctly written. ') 1. bia th'amurus'i amrusi ») MS. .X. mili .XX. ') MS. .7. ») MS. .XX. •) MS. .X. ') MS. very indistiuet *■) 1. risin-raiter. THK IKISH laFE OF BEVIS OF HAMPTON. 285 hi. 7 robenadur na duic co caiuutecli. con^airech, 7 roeirigh in ri coua nióitheghlach cum an droithcid. 7 Adubairt in ri: 'Ata nert naniat ar techt aran droithced, no duine drochoilunta ecin '. Tainic in ri co lathair. 7 rotbuirrling Bibus aran I'od a tiadhnuse in rigli, 7 dorinde umla do, 7 tug in litir ina laim. 7 roleigh Bramon litii-. 7 Adubairt: 'Doden-sa gach ni adeir in sgribenn- so', ar-sé, 'uair is tu-sa Bibus 0 Hamtuir, 7 is tu rogab niisi, 7 romarb mo muindtir, 7 roben fhuasgailt asun., 7 tug orum freagi-a 7 umla do tliabairt do duine fa mesa na me fein'. 7 Adubairt Hramon: "Tabur biadh do Bibus'. ar-se, "uair ui oubaidh oglach tigerna maitli gan anoir do denum do'. Dorugliadh Bibu.s do halla in righ, 7 tucaJh biadh do, 7 robadur aga fiarfaige diaroil ') créd in bas doberdis do. Adubairt drong dib a losgadh co lanai- beil; adubradar'-) drong ele a crocbadh co congairech; adubradar-) drong ele a tarraing a ndiaig ecb; adubradar-) drong ele a cm- a prisun da pianad. Adubairt Bibus: 'Is nar sin', ar-se, 'i. in nech dothiucfadh le techtairecht do cur cum bais, 7 is amlaidh is maith dibh misi do cur tar an cathraigh amach, 7 trealam catha do tabaii't damh, 7 sluaigh na catliracli uili do beth iua trealam catha am timchell, 7 a mbeth uili gum ledrad 7 gum lanbualadh ar a?nslighi, 7 is lugha d'adhbur gotha dibh-si misi do marbadh mur sin na mo marbadh ann-so '. Adubairt aroile dona sluaghaibh : 'In uair fa fuaruis-[s]e sinne roime-so ar fairsiuge na feroun docuiis ar ar muindtire; 7 dodenta in cetna anois, da faghtha amuigh sinn '. Is annsin doluigedh [356 a] an laechradh láncalma ar muin Bibus conar ba luaithi saithchi brighmur bech os bech- lusaib naid sluaigh dana, dimsacha na Damaisci a cengal 7 a cuibrech an curadh crodha, ceimdighaind. 7 Docuiredui- Bibus iar-sin ina cime crapaillti a prisun peannuidech da pianad, 7 dorug Bibus bata bunnremur leis isin prisun, 7 robui saile siltech, sii-bhruadh ac techt fa dhó sa lo con n-aidhchi isin prisun-sin. 7 Anuair fa suighedh Bibus dobidh in sail[e] coruigi a smeig do, 7 inuair dobid») ina hesam^) doroithed in saile remui- a lairgi, 7 robui cris arraclita iarnaighi, coimlethan re muinel miled, cen- gailti ina medhon, 7 carrtha comdaingin cloichi cengailti don Mb lamnoir-sin re druim Bibuis. 7 Tangadur draccuin duaib- ') 1. diaroile. >) MS. a A. ') in saile coruigi a smeig do ^ inuair dobid iuserted in margin of MS. ') Expansion doubtful; I take it to be for itia shesam. 286 F. N. ROBINSON. seclia, diablaidlii. 7 naithrecha naimdemla neme, 7 piasta poin- dighi, primaraclita as cuil 7 as tsbiiibh in prisun, 7 rogabadur ag ledairt 7 ag lanmarbadh in Iteclimiledli. Is ann-sin roathaigh Bibus in t-atbair nemda da furtacht on pein-sin, 7 rocuininig se in bata dorug leis isin prisun, 7 dogab se urluigi agarbli, ainiar- martach arna huilpiastaib gur marb uili iat le cumaclitaibh Dia. 7 Doboin [njatliair 1) neim feoil 7 croicind na malac de do greim. Dala Bibuis iarsin. robüi se seclit-) mbliadna aga muchadh isin nuiindir niordai[u]gin-sin, 7 ised fa betha do frisin re-sin .i. lethad baisi bigi d'aran anmann eorna indara la. 7 iserf ba deoch du .i. saile sirbliruad, et reliqua. 8. Aroile la dia roibe Bibus isin prisun-sins) ar ciadli a cuirp re gorta 7 re cumgach, rosgrech se ar Dia in tan-sin, 7 adubairt: 'A aeudia uilicumachtaigh, dorinne nem 7 talaw gan t-sa^tur, 7 dehí^/íuis^) la 7 aidbclii re ceile, 7 dober linad 7 tragadli arna niarannaibh. 7 dorindi na huili ui do neimfui, is truagli nacli b;is doberid damh-sa co liobunn 0 pein 7 0 pennaid in prisuin-so ina fuilim re secbt^) mbliadlinaibb. 7 Doci tu, a tigerna, nar treices do creidem fein fos ge taim coiC') bliadhna dec a talam na paganacb; 7 a tbigerna', ar-se, 'is aithnid duid CO fuiginn inme 7 ardflaithus mor [da]^) treiccinn do creidem-sa; 7 a thigerna nemdlia', ar-se, 'foir oruni intan is mitbi [o56b] let féiir. Dolabur in t-aingel osa cinn. 7 adubairt: 'A Bibuis', ai"-se, ' bitli menma maith agud, 7 bidli craidbi laidir, uair roeist Dia re do geran, 7 is gerr co fuigir fui'taclit'. Is ann-sin rofas soillsi mür isin prisun 0 timteracht an aingil, 7 docuaidh a radarc 7 a rathugudh asin dragun, 7 domarbadh an dragon le Bibus. Dala na deisi ridiri robui a coimét in prisun. doeualadur irnaigliti 7 adhmoladh Bibuis fur in duileman, 7 adubairt itn dibh reroile: 'In cluinid in tretui-ach fallsa, fichmisgnecli, ag adhmoladh an treturaigh docrocadar ar sinnsii--ne, 7 é aga moladh niur Dia? 7 Doberim fom breithir co i-acha me sis do bualadh énduirn fur do gin gnusgorm, grainemail'. Docuaidh ') llaplography in MS. -) MS. .7. ') MS. repeats da roibi Bihis isin prisiin. *) MS. verj' indistinct. ») MS. .7. *) Numeral indistinct in tlie MS. THE IBISH LIFE OF BF.VIS OF HAMPTON. 287 in lidiri co rechfnuir, roarrachta isiii prisuii. 7 iar rochtain co Biblis do, doben Biblis a doidem asa duni dia aimdeoiu, 7 robuail do dliorn iiia muinel. 7 ba marb é. Kofiarfaigh in ridiri ele: 'Ciimus ednid 7 an cristaidhi?' ar-se. Adubairt Bibus: •Ata se com cirrbadh co mor. uair is treisi éname'. Docuaidh indara ridiri san prisiin d'fiirtacht a couipanaigh , 7 dobuail Bibus do cloidem e co nderna da ordain de. Doriude Bibus irnaighthi 7 adhmoladli cum Dia arson na móimirbuili sin, 7 tug se bogbertugudh air a medhon a iarnaigh, 7 dothoitedur na geimlecba co grodurrlum de ar gacli taebh, 7 roeirigli ina shesum ar Iar in prisun, 7 roglac in rop rodaingen 7 in cadhla cruaidh- rigin cnaibi le tangadur na ridiri isin prisun 7 roimig leis suas ar urlar in halla. 7 Dofuair in dorus obela. osgailt, 7 tapur ar lasadb do gach t»bb de a medon aidiici do t-shinnrud, 7 sluaigh in dunadh uili ina colludb. 7 Docuaidh Bibus asa stabla na n-ech, 7 roniarb se na tri fichit') gilla robi'ii a coiméd na n-ech d'lenbuilli le sail letbain. lanmoir robui fo cliosuibh na himdliuí(//í, 7 rogab a rogha don eclu'aidh. 7 Docuir eideth daingin, dobrisdi uime. 7 docuaidh for an sdét. 7 roimigh roinie co dorus na cathrach, 7 roiar oslugud roime. 7 adubairt gur eláidh in cristaidhi robui secht-) mbliadnaib accu a laim. 'Is truag sin", ar an áoirrseoír, [357 a] ' 7 lenaidh co luath [e] ', 7 dolig .se Bibus amach in tan -sin. uair ba doigh leis co rabudur sluaigh na cathrach uili ina diaigh; 7 is mur sin roimig Bibus gan cronugs) asin cathraigh. Dala sluaigh na cathrach, nir cian d'aidhci gur airighedur Bibus ar n-elod. 7 a lucht coimeda arna marbadh; 7 dogabudar a n-eich, 7 dolenudui- é, 7 dorugadur air ar maidin. Eobui ridiri nasal do muindtir righ na Damaisci ar tus in t-sluaigh, 7 ech roluath fai, 7 GrainndeD) ainm in ridiri-sin; 7 tug Grainnder a comtrom fein d'ór aran ech-sin, 7 Treinnsiuis ainm in eich. 7 Doruc se le luas a eich ar Bibus, 7 adubaii-t CO tiurad bas do. Eoimpa Bibus, 7 docomruic ris co neimnech, naimdemail, nemcarthanach, 7 tug Bibus sathudh sleghi an^) Grainnder 7 docuir tri na corp gan comriiind hi, 7 ba marb Grainnder de-sin. 7 Dogab Bibus a ech .i. Treinsiuis, 7 docuaidh uiire asa haithli. 7 Dorug ri na Damaisci cona sluaghaibh ar >) MS. J5X. >) MS. .7. •) 1. cronugudhl *) 1. Grainnder. ») 1. ar. 288 F. N. HOBINSOK, Bibus fon am-sin, 7 domarbh drouga diairme 7 dreclita derniala dib. Is ann-sin roiadar sluaigh na Damaisci iua urtinicill, 7 dogabudur aga ledairt 7 aga lanmarbadh. 7 Le furtacbt Dia roleiin Bibus') a ecb'^) tar aill moradbuil mara, 7 robi'ii sruth ruadh roburta 7 cuan caiuiitech, cruadanfaidb don taebh araill don carraic, 7 nir éidir le betbadhacb isiu cruinne a snam. 7 Doleini ech Bibuis isin mbraiiide mborbruadh co bithurrlum 7 dosnam si in cuan co ceimdirecb, 7 dochuaidsi tar an srutli CO seitreach, sircalma. Ceithii huaii'e flehet 3j robui Bibus cona ech ag dul tar an muir-sin, 7 iar ndul a tir do Bibus dotlioit se da each le hanmainde a hruinne 7 le met a gorta. 7 Doguidh sé Dia CO dichra, duthrachtach dia comfurtacht ou gorta-sin, 7 domol se co hadbul in t-atbair nemdha, 7 tain- [357 b] icc nert nua do les-sin. 7 Dogab a ech aris, 7 dochuaidh uirre, 7 dogluais roime in conuir co ceimdirecb, 7 docunnuicc [cathraigh] ^) uadha, 7 docuaidb da hinnsaigi, 7 ar rochtain doruis na cathrach do do- cunnuicc in riglian rathmur, rouasul ar barr in tuir os cinu doruis ua cathrach, 7 robennaigh Bibus di, 7 roiar biadh uirre anoii-^) an Athar Neamda. Adubairt in righan: 'Tarra astegh', ar-si, '7 dogebuir do lordaethain bidh 7 digi'. Docuaidb Bibus astegh iar-siu, 7 dotuirrliug Bibus isin halla riga,«) 7 dosuidh ar bord, 7 docuiredh biadh ina fiadhnuse. 7 Nir cian du mur-siu co facaidh in fomoir feramail, firgranna 7 in t-athach tarrlethau, tromnertmui- ina dochum, 7 rofech se fur Bibus, 7 docunnaic a ech') Grainuder. 7 Adubairt co niata, naimdemail: 'Is i so Treinnsiuis, .i. ech Grainnder mo derbrathar, 7 a treturaigh', ar-sé, 'is é a gold dorinuis'. Adubairt Bibus: "Xi he a gold dorinis', ar-sé, '7 gideth romarbus inté aga roibhi si, 7 dobeuus in t-ech ar ecin de'. larna clos-sin dou athach tue se buille bitlinertniur do glaedhe greannmur, guasachta cum Bibuis, 7 rocrom Bibus fon mbord, 7 dolig an buille tairiss. 7 Dogerr an fodhmoii- fedh laime l.TÍc don bord os cinn Bibuis. Dobidg Bibus on bord leis-sin, 7 dorith se cum an atliaich, 7 dobeu an ') b. ill iiiargiu of MS. ^) 1. asa ech, as in earlier instances'? ') MS. .XX. ') Indistinctly written above the line. *) 1. a n-anoir. •) 1. rigdiia. ') 1. each'/ THE IRISH LIFE OF BKVIS OF HAMPTOX. 289 gla?dlie da ainxdeoin de, 7 dobuail Iniilli aian athacli de con derna da ordain da corp. Doheigedh isin cathraiiih leis-sin, 7 docuaidh Biblis fura sded 7 dorugadur luclit na catbrach air, 7 domarbb se dronfra dibli. 7 roimig roime dia n-aimdeoin. Dala Bibuis iarum, robúi se ag sirsiubhal in domun soir roime no co rainicc se san India a oenn patriarcca in t-srotha .i. in trias [358 a] ri do rightib na hlndia, 7 is e is papa acu. 7 Roan Bibus bliadhain na oglac aigi. 7 ni tarrla ris an bliadbain sin comrac curad ua cathmiled. atbaigh na baibbe, leoinain na lipairt, draguin na uilpiasta nemc archena nar thuit leis re fedh na bliadhna-sin, 7 dob imdha atbnudli 7 edail tue se do patriarca risin re-sin. Adubairt Bibus co faicfedb se an India. 7 co mbedb se sei ele ac siubal an domun siar gacb ndirech. Adubairt patriarca : ' Na bimigh', ar-se. '- dober-sa rigbacbt duit 7 do rogha mna sa tabíiaiH-.so, 7 an agum'. Dorindi Bibuis a faisidi re papa na hlndia, 7 roinnis do co roibi ingen do rigb paganta a cert aigi. Adubairt patriarca ma bi, nar diUis do-san ben ele do betb aigi, minar-truaill .si a hógbacbt le paganacb; 7 ma rindi, nar coii' do-san a beth aigi. Imtusa Bibuis iarum roceileabuir se do patriarca, 7 dogluais roime siar gach ndirech. 7 nir an co rainic Rodus; 7 robui bliadhain ele a focbair priora Roduis, 7 is adhbul a met dothoit leis an bliadhaiu-sin do paganachaib in bliadliain- sin. 7 is mor d'Eirristinibh 7 dlubulaib torcair leis an bliadhain sin. 7 dob imda atbnudh édala tue sé don prioii' in bliadhain-sin. 7 Dothairg in prioir tigern tus mor do, 7 anmuin aigi, 7 rodiult Bibus sin. 7 doriude faiside risin prioir, 7 roinnLs do ingen do ri paganta do beth a cert aigi. 7 dob inanu*) fregra tue an prioir fair 7 patriarca. 7 Roimigh Bibus roime as sin, 7 dorug se gell gaisgid gacha tiri 7 gacha talmau dar-imig se don doman an da bliadhan-sin. 9. Dala Sisian. ingine Ermin, auuair far-cuii'edh Bibus le litreachaibh cum ri na Damaisce rob fada le robvii ina fegmuis, 7 docuaidh si mur a roibhi a hathair 7 rofiarfaigh [358 bj de ca roibi Bibus. Adubaii-t Ermin: 'Truagh sin, a righan', ar-se, 'uair rocuir sa Saxan techta ara cenn, 7 dothabaigh se a tigerntus aran imperi do; 7 tue se a ingen mur mnai do Bibus, 7 ata se anois ina iarla a Saxanaibli. 7 Fús ni hintaebha na '} hiann corrected in the MS. from ingin': Zeitschrift f. celt. Fliilologic VI. 2Í)0 F. N. ROBINSON. daine coimliigche, uair is triall cum an iiiaidh fein donid fadeoig:h. 7 l)otliairges-sa morau tigerntuis dó do cinu anmuna agum. 7 dodiiilt dani, 7 roimigh roime'. Dala .Sisian immorro, robui si CO bronach do cumaidli Bibuis. 7 gidh fos nír creid sí radha a hatliar, uair fa doigli le nach dingnadh Bibus breg re. 7 Nir ciau iar-sin gur cuir Ybor .i. ri na Damaisci techta d'iarraidb ingine Ermin do banceile. Docuaidh Ermin mur a roibhi an Ingen, 7 roinnis di co tangadur techta da hiarraidh do ri na Damaisci; '7 dober-sa do tú', ar-se. Adubairt Sisian: 'A athar', ar-si, ' doden-sa do thoil-si '. [I]ar-sin ') docuir Ermin le techtaibli Yboir teclit arcend na rigna fo cenn becain aimsiri. larna clos- sin do t-[SJisian,'-) dorindi si cris alainn orsnaith 7 do sida somaisech, 7 docuii' si annsa cris co glicc, gaesmur leisin glicus uGregach nach fedfaidis fir in talm«w a buain asa lioghacht iu cein do beth in cris tairsdi. 7 Docuir don tíebh astigh da hedach e uimpi. Tanicc Ybor iarum coic ') mili dec do sluaghaibb dia tabairt, 7 tugudh do hi, 7 dorinnedh a mbanais, 7 tucadli ech 7 cloidhem Bibus dó le .i. Morglae 7 Airinnel a u-anmanua. Et docuir Vbor in cloidhem tairis, 7 docuaid aran ech, 7 0 ro aithin Airiundel narb e Bibus robui fuirre, dorith si co hainmin, anacarrach, 7 rofuadhaig é le binle^) 7 le borrfadh tre glendtaibh doimne, dua, |359a] duaibsecha 7 tre cnocciiibh corra. cenncala 7 tre ailltibh arda, agarba, 7 is uaill nar marbh si é. 7 Do- cuiredh in t-ech iai'-sin a soiler chaisléin, 7 laitisi iarnaidlii ina timcell, 7 nir lam »nduine a glacud 0 sin amach no co tainicc Bibus iar cein moir. 10. Dala Bibuis 0 Hamtuir, iai' fágbail Roduis dó nir sguir CO rainic cricha na ]Meirme[d]oine moire a crichaibh glanaille, gormtsrothacha na Gréige. 7 Tarrla nech fris aran conuir. 7 rofiarfaigh Bibus scela na criche-sin, 7 co sunnradach scela Sisian. Adubaii't an t-oglach: 'Ata sidh 7 saime 7 socracht isiii crich-so', ar-sé, '7 ata Sisian ina mnai ag righ na Memroine re noi'') mbliadhnaibh. Is brónach rogab Bibus na scela-sin cuigi. ') MS. arsin. Perhaps due to repetitiúii of arsi by the scribe. ') No space for s iu the MS. ■■') MS. .u. «) 1. hinbe'i ') MS. .9. TffE IKISH LIFK OF BKVTS OK HAMPTOM. 291 7 nir scuir iarum co rainic») cricha na Memrointi ar comghar catlirach Yboir. 7 tarrla oilirtecli ris ar fagbail na catlirach, 7 rofiarfaigh scela de. Adiibairt in t-oilirtech: ' Is annsa catliraigh ud ata an ivnben is ferr isin cruinne co comcoitcenn .i. Sisian, ingen righ na Meirmeoiue,'-) be« Yboir ri na Memroiue, oir fir in domluin do dul sa medLon lae cuici, doberudh biad 7 edach, or 7 airgid doibh. 7 Is é ni adeir si re cois gach derci dib-sin: "Bith sin aguibh a u-anoir Dia 7 ar anmain Bibuis 0 Hamtuir'; 7 ni tucenn sudiiine in briathar-sin uaithi'. Adubairt Bibus: 'A oilirthigh. ar-se. 'tabnr iasaciit na deisi boiclite-sin agud dam-sa', ar-se, '7 cunnaim mo deisi ridii'i agud no co ticer tar m'ais'. Adubairt an t- oilirtecli nach tiubrad; adubairt Bibus: 'Tabur do dlieisi bocht dam', ar-se, '7 dober mo deisi ridiri duit [3r>9b] da cinn'. Dorousad anilaidh. 7 Docuir Bibus edach an oilirthigh uime, 7 docuaidh roime co dorus na cathrach, 7 docunnaicc an righan ro-alainn, 7 a cenn amach tar fuindeoigh in tuir. 7 Iserf adubaii't do guth geranach: 'A Bibuis', ar-si, 'is truagh lium a fhad atái, 7 tairnicc buadha mo cresa, 7 is ecin dam toil Yboir do denum budhdesta'. Is ann-sin robennaigh Bibus di, 7 rofreagair si é 7 rofhiarfaigli de ca roibh se. Adu- bairt Bibus: 'Dobadhus ag siubhal in domuin', ar-se. Eofhiar- faigh in righan de in facaidh se énfocal do scelaibh Bibuis 0 Hamtuir an a-uniad dar-gab se. Adubairt Bibus: 'Docuunac-sa é, 7 ni fuil acht teora aidhchi 0 shin e'; 7 roiar Bibus derc foran rigain, 7 adubairt Sisian : ' Tarra astegh ', ar-si, ' 7 dogebur derc, 7 beir ad prioir ar bochtaibh na cathrach-so aniugh'. Tanicc Bibus astegh, 7 tainicc Sisian na comdhail, 7 dorug le é coruige in soiler a roibhi Airindel, 7 dorinde si sitir aga faicsin iar n-aithne di, 7 robúi si ag lighi») a laime. D'fosguil Bibus na laitisi, 7 tanicc in t-ech amach, 7 dorith si ar fi'id na cathrach. Adubairt Sisiau: 'Truagh sin', ar-si, 'uair ni bertar aran ech ud CO brach aris '. Dogair Bibus in t-ech cuigi, 7 tanicc co grod, 7 robúi si aga ligi, 7 docuir astegh aris hi, 7 rofhech in righan air,<) 7 dothoguibh si in t-at piU da cend, 7 roaithln é ge robiii esbaidh na malach clé fair 0 cunnuic si roime e. Doraidh in ') CO rainic repeated in MS. ") 1. Memtedoine. ') MS. luigi with u expunged. *) The MS. has oir written in above the line, apparent!)' between 7 and dothoyuibh. 19* 292 F. K. ROBINSOK, righaii: 'Ts tu-sa fein Bibus", ar-si. 'Is me co derbh', ar-sé, 7 roinnis liiinde gacli éiiní di. 7 Adubairt Sisian: "A Bibuis', ar-si, 'imigb amacb asin cathraigh, 7 tarra a cenu an rigli sa medon lae, 7 indis do co robuis annsa Baibiloin 7 gur gabud in tir-sin uili acht cathair [360a] na Baibiloine amain, 7 co fuilid imud sluaigh ina timcill. 7 Abuir gurub é ri na Baibiloine') docuir arcenn Iboiii thii dia furtacht on ecin-sin, uair is der- brathair d'Ybor e; 7 rachaidh se da furtacbt, 7 fuicfidh se an cathair-si co liuaingech 7 is mur sin dogebum-ne faill cum im- techta ■. Docuaidh Bibus asin cathraigh iarum, 7 tainic sa medon l;f innti, 7 docuaidh a iiadhnuise in rigli, 7 roiunis do gur gabudh in Baibiloin acht an cathair mor amain, 7 • tanacc-sa co hincleith ar do cenn-sa do cumnad do d[erjbrathair'. Docreid in ri sin, 7 docuir tinol ara rauindtir co h?enlathair, 7 rofhagaib coimét a cathrach ag ridii-i uasal dia muindtir, 7 roimigli fein roime (;ona sluaghaib. Doraidh Sisian: 'A Bibuis', ar-si, 'is amhghar atamaid auosa, uair ata cloch buadha acan ridiri ud dofagudli a coimét na cathrach, 7 ni full ui danentur^) isin cathraigh-so nach foillsigenn si do; Dorinde Sisian deoch cumachtach leisin nglicus ntírfgach. 7 docuir si techta arcenn in ridiri, 7 tanicc CO prap, 7 tue in deoch sliuain do, 7 dochoduil se asa haithli, 7 iiir fheidir a dusacht co cenn ceithri n-uaii'e fichet.-') Cunidli anilaidh-sin fuaii" Sisian uainges imthechta. 11. Uala Bibuis iarum. docuir-se Sisian ar culaibh Bonafais .i. a seombradoir fein 0 ba lenub hi co ham na huaire-sin, 7 docuaidh fein ar Airinndel, 7 dogluaisidur rompo asin cathraigh gan airiugudh mur sin. Dala Yboir .i. ri na Memroine, nil- ciaii ag siubal na conuire é in tan tarrla oilirthech ris, 7 fochtuis seek de ca roibh se. Adubaiit in t-oilirtech: 'Dobadhus isin Baibiloin ', ar-se. ' Scela in tiri-sin agud ', ar an righ. ' Is maitli a scela', ar-se, 'uair [360 bj ata sidh 7 saimhe 7 socracht isin tir ud, 7 is tren ar gach talwiam, 7 ni tren entakw uirre'. 'Is fir sin', ar an ri, "7 is derb lium curob é Bibus 0 Hanituir siud tanicc a rieht oilirthigh dar melludh, 7 dom dóigli doruc se in righan leis. 7 impuide duinn a fritheing na conuire cetna'; 7 ] ') MS. babaibiloine. ") 1. da n-dentiir. ») MS. .XX. THE IRISH LIFE OF BEVIS OF HAMPTON. 293 111' fuarailur in r'lgun iia Bonafas isin cathraigli. 7 Dolenadar ara lorp: iad, 7 dorugadur orra, 7 roinip« Biblis riu, 7 ronia[r]bh drechta dermala 7 dronga diairmi<:ri dibh, 7 tarda glend domhuin, duaibsech riu, 7 ensliglii ciimang coillc a dul ami. Roimpa in ri cona nmiiidtir uadlia fon am-sin d'egla a imiindtir do marbadii do Biblis a cumgach an glenna, 7 dotlmirrling Bibns ar lar an glenna. 7 Adubairl Sisian: 'A Bibiiis', ar-si, 'fagh biad duind, uair rolin gorta sinn". Adiibairt Bibus, 'A riglian', ar-se, 'ni gar duind biadli d'faghail annsa fasacli-so, uair is fada daine 7 cathracha buain'. Adubairt Sisian: 'Docualusa', ar-si, 'co fagaid na ridiri croda biadh arna fasaighib le febus a lamaigh '.») Kofagaibb Bibus Sisian 7 Bonafas ann-sin, 7 docuaidh fein d'iarraidh amanntuir urcuir, 7 tarrla dainh osgardlia allta fris, 7 tug roga p-urchair do 7 '-) docuir fedh lainie beicli don t-sleigh trena corp. 7 ba marb e, 7 tue cethrania leis de cum Sisian. Dala rigli na Jlenirointi dobadur da leoinan limfhiaclacha ar bethugudh aigi, 7 ni gabadh nert sluaigh na socliraiti riu, 7 dolig se ar lorg Bibuis iat, 7 tangadur na leogliain inur a roiblii Sisian, 7 roeirigb Bonufas, 7 docomruig riu. 7 roniarbhudur na leogliain é. 7 aduatar é fein 7 a ech. Tanicc Bibus iar-sin co lathair, 7 roflmagair Sisian do 0 bi in t-ech luath aigi teitliedh roim na leoganaibh: 7 ni niur sin doriude Bibus, acht techt co lathair. 7 Dobadur na leogliain ag ligi chos [361a] na righna; 7 dorith leonian dibh a coinne Bibuis, 7 docunnaibh Sisian an leoman ele ar cois tosaigh. 7 roan aici gan t-s:vthar. Agus romarb Bibus an leoman docomrac ris dibh, 7 rofuagair do->) Sisian an leoman ele *) amach cuigi, 7 roiar Sisian cumairci don leoman robiii aici, 7 robagair Bibus fuirri, 7 adubairt giirb ecin di a ligen amach uaithi. 7 Dolig si in leonian cum Bibuis, 7 doraarbh Bibus indara leoman, 7 dotlmirrling asa haithle, 7 (lorinde teiiie, 7 doberbh feoil fiadha, 7 tug a lordsthain feola 7 firuisci don righain. 7 Docuaidh ara ech iar-sin, 7 rofhagaibh in glenn, 7 robui drumann slebhi aird, adfhuair aga initecht aigi. 7 Nil' cian do co facaidh ina diaigh in fomoir ficha, foirniata, firgrana, 7 in t-atach ainmin, anaccarrach, 7 bile bunnremur, barrlethan, re gualaind; 7 nir luaithi danih allta roim conairt ') a la of a lamaigh in the margiu. ') MS. repeats 7. »J MS. dlio. •) 1. do ligen amach'i 294 F. N. ROBINSON, na San rit dian, dasachtach, dorindi in fodhmoir andiaigh Bibuis. Dofech Sisian tara bais, 7 docunnaic si in t-athach ag techt isin toraigecht-sin. Doraidh Sisian: ' A Bibuis', ar-si, ' docim-si trenfer rigli na Jlermeointi ad docum, 7 is aithnid dam-sa é, 7 ni hincomrac sluaigh na sochraiti ris re met a nirt 7 re febus a laime. Adubairt Bibus rei-si: 'Tuii'rling'; 7 dorin') co prap, 7 docuir Bibus in t-ech a coinne an atliaigh, 7 tug an foinoir builli borb, bithnertmur cum Bibuis. 7 dosechain Bibus in builli, 7 docuaidh se fon mbile cum an fathaigh, 7 roiadb a da laim uime, 7 tue cor furtill dö, 7 dolrasgair e. 7 Docengail Bibus in t-athach co firdaingen, 7 anuair dob ail leis a cenn do buain de roiar Sisian a anum don fomoir 7 e fein do beth na oglach aigi 0 sin amach re fedh a betha; 7 tue Bibus a anum do mur si[n]. Koimgedur rompo [361 b] na triur, 7 dorangadur coruigi in muir. 7 ni roibi long acu. 7 Docunncadur longa uadha furan muir. 7 doglaedh Esgobard orra ag iarraidh luinge, 7 nir freagradur é. 7 Roimigh in fomoir co firrachta-) in muir, 7 roiadh a da laim fan luing roba nesa do, 7 dosailedur in foirenn curob astegh isin luing rob ail leis techt, 7 ni hedh dorone acht an long d'impodh di'uim tarais, 7 a roibi innti do muchadh [a medjain^) in aigein, 7 an long do tabairt cum Bibuis. Docuadui- isin luing iarum, 7 dogabhudur ag siubal na senfairrgi co sanntach, 7 do- gabudur cuan clutliar, comdaingeu a Coilin a cricliuibh Saxan. 7 Dobi derbhbrathair athar Bibuis ina espoc isin cathraigh-sin. 7 Tanic in t-espoc a comdail Bibuis, 7 dorindi auoir 7 urgair- diug[udli] du. Eofiarfaigh Bibus in roibi gleo cocaid na cennairci a crichaib Saxan in inbaidh-sin. Adubairt in t-espoc: 'Ata guasacht 7 gabudh adbulmor isin tir-si anois', ar-sé, '.i. da diuice dimsecha dobi saii Ahnain, 7 dobadur tricha-'*) bliadhan a cogadh re ceile, 7 dothoitedur a sluaigh 7 a sochraiti eturra ar gach ta'bh frisin re-sin. 7 Dorinnedur fasaigi doimne, doeoluis da tirthaibli 7 da tslmanaibh uili [7 nir] fed in t-imper na'ii papa reitech eturra. 7 Docuadur fein iarum fadeoig do comi'uc re ceile, 7 dodlielbh Dia ara?u iat le liimud a peccad a rechtaib da dragun duaibsecha, diablaidhi, 7 roeirgedur a n-aii'di os nellaibh 7 dothoirrling draguu dibli astigh isin Eoim. 7 Dogabli ') 1. dorinne? ') 1. firarrachta. ^) Bracketed letters indistinct in the MS. •) MS. .XXX. THE IRISH LIFE OF BEVIS OK HAMPTON. 205 ap maibadh na Konianaeh 7 ac fasu^udh na cathiacli. 7 Doguidh in papa cona cleircibh in t-Atliar Xeamdlia d"fur[t]acht doibh on guasacht-sin, 7 dorindi Dia sin doibh .i. roanniaindigh Dia an dragun. 7 docleangladar ') na Rómhanuigh lie, 7 docliuireadar [362 a] a soiler caislein fa dhroichead na Eóma he. 7 ata se cean- gailti ann-sin. 7 Dotuirling in dragun eli dibh isin tir-se, 7 ni fuU se acht seclit mile as so. 7 rofhasaigh se niorán don crich-so, 7 domarb ilimud da ndáinibh 7 da cethraibh, 7 ata a uamun oruinde co nld|ingna se fasach do cricliuibh Saxan uile. Nir cian iar-sin co fuair Bibus uainges on espoc, 7 roimigh co hincleith asin cathraigli, 7 in fomoii" maraen, 7 docuadur coruigi in furais ina roibi in dragun, 7 docualadur sgrech uatlimur 7 beicedhach agarb on dragun. 7 Adubairt Asgobard: "Ar maithus na cruinne CO conii^oitcenn nach anfad fein risin péist naimdemhail, nem- cartanaigh-sin", 7 doteith an t-athach asin furais, 7 rofagaibh Bibus ina ivnar. Dala Sir Bibuis iarum, nir cian do co facaid cuigi in dragun duaibsech. dodelba, 7 dolig Bibus spuir co spraicemail isin sdét ina conidhail, 7 tug sathadh sanntach sleigi isin dragun. 7 nir derg air. 7 Docuir an dragun tonn do sgeth- raigi uaiue fo suilibh Bibuis, 7 nir fhagaib sin nert mná seola and. Dochuaidh in uilpeist tairis don t-sracudh-sin. 7 docuaidh-) isin libra bui re thsebh, uair ba rogha leis a bathud tara slugudh don dragun; 7 ar ndul fon tibra do tanic a nert fein do CO furtill, firarrachta. 7 Roeirig aris a comhdail na peiste, 7 tugh sathudli sleigi innti, 7 nir derg uirri. 7 Docuir in dragun indara tonn uime, 7 nh- fagaibh nert naidhen ann, 7 docuaidh aris fan tibra cetna. 7 ba hoghlan é ag ergi eiste. Teora fecht do mur sin ag dul fon tibra iar mbualadh na sgeithi uaine, 7 ba hoghlan e ag ergi. 7 An cethrama^) tonn robuaüsi air, andat/). geal ro- [362 b] bui, 7 nir loigidi e sin ar traethadh nemi na huilpiasta, 7 tug Bibus sathudh sleigi uirrthe, 7 docuir an t-sleig trithi, 7 do dicennudh^) i iarum, 7 doben a cenn di. Dala Asgobard. docuaidh se roime co Coilin. 7 roinnis don espoc gui' marbadh Sir Bibus leisin dragun. 7 Docuaidh in t-espoc 7 sluaig na cathrach a proseisiam a cenn cuirp Sir Bibuis; 7 ') 1. doceangladar. ») MS. dobcuaidh, with b expuiiged. ') 1. cfthramadh. *) A verb of motion may be omitted here, — 'be went, dismounted, to behead it'. 296 F. X. KOBISSOH. dobenud clms na cathi-ach co comcoitcenn mm- anoir do Bibu-. 7 ni clos »nni isin cathraigli acht sengair clog 7 comhurc : caismirn. 7 Is aim docunncadur Bibns ina comdail, 7 cenn in dragun ara sleigh aigi. 7 in t-sleg re gualainn, 7 é fein a nglaic dilaiti a sieit. 7 DoUgedui' na sluaigh gartha luüiaire ar faiccsin Bibuis. 7 domoladar co mor in gnim gaiscidh-sin. 7 dochnadnr le céile annsa catluaigh. 7 robúi Bibus fa anoir indü. Conidh e comrucc Bibuis rl] thy mother's marriage-feast is being celebrated to-day in the castle of thy father and thy grandfather.' Bevis left them at that, and went to the gate of the city; and lie heard the revelry and the lively shouts of the young men enjoying the feast. Bevis came to the gate of the city, and asked to have it opened. The gate-keeper asked who was there. Bevis said that he was Sir Saber's swine-herd. The gate-keeper said that he was well deserving of dishonor for asking to enter the city.'-") 'Wilt thou let me in?' said Bevis. 'I will not', said he. 'and if I were outside. I would make thee repent of coming to ask admittance'. Bevis said: • if thou wert out here with me', said he, 'I would make thee i-epent of not letting me in ". The gate-keeper was angry at this, and came to kill Bevis. Bevis lifted up the crooked liazel staff that he had for driving the swine, and struck the gate-keeper a hard blow with it in the back of the neck, and the gate-keeper died from it. Bevis went in among the hosts, and saw the emperor, and said to ') Here, as in the case of Felice in the ' Gny ', the translation ' qnecu ' is hardly appropriate. The wicked princess is usually referred to in the Middle-English versions of the 'Bevis' as 'lady', or 'countess', and in the Anglo-Norman as dame. ') I take metarhus, of which I know no other instance, to be the same in meauinff as metacht. ') That is, for the impudence of his request. THE IRISH T,IKE OF HKVIS OK HAMPTON. 301 bill! in a high, clear voice: 'My lord emperor', said he, 'treacherous and envious is the deed thou hast done, to kill the uoble. honored earl without cause for the sake of that slanderous, wicked harlot beside thee'. And he said, 'Take thy harlot with thee to thine own land and city, and leave me my heritage and my city; for I am Bevis, the sou of the Earl of Hampton'. The emperor gave orders to bind and fetter Bevis. When Bevis heard this, he seized his staff bravelj- and tirmly, and smote the emperor three blows with it, so that he broke and shattered the tight-bound crown of talismanic stones that was on the emperor's head, and shed his blood copiously, and knocked him down under tlie table. Then the retinue and heavy troop of the emperor sprang up to attack Bevis. As for Bevis then, he sprang up bravely and swiftly, and killetl many of them with his staff, ami went out of the city; and Sir Saber came to meet him and said: •Bevis", said he, 'sad is the deed thou hast done, to enter the clamorous city, for fear of thy recognition there; and they would put 1) thee to death, if they knew who thou art. And they would do the same to me if they knew that thou art alive'. Bevis said : ' It is a good deed I have done ', said he, ' for it was fitting for me to avenge my father and to kill the emperor'. When Sir Saber heard this, he took Bevis [p. 277] with him and concealed him in his own castle. The emperor blamed and re- proached the daughter of the King of Scotland, and said that she had promised to put Bevis to death, and that she had been false to her promise. The lady said: '1 give thee my word', said she, 'that I thought he had met his death'. Then the daughter of the King of Scotland came out and said to Sir Saber: "False and traitorous man", said she, "thou saidst thou hadst put Bevis to death; and thou shalt die thyself, with thy wife and thy son, because of the deed Bevis has done'. And Sh- Saber was taken after that, and his wife and Tirri, his son, and they were about to be put to death, ^^'llen Bevis heard this he came out into the lady's presence, and said: 'Violent and ■wicked lady, have Sir Saber with his wife and his son released in their innocence, and do thy will with me, for it is I who did the deed'. Then Bevis was taken, and Sir Saber was i-eleased with his wife and his son; and the daughter of the King of Scotland ordered two knights of her retinue to kill him and to bring her proof of his murder. The knights took Bevis with them to be killed; and they took oil his clothes, and when they beheld the fair, happy face of the young lad, pity and heavj" compassion seized them, and the knights said: 'It is a pity', said they, • for us to have on om- souls the death of this innocent lad'. Sir Saber said: 'Noble, compassionate knights', said he, •■) Literally, -for fear of thy recognitiou and that they wonld put, &.c.' 302 F. K. ROBrS'SOK, 'do wliat is right: the lad shall go aboard a pagan sliip that is leaving the harbor, and they will carrj' him ofl' to the eastern part of the world, and there will never be news of him again'. And the}- did so. and the knights brought Bevis's garment to the lady after they had cut it in pieces with their weapons covered with blood. This was the exile of Bevls. 4. As for the boat in which Bevis was put, it did not stop until they came to the rich, prosperous land of Mii-midonda i) the great in Greece. And a strong, valiant pagan was king over that land, Eirmin by name. And the ship's company gave Bevis to the king, and Ermin asked for an account of him, who he was himself, and what his countrj- was. Bevis said: "I am the son of an English earl', said he, "and my father was killed by treachery; and the same would have been done to me, if it could have been accomplished'. The king said: 'Believe in my gods', said he, 'and I will give thee my daughter to wife, and will make thee heir of my kingdom '. Bevis said that he would not forsake his own Lord, the Heavenly Father, for the wealth of the whole world. As for [p. 'i'iH] Bevis then, he was for seven years horse-boy to the king. One day sixty knights of Ermin's retinue went to perform deeds of horsemanship, and Bevis along with them. And a knight said to him: 'Bevis'. said he, 'dost thou know why this day is honored in the land and the fair country in which thou wast born?' Bevis said: ' I do not remember why to-day is honored, for it is seven j-ears since I left the country where I was born, and seven years more of my life I left behind there.' The knight said: 'It is not so with me', said he: "I remember why the day is honored among you, for last night it was the anniversary of the night when the Lord was born in whom thou believest. And it was our fathers who crucified him, and Christmas is the name of this day among you in England*. Bevis said: 'It is a pity that I am without strength', said he, 'to take vengeance on .you for confessing that it was your fathers who caused my Lord to suffer". The pagan knights said: 'If thou hadst the strength, thou wouldst do it', said they; ' and as it is, we have the strength to do it to thee '. The sixty knights collected to attack Bevis in one onslaught. When Bevis saw this, he took the sword from the knight that was nearest him, and struck him with it so that he made two pieces of him. And after that he dealt blows among the knights, and he killed them all except three men only who escaped by the speed of their horses to the king to report the deed. Bevis went into his chamber in great anger because he had not got the satis- faction of his desire from the pagans. Those three knights ') This uame is considerably changed from 'Ermouie. Armony', of the English and French romances. See p. 18, above. THE IKISII LIFE OK BF.VI« OK HAMPTON. 303 escaped from Bevis with a report to the king, and told him that Bevis had shun the knights. Tlie king sent messengers to Bevis, and the messengere asked Bevis to come witli them to the king. Bevis raised his head from his pillow, ') and his eves were tiaming fiercely in his head Mitli the violence of great WTath. And Bevis said: "If it were knigiits or men of warfare who came with that message, I would not let one of them escape alive; but it is uot fitting for me to slay the lowly or to kill a pack of gillies'. The messengers came to the king and reported that Bevis had refused to come with them. Sisian, the daughter of Ermin. said that she would go to talk with Bevis; and slie went, accompanied by a great companj' of noble ladies, and addressed Bevis in gentle, sweet-voiced words, [[i. 279] And that stopped Bevis's wrath, and he came to the king with the princess, and told Ermin the reason why he had slain the knights. The king said: 'We will forgive thee for killing the knights', said he, "and we will give thee assurance of peace; for we understand now that thou hast love for the King thou hast never seen which is greater than ihj love for me, for I am the king thou hast seen'. Thus was Bevis set fi'ee after killing the knights. 5. One day afterwards Ermin was in council in the market- place of the city, and he saw^ a knight approaching, with a thin, dirty, tired horse under him, and he leapt to the ground iu the king's presence, and greeted him. The king asked news of him, and the knight said: '1 have great news ', said he, "namely, that a fierce, venomous boar has come to thy laud and thy fair domain, and that a multitude of men and animals have been killed by it. Courts and castles [are] being razed violently to the ground, and there is not a man of the heavy-sodded earth able to fight with the hostile, unfriendly beast; and this is my news', said the knight. The king said that he would give land and domain, and silver and gold and all kinds of possessions to the man who would overcome that horrible, destructive beast; and he found no man to serve him in his retinue or in his heavy army. As for Bevis then, when he was left alone, he took armor and weapons and a horse, and went to hunt for the venomous boar. Sisian was in the top of her sunny chamber at that time, and she saw Bevis going out to fight the virulent beast, and Sisian said: 'Hard is my share in that', said she, 'for thou art the man who is dearest to me of all the men in the world, and it is not fitting for me to tell thee my story because of the vast extent of my heritage and my wealth, and I do not know what thy rank is or thy patrimony. And yet, if ') Perhaps rather 'coverlet'. I do not know how widely étach would be usid in application to bed-clotlies. 304 F. N. ROBINSON, the boar kills tliee, Bevis, I will seek death at once because of sorrow for thee ', said she. 'Jlien Bevis went to the forest where the boar was said to be, and he blew a strong, brave blast on the end of a horn that he had, and it was not long before he saw coming toward him a greedy, tusked boai-, cruel and quarrel- some, with black, deep, dark eyes to be seen in his head; and great, rough brows over his eyes; and a fierce, bright tiame issuing strongly and boldly from his nostrils and from his dark- ya"UTiing, hideous mouth; and tough, hard clods of dirt thrown straight as a sword from his feet; and strong, great trees, [p. 2!S0j and heavy boulders of rock torn out with great violence, strongly and mightily, as he was swiftly sharpening and polishing his teeth for that battle and conflict; and hillocks of heavy earth and great boulders of rock cast on every side by the ridge of his snout and his nose. Bevis saw the boar coming toward him. and he stuck spurs vigorously into his horse, and went resolutely and eagerly to meet it. And he gave the boar a keen thrust with his spear, and drove it into its throat, and the boar made little, broken, shattered fragments of the shaft of the spear, after chewing it greedily. And Bevis bared his sword resolutely when his spear was broken, and he made an ungentle and un- loving fight against the boar, so that it fell dead and lifeless before him at the end of the combat. And after that he struck off its head, and put it on his spear, and mounted his steed, and left his sword on the spot where he had overcome the boar, and proceeded to the city. And twelve knights of Ermin's retinue were keeping the forest that day; and they saw Bevis leaving the forest, and the boar's head carried off in his possession. The knights said: 'Do you see the sly, Christian traitor who has slain the virulent boar? And let us put him to death, and take the boars heati with us to the king, and say that is was we who killed it. and we shall get whatever we ask from the king". The twelve knights of the forest went to Bevis to attack and slay him. and Bevis had no weapon with which to defend himself except a man's hand-breadth of the hard handle of a javelin, and he killed six of the knights with three blows of that wood. The six others escaped to the king by the speed of their horses and made complaint of this deed. Sisian, Ermin's daughter, was watching the battle while it was fought, and siie went to her father and told him how the knigiits who kept the forest had played Bevis false, and how he had killed six of them with a small piece of a spear-shaft. And that set Bevis free, namely the excuse that Sisian made for him. 6. Once when Ermin was on the green of his castle he saw a band of knights approaching him with letters under seal; and the letters said tiiat Bramon. the King of Damascus, was coming to get Sisian, Ermin's daughter, by fair means or foul. THE IRISH LIFE OF BEVIS OF HAMPTON. 305 Then Ermin asked Sisian whetlier slie would consent [p. 381] to be given to Branion. the King; of Damascus; Sisian answered tliat she would not. 'What is the reason?' said the king'. 'This is my reason', said she; 'because I am thy heir, and if thou shouldst die, the man who was my hnsband would be king- in this land after thee; and if it should be Branion who was my husband, he would not remain in this land, but would carry his tribute into his own land, and this land would be put to shame because there would be no king- dwelling in it; and that is the reason I will not consent to be given to Bramon'. The king said: •What else is to be done?' said he. 'Thou shall do bravely'') said she: 'make a knight of Be^is of Hampton, and his courage would be the greater for it; and give Inm the leadership of thy army, and send him before thee into the front of battle, and in my opinion he will do a bold deed of bravery, for I saw him kill the virulent boar and the six knights mth a hand- breadth of a spear-shaft.' Then Ermin made a knight of Bevis, and Sisian gave him a shield and a sword and a horse, — Arundel the name of the horse, and ilorglae the name of the sword. Then came the King of Damascus with his great hosts to ravage and lay waste Mermidonia. Ermin brought his army into one body and went against Bramon. And Bens went man- fully and full bi-avely in the fi'ont of the fight, and battalions and hundreds fell quickly before him. And he fought with the King of Damascus after killing the phalanx that was defending him, and he captured the king in the midst of his retinue, and put bonds and fetters upon him, and brought him in the reins of captivity and bondage, and gave him to the king of Mermi- donia for safe-keeping. Sir Bevis tiu-ned back then to the hosts of Damascus, and began to slaughter them; and he found two of Ermin's retinue whom the hosts of Damascus were beheading, and released them, and the troop who were beheading them fell at his hands. And those two knights followed Sir Bevis after he had helped them. After ^nnning nctory and triumph in that battle Bevis returned to the city of Mermidonia wounded, gashed, and battle-scarred. Ermin told Sisian to take Sir Bevis with her to her own chamber to be healed. Thus did Sir Bevis fight that battle against the King of Damascus, et reliqua. 7. As for the King of Mermidonia then, he took as ransom all the wealth of the King of Damascus, and the promise to paj* taxes and tribute all his life and to follow Ermin's counsel in every thing. As for [p. 282] Sisian, Ermin's daughter, she took Bevis with her to be healed, and seated him by the post of her bed, and said to him: 'Sir Bevis', said she, "I have had until now ') For this question and answer cf. p. 310 b, above. Zeitachrlft f. celt. Philologie VI. 20 306 F. N. HOniNSON, 110 chance to speak with thee, for thou art my choice of a hus- band and my first love of the men of the world, and it is thou whom 1 desire to liave with me as my companion.' Bevissaid: 'It is not lifting: for thee to be Avitli me', said he, 'for there is not in the entire world a man who Avould not find his satis- faction of a wife in thee; and lady', said he, '1 have no wealth or kingdom', said he, 'unless I win it by virtue of my streng-tli; and it is for that reason I am not worthy to be thy husband,' said J^evis. The lady said bitterly and angrily: '() low-born hireling, and rough, base slave, and wretched, cowardly, v.icked outlaw, the answer thou hast given me is churlish and mean; and do thou leave this city, and go away on a sea-voyage as thou art wont to do, and I [promise] to put thee to death [if thou refuse to go].'') Bevis said patiently: 'Lady', said he, 'nia.yst thou have much honor! ^) And yet I am not of low rank, for 1 am the son of a noble earl who was the best in the world in his time, and the daughter of the King of Scotland is ray mother. And the place where I received that insult and that reproach without cause, I will leave it instantly; and the steed and the sword which thou gavest me for a reward, thou shalt have them at once.' Bevis angrily left the tower, and went to the stable of the horses. The lady said, after her strong anger was assuaged: 'Boniface", said she. '1 regret what I said to Bevis; and if he leaves this household, my life will not last long after him; and do thou go and bring him to me, and 1 will give liiin his own demand in his dishonor' (i.e. to atone for it). Boni- face went to Bevis. and asked him to go to the lady, and pro- mised hiin whatever he might demand from her. Bevis refused to go with liiin. And Bevis had a noble garment of shining, bright- embioidered silk, and many tine bars(?) ') of gold and sjilendid precious stones attached and fastened to that beautiful garment, and Bevis gave it to J^oniface to reward him for his errand. Boniface returned to the lady, and told her that Bevis had refused to come to talk with her; and Boniface said many good things about Bevis, and said that it was no lowly man who had given him that noble garment, and that it was not tilting to insult the man who gave that gift and that reward. The lady arose thereui)on, and went to J^evis, and said to him: ' Bevis'. said she, 'I am sorry for [p. SS:{| what I said to thee, and thou shalt have thy own demand |to atone) for it; and if it were thy desire to marry me, I would be baptized and would believe in the God in whom thou believest.' Sir Bevis said: 'I will accept thee on ') I c.iimot make anything of the reading of the MS. Perhaps some words are lost. '-) For the same formula cf. p. 333 a, above. In both instances it is used deprecatingly, when one speaker disagrees with another or denies bis request; cf. 'saving your reverence'. ') The MS. IS indistinct. THE IRISH LIFE OF BEVIS OF HAMPTON. 307 those terms', said he. And he took lier hand in his, and then they kissed eacli other; and after that Bevis went into the tower with her. and treatment and relief were given him so that he was well after his sickness. And the two knights whom Bevis saved fi'om death before this in the battle were listening to that betrothal, and thej- went to the king and told him the news of the betrothal, and told him to put Bevis to death. The king said that he was under great obligation to Bevis, and that he would not put him to death himself; but hd said that he would send him where he would meet his death. Then a letter was written for Ermin. and this is what was in it, to i)ut Bevis to death. And the king told Bevis to go with that letter to the King of Damascus. Bevis said: 'ily lord', said he, "I am not a suitable messenger to go with that letter to Bramon, for it is I who killed his retinue, and defeated him in battle, and made him captive himself, and took away all his possessions as ransom, and put him under tribute to ihee." 'None the worse [for] that', said Ermiu, 'and have no fear of anything there; and thou art the most faithful to me of living meu; and take with thee neither thy horse nor thy sword, and do not open the letter until thou reachest Bramon, the King of Damascus; and have under thee a comfortable, easy-riding mule.' As for Bevis then, he went straight forward on his way, and he was not long travelling o^er the road when he saw a palmer, manly and strong, on the road before him eating his dinner, — three liigeons 1) and a bottle of sweet wine and white bread. Bevis greeted the pilgrim, and the pilgrim answered him likewise, and offered Bevis part of the dinner. Bevis dismounted, and ate his portion of the dinner; and Bevis asked news of the pilgrim, what his country was, and on what journey he was bound. The pilgrim said: 'I am an English knight', .said he; 'Sir Tirri is my name, and I am the son of Sir Saber, and I am in search of Bevis of Hampton, for we two are the children of own brothers, Bens aud I. And my father's whole domain has been taken fi'om him excei>t one strong, impregnable tower in which he is himself; and I have come to travel through the world in search of Bevis of Hampton', said he; 'and hast thou a word of news about him?' said he. 'I have', said Bevis, 'for it is not more than two nights since I saw him, and the same size and shape is upon him and me.' [p. "281] 'I understand by this that thou ait he', said Tirri. 'I am', said Bevis; 'and go back to thy father, and give him the strength of thy arm, aud Bevis will shortl}' be with you.' Sir Tirri said: 'Give me that letter in thy hand to read, for often has a messenger been entrusted with the order for his own destruction.' Bevis said: 'It seems likely to me', ') Külbing's second English Tersion mentions three curlews'. 20* 308 F. N. ROBINSON, said he, 'that tliou art no better reader of letters than I, and I do not serve a lord whom I would suspect of betraying rae(?).'i) Bevis took leave of 1'irri. and Tirri went to England. As for Bevis after that, lie went on liis way, and it was not long before he saw the city of Daniasttus, and it was thirty miles away at that time. And it is thus that the city was: seven strong, impregnable fortifications around it of hard stone walls, and sixty feet between eacli two walls, and sixty feet of depth in the deep, dark, impassable ditches; and between the walls there was a swift, tidal stream, and a mad, tempestuous sea coursing around it in tiiose broad, great ditches; and broad-bosomed ships, and boats tilled with men, and vessels full vast, sailing before those ])erilous, rough winds; and a draw-bridge going into that city, and a firm,-) strong pillar of brass supporting it, and ten bells clattering and jingling on that bridge, five bells on each side of it. And if there sliould tread upon that bridge as much as tlie Aveight of the swift, brave birds which is called the wren, those bells would strike noisily and clamorously so that the loud, complaining call of those signal bells would be lieard throughout the length of the city. And the valiant youths and battle-liardened warriors of the city would respond bi'avely and quickly at the bridge to the call of the bells. And there was a splendid, great tower at the end of the bridge nearest to the cit}', and the figure of a dark, ugly-colored dragon cut on the side of that tower, and he had two great shining stoiies as eyes; and [there was] a broad, great door of brass in the entrance of that tower, and it is through that door that entrance was made into the city. And there were many stones of crystal and carljuncle and full splendid precious gems skilfully set in gold of Arabia in tlie windows and the casements ■') of that city. As for Be^is now, he stuck si)urs vigorously into the hurse. anil set it running on the bridge, |p. 285 1 and the bells sounded loudly and clamorously, and the king with his great retinue hastened to the bridge. And the king said: '^Phere is a hostile force coming over the bridge, or some man of ill purpose.' The king came to the place, and Bevis dismounted on tlie ground in the king's presence, and made him an obeisance, and gave the letter into his hand; and Bi'anion lead the letter. And he said: 'I will do cveiythiug that this writing saj's', said he; 'for thou art Bevis of Hampton, and it is thou who took me captive, and killed my followers, and got ransom fi'om me, and imposed it upon me to give homage and tribute to a man who was lower than myself.' And Bramon said: 'Give Bevis food', said he, 'for it is not ') Text and translation botli doubtful. ') On pninditihi see the foot-note at page 303 b. ') I do not know what distinction was made, it any, between seiniitir and fxdndeog. THE IKISH LIFE OF BEVIS OF HAMPTON. 300 fitting to treat the retainer of a noble lord with dishonor.' Bevis was taken to the king's hall, and food was gixen him; and they were askinsr each other what deatli they should inflict ujjon him. Some of them said to burn him at once; others said to crucify him with acclaim; others said to drag- him after a horse; others to put him in poison for his punishment. Bevis said: 'That is shameful', said he, 'to put to death one who comes') with a me.<;sage; and it is this it would be well for you to do. to set me outside the city, and to give me equipment of battle, and all the hosts of tlie city to be in battle equipment around me, and all of them to be attacking me and smiting me together; and it is less cause of shame to you to kill me like that than to kill me here.' One of the companies said: 'At the time when thou liaddest us before in the breadth of the land, thou didst slay our army; and thou wouldst do the same now. if thou shouldst get us out in the field.' Theu a group of bold warriors fell on Bevis"s back so that swarms of eager bees would not be quicker at the honey -flowers-) than were the bold, proud hosts of Damascus at' binding and fettering the brave, firm -stepping warrior. And after that they put Bevis as a fettered captive in a cruel prison for his punishment; and Bevis took a stout staff with him into prison. And there was a flowing, ever- crashing sea which came twice in a day and a night into that prison. And when Bevis sat down the sea was up to his chin, and when he stood it was up to his buttocks; and there was a strong girdle of iron, as broad as a warrior's neck, bound about his middle, and a heavy pillar of stone attached to that great fetter behind Bevis's back. And there came dark, devilish dragons, [p. iSfJl and hostile, venomous snakes, and stroug. fierce beasts ti'om the corner and from the sides of the prison, and began to tear and destroy the warrior. Then did Bevis implore the Heavenly Father to save him from that punishment; and he remembered the staff that he had taken with him into the prison, and he made a bitter, reckless fight against the many beasts, until he killed them all with the help of God. And the poisonous serpent tore away the flesh and skin of his left eye- brow with a bite. As for Bevis then, he was seven years stifled in that very strong prison, and this was his living for that time: half a small handfull of paltry ^) barley bread every other day; and this was his drink, the ever -crashing sea, et reliqna. •) Literally, 'should come'. ^) Literally, 'bee-flowers'. ') I take anmann to be for anbkfann, 'weak', hence 'poor', 'paltry'. For the spelling anmami cf. CZ. m, 204: and for the application to bread cf. the lines: Aran tana an Disirt, Js iseal é, 's is anbhfann, O'Daly's satire on 'The Iribes of Ireland" (ed. 0' Donovan), p. 56. 310 F. N. EOEINSON. 8. One day when BeA'is was in that prison in bodily suffering from luinger and confinement, lie cried out to God at that time, and saidi '0 thou one God Almighty, who didst make heaA-en and earth without effort, and didst separate day and night from each other, and dost bi'ing full-tide and ebb-tide upon the sea, and didst make all things out of nothing, it is a pity thou dost not grant me instant death out of the pain and suffering of this prison in which 1 have been for seven j-ears. And thou dost see, 0 Lord, that I liave not yet aban- doned tliy faitli. tliougli I have been fifteen years in the land of the pagans; and 0 Lord', said he, "thou knowest thai 1 should get wealth and a great kingdom if I would abandon thy faith; and 0 Heavenly Father', said he, 'help me when it is thine own time'. An angel spoke above his head, and said: 'Bevis', said he, 'have good courage, ami a strong heart, for God has listened to thy complaint, and thou slialt soon have help.' Then there grew a great light in the prison from the ministration of the angel, and sight and perception departed from the dragon, and the dragon was killed by Bevis. As for the two knights who were keeping the prison, they heard Be^is jjraying and wor- shipping the Lord, and one of them said to the other: "Dost thou hear the false, hateful traitor worshipping the traitor whom our fathers crucified, and praising him as God? — And I give my word that 1 will go down there and strike thee a blow with my fist on thy dark-yawning, ugly mouth.' [p. '2S7J The knight went fiercely and boldly into the prison, and when he reached Bevis. Bevis struck his sword out of his hand in spite of him. and smote him on the neck with his fist, and he died. The other knight asked: 'How is it between thee and the Christian?' said he. Bevis said: 'He is wounding me badly, for he is stronger than L' The second knight entered the prison to help his com- panion, and Bevis struck him with his sword, and made two pieces of him. Bevis jirayed and thanked God for that great miracle, and he moved himself gentl,y in the midst of his prayer, and his fetters fell instantly from him on every side; and he stood up on the floor of the prison, and seized the strong rope and the firm cord of hemp by which the knights had come into the prison, and went uji by it to the floor of the hall. And he found the door open and free, and a taper burning on each side of it in the very middle of the night, and the garrison of the castle all asleep. And Bevis went out to the stable of the horses, and with a single blow of a big, broad beam that was at the foot of the bed he killed the sixty lads who were keeping the liorses, and he took his pick of the horses. And he put on strong, indestructible arnuir; and mounted his steed, and went on to the gate of the city, and asked to have it opened before him, and said that the Christian had escaped who had been their prisoner for seven years. 'That is sad', said the THE IRISH LIFE 01' liEVIS OF HAMPTOX. 311 frate-keeper, 'and follow him quickl.v'; and then he let Bevis out, for he thought it likely that all the hosts of the city were behind him : and thus Bevis got out of the city without hindrance. As for the hosts of the city, not much of the night passed before they discovered that Bevis had escaped, and that his keepers had been killed; and they took their horses and pursued liim, and overtook him in the morning. A noble knight of the retinue of the King of Damascus was at the head of the host, and a very swift horse under him. and Grainnder was the knights name; and Grainnder valued that horse at his own weight of gold, and Treinnsiuis was the name of the horse. And he overtook Bevis with the swiftness of his horse, and said that he would put him to death. Bevis turned and fought with him tiercel}', angrily, and bitterly, and gave Grainnder a thrust of the spear, and drove it through his body without breaking it, and Grainnder died fi-om it. And thereupon Bevis took his horse, Treinsiuis, and mounted it. And at that time the King of Damas- cus and his hosts overtook [p. 28N] Bevis, and he killed countless numbers and great troops of them. Then the hosts of Damascus surrounded him. and tried to wound him and to kill him. And with the help of God Bevis jumped his horse over a great cliff of tlie sea, and there was a swift, tidal stream, and a bay, roaring and stormy, on the other side of the rock, and it was not possible for any creature in the world to s-nim it. And Bevis's horse quickly sprang into that fierce water') and swam straight through it like a harbor, and crossed the stream swiftly and bravely. Twenty- four hours was Bevis with his horse crossing that water; and after Be^is had reached land he fell from his hoi-se because of the weakness of his breath-) and the greatness of his hunger. And he implored God earnestly and fervently to save him from that hunger, and he praised the Heavenly Father greatly, and with that there came to him new strengtL And he took his horse again, and mounted it, and went straight forward on the way, and saw [a city) beyond him, and proceeded toward it; and on reaching the gate of the city he saw a lady, gracious and noble, on the top of the tower over the gate of the city; and Bevis greeted her. and asked her for food in honor of the Heavenly Father. The lady said: 'Come in', said she, 'and thou shalt have thj' fill of food and drink'. Then Be-\-is went in, and dismounted in the royal hall, and sat at table, and food was put in his presence. And it was not long before he saw a bold, horrible giant, and a broad- bellied champion, heavy and strong, approaching him; and the giant looked at Bevis and saw Grainuder's horse. And he said >) Literally, 'into the fierce bosom' (bruinde)? Or is brainde to be connected with brann, 'wave'. See Meyer's Co7itribikio7ts, s.v. *) Literally, 'weakness of- his breast'. 312 F. N. KOniNSOX, fiercely and angrily: ' That is Treinnsiuis, the horse of Grainnder. my own brotlier; and thou, traitor', said he, 'hast stolen if. Bevis said: 'I did not steal it', said he, "and yet T killed the man who had it, and strnck off his head violently". When the champion heard that, he aimed a mighty blow at Bevis with a horril)le,, iieriloiis dagger, and Bevis di'opped nnder the table and let the blow go past. And the giant cut a piece as large as a warrior's band from the table above Bevis"s head. Be^is sprang from the board at that, and ran at the giant, and seized [p. äS!>| his dagger in spite of him. and smote the champion a blow with it so that he made two pieces of his body. Thereupon a cry was raised in the city, and Bevis mounted his steed; and the hosts of the city overtook him, and he slew multitudes, and got away in spite of them. As for Bevis then, he was making a long journey tlnough the eastern world until he came in India to the patriarch of the stream,i) namely, one of the three-) kings of India, and it is he who is Pope among them. And Bevis remained with him a j^ear as his retainei'; and there took place in that year no battle with warrior or soldier, champion or battle-phantom, lion or leopard, dragon or the many venomous beasts besides, that they did not all fall at his hands in the course of that year, and it was an abundance of treasure and spoil that he brought to the patriarch in that time. Bevis said that he would leave India, and that he would be for another while travelling straight toward the western world. The patriarch said: 'Do not go', said he, 'and I mil give thee a kingdom, and thy choice of a wife of this land; and stay with me'. Bevis made his confession to the Pope of India, and told him that the daughter of the pagan king was his legal wife. The patriarch said that if she was, it would not be right for him to have another woman unless his wife had given herself first to a pagan; and if so, that it would not be right for him to have his wife. As for Bevis then, he took leave of the i)atriarch, and went straight to the west, and did not stoji till he reached Ehodes. And he stayed for another year with the Prior of Rhodes, and great was the number of pagans who fell at his hands in that year, and many Saracens and Jews fell at his hands in that year, and he obtained for the jirior in that year an abundance of spoils and treasures. And the prior offered him a great realm, if he would remain with him. and Bevis refused it, and made his confession to the prior and told him that the daughter of the pagan king was his lawful wife; and ') 111 the Middle English vereion (Kölbiug, II. 195911.): 'Forth a wentc he tlie strem. Til a com to Jurisalem; To thepatriark a wente cof, Aud al his lif he him schrof ". '') Ou this use of the ordinal numeral to denote one of a scries or group cf. RC. XXin, 433; CZ, IV, 369; Archiv f. celt Lex. I, 32-2. THE IBISH LIFE OF BEVIS OF HAMPTOX. 313 tlie same answer was given him b)' the \mov and the patriarch. And after that Bevis went on his way, and carried oft the palm for bravery in every land and every country of the world to which he went in those two years. 0. As for Sisian, Ermin's daughter, when Bevis was sent with the letters to tlie King of Damascus, it seemed to her that he was long absent, and she went to her father and asked him where Bevis was. Ermin said: 'It is sad, lady', said he, 'for he sent messengers before him to England, and demanded his domain of the emperor; and the emperor gave Bevis his daughter to wife, and he is now an earl in England. Moreover, [p. 21)0] men of foreign parts are not to be trusted, for in the end they set out for theii- own country. And I offered him a great domain if he would remain with me, and he refused me, and went on his way'. As for Sisian now, she was in lamentation for grief about Bevis, and yet she did not believe her father's statements, for she thought that Bevis would not play her false. And it was not long after that before Ybor.') the King of Damascus sent messengers to ask for Ermin's daughter in marriage. Ermin went to his daughter, and told her that messengers had come from the King of Damascus to ask her hand. 'And I will give thee to him', said he. Sisian said: 'Father', said she. 'I will do thy will'. Then Ermin told Ybor's messengers to come for the lady at the end of a short period. When Sisian heard this, she made a lieautiful girdle of gold thread and of resplendent silk, and wisely and skilfully, by the \\-isdom of the Greeks, she put into that girdle power to prevent any man in the world from destroying her virginity so long as that girdle should be upon her. And she put it around her inside of her clothing. Then Ybor came with fifteen thousand soldiers to get her, and she was given to him, and their marriage-feast was held, and the liorse and sword of Bevis were given him, — Morglae and Airinnel their names. And Ybor hung the sword across him, and mounted the horse; and when Airinnel recognised that it was not Bevis who was on her, she ran ronghly and violently, and carried him madly and furiously through deep, black, horrible glens, and over rough, precipitous hills, and high, dangerous cliffs, and it is a pity that she did not kill him. And after that the horse was put in the castle soller, and an iron lattice around her; and no man dared to touch her from that time forth until Bevis returned long afterwards. 10. As for Bevis of Hampton, after he left Rhodes he did not stop until he reached the bounds of great Mermidonia in the beautiful, blue-watered land of Greece. And some one met ') Yvor in Middle English; Yvori in French. 314 F. N. KOlilNSON, liim on the road, and Bevis asked him for news of that laud, and particular!}' for news of Sisian. The young man said: 'There is peace, and quiet, and prosperity in this land', said he, 'and Sisian lias been married for nine years to the king- of Meniroine'.') Sadly did Bevis receive that news; [p. 2i)lj and he did not stop after that until he reached the land of Memi-ointi, ') near the city of Ybor; and a pilgrim met him as he was leaving the city, and he asked news of him. The pilgrim said : ' In that city yonder is the one woman who is the best in the whole Avorld, Sisian the daughter of the King of Mirmidonia. the wife of Ybor, King of Meniroine, for if all the men in the world should go to her at mid-daj','-) she would give them food and drink and gold and silver. And this is what she saj"s to them with every alms: 'Take that in honor of God and for the sake of Bevis of Hampton'; and no man understands that word from her'. Bevis said: 'Pilgrim', said he, "give me the loan of thy poor clothes', said he, 'and take my knightly garments, until I come back '. The pilgrim said he would not do it. Bevis said: 'Give me thy poor clothes', said he. 'and I will give thee my knightly garments in return for them'. They did so. And Bevis put on the pilgrim's clothes, and went on his way to the city, and saw the beautiful lady, and her head out of a tower- window. And this is what slie said with a lamenting voice: '0 Bevis', said she, 'it is a pity for me that thou art so far away, and the virtues of my girdle have departed, and it is necessary for me now to do Ybor's will'. Then Bevis greeted her, and she answered him and asked him who he Avas. Bevis said: '1 Jiave been Journeying about the world', i^aid he. The lady asked him if he had seen a word of news about Bevis of Hami»lon in any place where he had been. Bevis said: "I have seen him, and it is only three nights since then'. And Bevis asked alms of the lady, and Sisian said: 'Come in', said she. 'and thou slialt have alms, and slialt be pi-ior of the beggars in this city to-day'. Bevis went in, and Sisian came to meet him. and took him with her into the soller where Airindel was; and when the horse saw him and recognised him. she l)egan to neigh and licked his hand. Bevis opened the lattice, and the horse came out and ran through the city. Sisian said: 'That is a pity', said she, 'for the horse there will never again be caught'. Bevis called the horse to him, and she came ((uickly. and was licking him, and he put her in again; and the lady looked at him. and when') she had raised the hat of leather fi-om his head, she recognised ') I have kept the inconsistencies of the Irish spelling for the land which appears in the Middle English 'Bevis' as Mombraunt. *) Either some words are omitted or the verbal noun {fir do did) must be construed as taking the place of a clause in the protasis. Of. the somewhat different construction of ammdyi on p. 358 a. ") Translating oir and omitting 7 before ioaithÍ7). THE IRISH LIKE OK BEVIS OF HAJIPTON. 315 liiiii. tliüugh he had lost bis left eye-brow since she had seen him before. The hrdy said: (p. 2!)2] 'Tlion art Bevis thyself, said she. '1 am indeed", .said lie; and he told her the trntli about every- thing. And tSisian said: "Bevis', said she. 'go out of the city, and come at mid-day to the king-, and tell him that thou wert in Babykm, and that the whole land has been captured except only the city of Babylon, and tliat there is a great army around it. And say tliat the King of Babylon sent thee to ^'bnr to help him out of this difficulty, for he is Ybor's own brother; and Vbor will go to his aid, and will leave this city unguarded, and thus we shall get an opportunity to escape'. Then Bevis went out of the city, and came into it at mid-day, and went into the king's presence, and told him how Babylon had been taken, all except the great city only, — 'and I have come secretly to get thee to help tliine own brother'. The king believed that, and collected his army in one place, and left the guarding of the city in charge of a noble knight of his retinue, and set out with his hosts. Sisian said: 'Bevis', said she, 'we are in trouble now; for the knight who was left in charge of the city has a talismanic stone, and there is nothing done in the city which it does not reveal to him '. Sisian made a potent drink by Greek wisdom, and sent a messenger to the knight, and he came quickly; and she gave him the sleeping-potion, and he fell asleep thereupon, and it was not possible to wake him for twenty-four hours. Thus did Sisian find an opportunity ') of escape. 11. As for Bevis then, he put Sisian behind Boniface, her chamberlain from the time she was a child until that hour, and mounted Airinndel himself, and in this way tiiey passed out of the city without being noticed. As for Ybor, the King of ilem- roine, he ^\as not long travelling the road when a pilgrim met him. and Ybor asked news of him, who he was. The pilgrim said: 'I have been in Babylon', said he. 'Hast thou news of that land?' said the king. 'Good news", said he, 'for there is peace and quiet and prosperitj- in that land yonder; and it is strong above every land, and no land is strong above it.' 'That is true', said the king, 'and it is clear to me that it was Bevis of Hampton who came there in a pilgrim's guise to deceive us; and he has probably taken the queen with him, and we must tui-n'-) back by the same road.' And [p. 293] they did not find the queen or Boniface in the city. And they followed on their track, and overtook them, and Bevis turned to meet them, and killed great hosts and countless numbers of them; and they came to a deep, dark glen, and one narrow wooded path going ') LiteraDj' 'solitude', 'state of being aloue". Cf. also p. 362a. ■') Perhaps is should be supplied before imiiuide. BIG F. N. KOBIXSOK, tlirough it. The king turned back at that time with liis followers for fear that Bens would kill his followers in tlie narrow part of the glen, and Bevis descended to the bottom of the glen. And Sisian said: 'Bevis', said she. 'get us food, for hunger has overcome us.' Bevis said: '0 queen', said he. 'it is not eas}- for us ') to get food in this wilderness, for men and cities are far from us.'-) Sisian said: 'I have heard', said she, 'that brave knights would get food in tlie wildernesses by their skill in handling spears.' Bevis left Sisian and Boniface there, and went himself to seek adventure with the spear; 3) and he came upon a marvellous, wild boar, and he got his choice of a cast at him, and he drove a man's hand-breadth of the spear through its bod}', and it died, and he brought a quarter of it with him to Sisian. As for the King of Jlemrointe, he had two sharp-toothed lions that he kept, and the strength of a host or an army did not avail against them; and he set them on Bevis's track, and the lions came to where Sisian was, and Boniface rose and fought with them, and the lions killed liim. and devoured both him and his horse. Then Bevis came up. and Sisian cried out to him to Hee fi'om the lions since he had the swift horse; and Bevis did not do this, but came to the spot. And the lions were licking the lady's feet; and one of them ran at Bevis, and Sisian held tlie other lion by the front paw, and it stayed by her without struggling. And Bevis killed the lion that fought with him, and called to Sisian [to let] the other lion come out against him; and Sisian asked tor protection for the lion that was with her, but Bevis threatened lier and said slie must let it go. And slie let the lion go to Bevis, and Bevis killed the second lion, and afterwards dismounted, and made a fire, and boiled the boar's flesh, and gave tlie lady plenty of food and pure water. And then he mounted his horse, and left the glen, and there was a ridge of a high, very cold mountain to be ci'ossed by him. And it was not long for him before he saw coming after him a fierce, warlike, hoi'rible giant, and a rough, savage*) champion, with a stout, broad -topped tree on his shoulder; and not swifter was a wild boar on the way [p. 294] than the swift, fierce course that the giant took after Bevis. Sisian looked back, and she saw the champion coming in pui-suit. Sisian said: '0 Bevis', said she. 'I see tlie champion of the king of Mermeointi coming toward thee, and I recognize him, and armies and hosts are not his eijual in battle because of the ') I Lave seen no parallel to tliis use of linaim with gorta. ') Literally, 'near to ns'. ') Literalh', 'adventure of casting'. *) I am doubtful about the exact meaning of anaccarrach. It occurs above at ]>. 3.")8b (dorith si co h-aiiwiin, anacarrach) where it seems to mean 'rough'. Is it equivalent to anacrach, 'awkward, wretched'? Of. also the noun anacair, 'distress, affliction'. THE IRISH LIFE OF BEVIS OF HAMPTON. 317 greatness of his strength and the skill of his hand'. Bevis said to lier: 'Dismount'; and she did so at once, and Bevis rode Ills liorse against the giant; and the giant aimed at Bei'is a rougli. powerful blow, and Bevis avoided the blow-, and sprang upon the giant uuder the tree, and put both arms around him, and gave him a hard twist, and threw him. And Bevis bound the giant securely; and when he was about to strike off his liead, Sisian asked him to spare the giant's life, and the giant sliould be ") his retainer fi-om that time forth for the length of his life; and thus Bevis gave him his life. Tliose three went on theii- way, and came to the sea, and they had no ship. And they saw ships on the sea, and Esgobard cried out to them, asking for a ship, and they made him no answer. And the giant went boldly out into the sea. and put his t\vo hands under the ship that "was nearest to him; and the crew thought that it was into the ship he wished to go, but he did not do that. He tui-ned the ship upside down, and drowned in the middle of the ocean all that were in it, and brought the ship to Bevis. After that they went aboard the ship, and began eagerly to sail the sea, and they came to a sheltered, secure harbor in Coilin^) in England. And a brother of Bevis's father was bishop in that citj'. And the bishop came to meet Bevis, and paid him honor and respect. Bevis asked whether there was strife of war or of rebellion in England at that time. The bishop said: 'There is great danger and peril in this land now', said he; 'namel}^, two haughty dukes who were in Germany, and they were thu'ty years at war with each other, and their troops and armies were killed on both sides in that time. And they made deep, impassable wildernesses of their lands and all their terri- tories, and neither the emperor nor the pope could make peace between them. And finally they themselves went to battle with each other, and God changed them alike to the form of two black, devilish dragons because of the multitude of their sins, and they went up on liigh above the clouds. And one of the dragons descended in Rome, and he began |p. 295 1 to kill the Komans and to lay waste the city. And the pope with his clergy prayed the Heavenly Father to help them out of that peril, and God did that for them: God enfeebled the dragon, and the Romans bound it, and put it in a room of a castle under the bridge of Rome, and it is bound there. And the other dragon descended upon this land, and it is only seven miles from here; and it has laid waste a great part of this realm, and has killed a multitude of men and of cattle, and we are afraid that it will make a wuderness of all England. It was not long after ') Literally, 'and he to be'. ') The Middle English romance says 'Cologne', from which Bevis proceeds later to England. 318 F. N. BOBIXSON, that wlien Bevis escaped the attention of the bishop, and went out of the city secretly, and tlie giant along with him; and they went to the forest in which the dragon was, and they heard the terrible cry and the fierce roar of tlie dragon. And Asgobard said: 'Not for the wealth of the whole -world would I stay to meet that angrj-, hostile beast'; and the giant tied out of the forest and left Bevis alone. As for Sir Bevis tlien, it was not long before he saw the black, misshapen dragon approaching; and Bevis sjjurred his steed vigorously to meet it, and gAxe the dragon a keen thrust of the spear and did not wound it. And the dragon spouted a flood of green vomit in Bevis's eyes, and did not leave him the strength of a woman in child-bed. The monster passed by him in that charge, and [Bevis] sprang into a well that was near, for he cliose ratlier to be drowned than to be swallowed by the dragon; and after lie went into the water his strength returned to him mightily and powerfully. And he went again to meet the beast, and gave it a spear- thrust, and did not hurt it. And the dragon spouted a second flood about him, and did not leave Bevis the strength of a babe; and Bevis sprang into tlie same well again, and was whole and sound on coming out of it. Three times he sprang thus into the well after being struck h\ the green vomit, and he was whole and sound on coming out. The fourth wave that smote upon him was colorless and white, and none the weaker was Bevis, for the poison of the monster had been ex- liausted; and Bevis gave [the dragon] a spear-thrust, and drove the spear through it, and beheaded it afterwards, and took its head away. As for Asgobard, he proceeded to Coilin, and told the bishop that Sir Bevis had been killed by the dragon. And the bishop went, and the people of the city, in a procession to get Sir Bevis's body; and the bells of the city were all rung in honor of Bevis, and [p. 296] nothing was heard in the city except only the sound of the bells and outcry and lamentation. Then they saw Bevis coming to meet them, with the dragon's head on his spear, and the spear on his shoulder, and he himself in the saddle of his horse. And the people uttered shouts of joy at the sight of Bevis, and greatly praised that deed of bravery; and they went together into the city, and Bevis was held in honor there. Tiius far the battle of Bevis against tlie di'agon. 12. As for Bevis then, he went on his way to France, and was there a wliile, and left Sisian in a strong city, and Asgobard to keep and guard her. And Bevis went to carry help to Sir Bir,') liis foster-father and uncle, in England. And it was not long for Sisian after Bevis's departure before a rich, mighty earl, whose name was Earl Mills, came to ask for her ') Obviously au error for 'Sh' Saber'. THE IRISH LIFK OF BEVIS OF HAMPTON. 319 in marriage, after having given her his love(?); and he asked her, and she refused him. Earl Milis said that she sliould be liis by fair means or foul. Sisian said that she would not be, and that she had sufficient protection about her; and the earl asked what protection she had about her. The lady said it was Asgobard. Not long after that the giant met the earl, and [the earl] brought a letter in his hand, and said Revis had sent him a message to bring the giant out on an island; and that was three miles from the city out upon the sea. The giant went out to the island, and Earl Milis to escort him;i) and there was a strong castle on the island, and the earl put — [a line and a half unreadable] — back into the same city, and told Sisian that the giant was in his prison of confinement. And the earl said: 'Sisian'. said he, 'it is necessary now for thee to do my will'. Sisian said: 'Thou art my choice of the men of the world, if I should get thee as husband; but never shall a man who is not my husband enjoj- my favour with my consent'. The earl said that he would marry her on the morrow. And early in the morning the earl married the lady, [and . . .] the night after to lie with the lady. The lady said: 'Earl Milis', said she, ' the work which thou desirest to do is unknown to me until this time, and 1 beg thee to let no man come into the same house with us to-night'. The earl said [p. äi)7] that he would not let anyone in, and he sent out those that were within, and shut the door, and was taking off his clothes. Sisian sat upright, and seized a tough, strong cord of hemp, and made a slip-knot upon it and put a tight twist [of it J under Earl Milis's head; and there was a strong beam running cross-wise above the floor of the chamber, and Sisian [putj the cord across the beam and drew him up by the neck, and beat the back of his head against the beam strongly and mightily, and strangled him thus. And she let him fall, after his life had left him, and then went to sleep herself. As for the followers of Earl Milis, the next morning they were joking and making sport about the earl as was customary with a bridal couple. One of them said that it was well pleased the earl was with taming the maiden.'^) And another said that it was fitting [for her] to have [. . .] ^) and cookery in preparation for the earl, rather than to be asleep at that time after the night's work he had had. The lady said: '. . .' said she, 'he does not ask cookerv of you, for he is dead [in] revenge for my insult, and [I pledge my word] that I chose rather to die than to be the earl's wife'. His retinue •) In one Middle English version another man is sent with Ascopart to lock him up. and Miles remains behind. 'I Reading not quite certain. For tninmyhudli in this sense cf. KC. XIX. 12Ü, n. 5 and 158, n. 11. ') MS. indistinct. 320 r. N. ROBINSON, littered (?) ... and cries . . . lamenting their lord, and all [the hosts of the citj'] came to the place. And the lady was taken bj' them, and they left her [on the market-place of the city], and made ... a surging, strong-burning [fire] for her, to burn her uj); and she asked of them as a favor to let her have a priest tliat she might make her confession . . ., and that was granted her. Then it was . . . that tlie giant, Asgobard, and he ... in prison, noticed tlie terrible, blazing tire on the green of the castle, and he thought in his mind that some WTong or injustice was being done the lad}'. And a fierce, strong fit of rage seized him . . ., and he broke the chains and fetters, and the stone ramparts and the partition-walls of the castle, and went out, and set his face towards the rough surging waves, and began to swim strongly and boldly. And he saw a small boat in the middle of the water, and a fisherman in her stern killing a fish; and the giant went into the boat, and the fisher- man did not observe anything until he saw the misshapeu creature and the rough, ill-boding [. . .] rising [out of the] stormy [sea], and coming into the |p. 2!>S] boat; and fear . . . seized the fislierman, for he tliought that it was ... [of hell]. He leaped [. . . and] was drowned. As for Esgobard then, he began to row the boat [witli his hands . . .]. and came to harbor, and ran to the city. Glossary. (The numbers refer to pages of the Zeitschrift, and not (as in the foot-notes) to the columns of the MS. In the case of the commoner words references arc not given for every instance of their occurrence. No attempt is made to sL'jiarate the '(iuy" and the 'Bevis', but it will he observed that the latter text begins on page 273.) ah, aba, .'56, 37, ahhot. abac, 01, entrails, boivels. abairt 4(), deed, feat. achar (=-= athchor), 24, exj)ulsio7i. Compare Meyer, Contributions, pp. 10 and 146. achlan, 26, complaint, lamentation. Cf. Sc. Gaelic achlau, 'lament', and Meyer, 'Contributions', Addenda, p. II. adhar, 105, your two? Cf. adar n-, our ttco, RC. XXVI, 8; adam. my two, ' Lives of iSaints from the Book of Lismore ', Glossary, s. v. adimus (= ad-diinus?), 41, yreat pride? adnáire, 97, confusion. THE lUISn laVES OF Gl'Y AXD ÜK BEVIS. 321 ágmar, 53, tcarlike, brave. aibéil, frequent iu the combiimtiuns 'co liiftibeil", 'co laimilieil', '26, 36, 42, etc. It apiiears to mean quick, sitddeii. Cf. Diuneen's Dictionary s. v. aibéil. áibsech, 84, teifibk. aicce, nearness-, ataice, Í3. aidid, 25, obeisance, submission. 0. Ir. aititiii. aigéin, 94, ocean. aiger, 83, air, sky. ailiui, I fit, »iiti? 'is maith roail iu treallara-sin do Gyi', 38. áiues, 297, j)leasure, amitsement. aiug'ide, 32, '275, wicked. aiuiarmartacb, 96, 286, '297, ill-fated, ill-boding, and so in general destritctive. Cf. P. M. Mac Sweeney, 'Caitbreim Congbail Clairingbnigb ', p. r23, u. Also 'Life of Hugh Koe O'Donnell', p. 250, 'Battle of Magh Rath', p. 272, aud 'Battle of Veutry', Glossary, s. v. aimuide, SO, a/iimal; pi. aiumindti, 75. ainntreanuta, 275, fierce, rough. airchiuuech, 82, herenagh, a lay chief of ecclesiastical property. Cf. Aucieul Laws VI, 35. áirem 25, reputation. airgen, rein; a u-airginaib broide, 281, 'in the reins of captivity'. áirigtbe, especial, paiiicular; d'airighthe, 92. ais, side, back; rogab re als, 56, he undertook. aisic, 70, giving back, repaying. aithlegha, 62; aithletha, 59; athletha, 47; refined (gold). amantnr, amuntnr, 28b, adventure; 32, spoils, booty (the results of an adventure). Also the adjective amautrach, 57, adventurous. ambrail, 81, admiral, emir. Also iu proper names: Anibrail Coscrau, 52. aud by itself Ambrail, 100. amgar, wretched; is amhgar atamaid, 292. amluath, 67, distress. anacarrach, '290, 293, rough, distressful, destructive'i See the foot-note at p. 316. aubfesach, 66, ignorant. audath, 295, colorless. anmaine, 27, weakness, siioun; anmainde, 288. anmainnigim, anmaiudighim, 295, enfeeble. anmann, 286, poor, paltry, (of bread). See p. 309, n. anusacht, 63, affection. ara: dat. pi. aradhaibh, 37, servant, follower. aradaiu, 30, bridle. árbach, 38, slaughter. árd-ermach. 275, high-leaping. árd-shuaithcenntus, 51, lofty banner, emblem. árrsaigh, (= arrsaid), 79, 88, old. arrthaisc; a r-arrthaisc, against, 32, 88; of friendly approach, 48, 52. at, hat; at pill, 291, rough leather hat. athaisiagud, '26, a reviling, reproaching. Zeitschrift f. celt. I'hilologie Vi. 21 322 F. N. EOBINSON. atlniadli, 289, spoil, booty. Cf. O'Cl. athnaiuh .i. édáil. attruagh, 66, very pitiful. So also attruath, 1. baccach, 61, lame, maimed. l)ai[(lh]bh, 289, battle-phantom, fury. bail, 88, will, desire. bail, 101. issrte, effect. balla, 284, wall. bauais, n-eddiny; tied baiimsi, 71. banquet (in general?). For the latter use cf. 'Battle of Magh Rath', p. 14. bara, 99, barrow. baramail, 95, similarity, resemblance. Cf. 'Giolla au Fbiiigba' (Ir. Texts Soc. I), Glossary, p. 201. bare, 284, boat. barruilV eo barruil, 24; probably co barr uile, as emended by Dr. Meyer, bascad, 47, destroyiny, injuriny. bata, 57, 71, 285, stick, club. bech-his, 285, bee-plants, (i. e. honey -floicers). becui ; doriudi becni, 32, 87, made liyht of (with the preposition do), bédgnimach, 275, 280, evil, injurious. béicedacli, 295, cry, scream. belleic? 96, altar? Cf. the foot-note. best, 279, beast; a form iu 6 existing alongside of 'piast'V bethadach, 92, 93, creaticre. bbuaim-si = naim-si, 32; bhnaind ^ uaiuu, 47: buaid = uait. 49, etc. big-urrlura, 81, swift and sudden (= bidhg-nrrlum). binbe? 290, fury (MS. binle). binu-brég, 71, sweet and false. bisech 26, increase, bod 80, 93, tail. boinim (= bainini); doboin, 281, 286, took away- bord, edge; bord-briste, 42, edge-broken; see the foot-note, braighe (also braighde), 70, hostage, captive; pi. braigdi, 72. brainde, 288, water, wave? But see p. 311, n. bráth; CO brach, 97, with neg., not at all, on no account. breath, judgment, hence choice, desire? 95, 280, 282. breoite, 61, weak, broken, feeble. bronntas (^^ bronntachas ?), 73, gift, pircsent. brúad; sír-bhrúadh, 285, a crashing, smashing? bruinne, breast; u.sed with reference to the breath, le h-aumainde a bruiuue, 2öÖ. buaball, 32, 73, etc., horn, bugle. búan-rébtba, 103, dismantled, torn dotcn (referring to a city); titan- used as an emphatic prefix, buidél, 283, bottle. buidertha? 26, disturbed? buile, 297, fit (of rage). buille, blow, stroke; glance (of the eye), 26: blast (of a horn). 32. bun, 45. support, reinforcement. THE IRISH LIVES OF OITY AND OF HEVIS. 323 bnnÄ? 71, bata buna borb-remnr, a stout, rough stick. This is apparently the genitive of b>iu, stock, root, just preceding. cabuir, 6S, help (= cobair). caiihla. '2S7, cord, rope. Cf. le cadbladaibh eniaidliriglmiWi cuaibe, 'Life of Hugh Roe', p. 208. For covda cruaidhrighin cuaibi cf. p. 363a, below. caeb, 279, clod, lump. cáemna, 40, a keeping, guardijig. caillte, 70, = coillte, gelded? cainnteach, 284, clattering, clanging (bells); roaring (sea); 288. cair, 97. blame. cairt, 49, 78, covenant, pledge: respite 63, 86. cairt, gen. cartach, 98, cart. cajsmert, 284, report, outcry. caisuiertach, 284, signalling. caistél, 40; caisleoU, 76, castle. Diminutive eaislein, 76. caithiin, must, am obliged to; used pei-sonallj-, co caithfidis, 51, and im- personally, caithfir, 80. Both uses occur also in the 'Pierabras': cf. RC. XIX, 384. carbuugcnlus, 59, carbuncle. catharda, pertaining to a city; catb catharrda, 43, civil strife; catbair catharrda, metropolis? 72; in a cuidechtaib catharda, 40? See p. 121, n. cathirgail, 34, battle, conflict. cathoilicda, 25, catlwlic. causdiu? 26. céide, 35, market-place. céim-digaind, 285, finn-stepping. ceinnbert, 35, 69, helmet. cengailte, bound, fastened. It is applied to a crown, 52, 276, 284 ; tu a fetter, 285; to a helmet, 69. cennarc, 294, strife. cenn-cael, 290, sharp-peaked, precipitous. cenn-chorr, 60, round-peaked? cep, 76, stocks (of a prisoner). cétfadach, sensible, discreet; apparently departing from this meaning when applied to warriors in battle, as on pp. 68, 104, 280. See the foot-note on p. 111. cetha, 60, shower. cicarach, 280, greedy. cichanach, 284, clanging (bells). Cf. cicbnach, hissing, in Meyer's Con- tributions. eing, king: cing Heirmeis, 53; ciug Caulog 96: cing o Nubie, 56. cipe, 43, troop (of soldiers). cir, ciest. top: cira na cinnberta, 35. cís-cháin, 281, tax, tribute. claim, 280, I conquer, overcome. See clóim in Wiudisch's Wtb. claiti, pret pte. 277. 21* 324 F. N. KOBINSOK, cláracli. s^cn. claiaii>-li, 297, wood. C{. Irische Texte II. 1, öS, and Aislinge Maie Couglimie, ]>. IGC. clas-lethau, 79, broaä-trenched (ajiplied to a sword). Cf. Irische Texte W, note to 1. 4735. cleranas, 50, alliance, marriagi-. cliamain, 82, son-in-law. cliithar, 51, sheltered, secure. cluthar-daiugen, 28, well-sheltered. cnáib, 297, hemp. coferV 68. See fer. cogaint, 280, chewing, gnawing. coigill 60, restraÍ7it. coilg-dhirech, 279, sword-straight. coimigthe, 29, foreign; coimhigche, 290. coimliin, 61, 73, 275, rub, smear. coinnleuach, 30, 60, shining, tapering? See the foot-iiote to p. 112. colga, keen, fierce, brave'i Applied to a sword, 05: to a warrior, 6S. com, 26, 42, body, frame. coma, 90, 7-eward, bribe. comach (= combach), 275, a pounding, discomfiture. comainm; comaiiim in la>, 86, anniversary. comaithus? 37, 49, hostility? coniau, gen. comaiu, 273, love. (Also nimauu.) coniartha, 66, ajipearance, mark? coniarthach, marked: decorated (sword) 32 (cf. \). 114, n.), 41, 44; wounded, scarred, 36, 62, 68, 281 : disfignriny? (wonnd). 97. combuaidirt, 57, terror. comeglacli, 41, terrified. comfortacht, 41, a strengthening. coingiid, 94, kindred, consanguinity. comlonu-crfiaidh, 284, battle-hard. comnad, 48, battle, combat. coiuosud, 94, truce. conipánach, 97, comrade, companion. conipiis, 59, 93, compass, circle. coinradach, 60, valiant? (= comragach, coniracach?) comrann, 287, breaking (of a spear), nomtilgeu, 64, shedding (blood). congáirech, noisy, 35, 53, 284; co cougairech, loudly, with acclaim? 355b. couumail, = cunumail, q. v. constabla, 55, 58, constable. cor, 94, pledge, surety. corda, 297, cord. oortha, 102, tired, exhausted. cose, restraint, prevention; used frequently of undertaking a combat, fer a coisc, 29, 96, 100; fer coisci, 87; fer mo choisc, 103; fer coisgi Oolobroin, 96 ; and compare also the verbal forms, coiscidh da ceile, 91 ; do coisc- fedh comrac, 86. THE IKISH LIVES OF GUY AND OF «EVIS. 325 coscar, 7", havoc, slaughter (in hunting"). ('{. fian-clio?car. cosfas. 54, cost, expense. cotliHgnd, 68, suppoit. cnuih, 28Ö, türment. misery. craiilhail, 33, 34, 90, proclamation; cf. RC. 19, 266, where it is a variant reading for coingill. See the foot-note to p. 114. craidhi; co craidhi? heartily "i {with heart), 99. cniin, 275, sow. crapaillte, 40, 59, 71, fettered. crapaim. 99, I draiv up, contract {the legs). ere, 84, creed. crefóg, 279, earth, dirt. crithanacli, 41, Iremblivg. cro: cró catha, 281, phalanx. crobháineeh. 68, deadly pale? dropping blood? See p. 146. n. cros; tar do crois, 27, against thy prohibition. cros-ledartha, 68, cross-wounded (i.e. marked with crosses, with scars). See p. 148, n. criiadach, 60, hard (referi'ing to a sword), crúad-chnisech, 273, hardy? ill-fortuned? Cf. also the Sc. Gaelic crnaidh-chúis, 'hard case'. There is also another word curad-ciiisech, q. v. crúaid-rigin, 297, hard and tough. cmog, 39, need, difficulty. cuihfhiaclach, 47, 279, ivell-tusked. euibrenn, 63, 78, company, society. cuibrigthe; participle of cuibrigim, fetter, bind, 40. cnidecht, 40, company; dat. cnidechtaiu, 72. cnilisi? 297, cookery? Perhaps it should be read cailisi. The MS. is very indistinct, cuingi, 68 (pi. cuingedha, 29), hero, icarrior. euirt, pi. cnirtenna, 81, court. On p. 40 it is applied to fortified strong- holds, culbnr, 283, pigeon. cnma, 50, 295, grief, sorrow. cumachta, 59, I'trfiic (of a precious stone), cuiuain, 57, 71, 283, bo)id, obligation; idiomatic; tugus-sa a cnmaiu-sin do-san, 'I paid him that debt, kept that bargain', 35; cumain mo gradha, 'the return of my love', 26. cumann, 66, friendship, unioti. cumairce, 52, ^ comairce. cumas, 27, power, authority. cumdach, 52, ornamental. cumdach, 276, covering, crown. cumdach. S3? rim na ro-cumdach, count nor estimate? .'^ee p. 160, n. cumnad, 41, 51, 52, 80, &c., assistance, support. cumnam, 30, = congnam, help, assistance. cumtanus, 84; cumtanus ua naem, communion of the mints. cunndaiS, 273, countess. 326 K. N. KOülNSUX, cunnmail, 02, 91. 90, a keeping, holdituj. Also cunumail, 45. Compare the verbal fonns cunnmam, 55, 1 pi. sbj., cunnaim, 291, 2sg. imv. . anil (loeunnaibh, 32, 3 sg. pret. cunntabart, 28, doubt. curad-chiiisecli, 29, ö3, valiant. eurata, 41, 05, 79, brave, soldier-like. cursnii. 29, 70. horse, charger. (laiupen bratharda, 66, sivorn brotherhood, covjuratio. daiuuech, 20, strong. diu, fftftx i u-d;hi, 103, allotted to, hence in the 2>ower of. Cf. RC. XIV, 65; XXni, 4:!-l. debenaibh, 2.j, dat. pi.; for dedhlenaib, weak, poor? Cf. O'Dav. dedblen .i. deroil. But see the p. 106, n. deiimus, figure, form ; co m-buaidh crotha 7 csmdhenmusa, 21. der(?), 97, nir der fair; read derg? he hurt, xcounded. dércinna, 25, plural formatiou to dérc, alms. dcrmail, 03, 28S, 293, very great. dethcealt, 24, clothiiig. Cf. Conuac's Glossary, decealt .i. brat no leine. Also RC. XXII, 414. dethfireach, 79, quick, hasty. detbtheang'thach, 50, well-spoken. diblide, 102, tcrelchcd, weak. dichuma 85, sorrou\ difoglaig;hthfi, 283, impregnable; digbfoghlaigte, 64. dig, 284, dike, ditch. digeann, 92, plentiful (= di-goinn)? dighthi:' 70; tins ar n-dighthi':" dil, 290, enough, sufficiency. dilait, 97, saddle. din, 59, a covering, proiecting'i diner, 283, dinner. direch; gacb n-direcb, 289, straight, directly. Cf. Irische Teste 11, 2. 241 and Silva Gadelica, 1, 256. diriudbV = diriughadh? attack (with the preposition ar), 81. dirraada, 49, 69, troops, armies; sg. dirma. dith 70 (gen. sg. dithi), destruction. diubhrugnd, 57, a hurling, slinging; gen. sg. diuraice, 60. diucaire, 40, 66, 92, lamentation. (For diuaire, 34, read diucaire?) diuice, 34, &c., duke. diuiciacht, 81, dukedom. doaithennta, 44, strange, utirecognisable. dobreoite, 75, indestructible. dncha, ()7, comp, of dóig, probable. dochraidh, 65, gloomy, terrible. dóchusach, 34, hopeful, confident. doedrana, 50, implacable, inseparable. THE miSH LIV£S OF GCY AND OF BEVIS. oM (lofreastal, 52, 65 a, unserviceable, destructive. doible. 24, complaints resistance'^ See p. 106, n. doini, 91, poor, wretched. doiugabála, 61, unconquerable. domesta, 101, nnmeasurable. dorus-bél, 102, mouth, entrance {of a cave). dreoUaii, 28-1, wren. droitced togbala, 284, draw-bridge. dronn, 2S0, ridge, back, tuft. diiaibsech, 42, dark, gloomy, applied to heathen gods, 57. I'sed as a sub- stantive, black stain (to disguise the face), 74. duaithiu, 44, unknown, unrecognisable. dub-, emphatic prefix; dubh-ruathar, 97. dúbullta, 97, double, two-fold. dú[thjraic, icish, desire; ni durale lium, 101. ed, 29, &c., a while; re h-edh 7 re h-athaig. édach, 278, apparently referring to bed-clothes, coverlet? cdail, 28, spoils, booty, then success (in general), edarnaige, 35, ambuscade. édfhnalanu, 46, = étualang. égaintech, 66, icretched, mournful. égcruas, 43, weakness. eiledrnm, 99, bier. Eirristin, 289, Saracen. eitech? fir-eit€ch 7 fairsinge, 36, 45. Perhaps for fir-reitech. See the foot- note to p. 117. éladach, 68, 104, 105, 277, fugitive. eladain, 82, mitisirelsy. élngad, 43, escape. eochuir-imel, 50, edge, border. erber, 27, arbor. escaid; prim-eocaid, 45, very swift. esóg, 92, weasel. espairt, 64, vespers, evening prayer. espal, 84, = abstal. faenais, 104, translation uncertain. See p. 179, n. faill, 292. opportunity. faithech, 32, 100^ nervous, skittish (of a horse). falcmar, 276, profuse. falmaire, 283, palmer. faltanns, 58, enmity. fanamad. 87, mockery. farrach, 61, 100, beating, wounding. fáthach, 47, skilful. fánbhcun, 29, falcon. 328 F. X. llüBINSON, féchaiu; ag fecliain. in comparison with, 58. fcdmaniitus, 43, commission. feidm: feidm moirseisir, a tciik for seven men, 99; ni (nil feidm agiid a fis d"fagail, 3S, it icill not profit thee, does not concern thee, to hwrv it; also G4, 91. feil-cerdach, 91, treacherous. feilm, 36, helmet. I'er, used as geupral antecedent of a relative; applied to God, don fhir dochum uem 7 talniain, 87. fetbuide, 73, animals, game. liau-choscar, 38, 53, fiann-slaughtcr {in hunting), t'f. Irische Teste, IV, Glo.ssarj-, s. v. fer? iu chysician'i This appears to be the native word fissid, 'wise man, seer'; flsice, in the Gaelic Manndeville (CZ. II, 305), is obviously a loan-word, fubnrtac.h, 50, violent, aggressive. fed, 66, spot, place; a fod lo leitli, 98, apart. foiginnech, 282, patient. foilgim ; rofhoilgediir, 00, they cut, pierced. foill: CO foill, with a verb of waiting, .54, 64, a while, a little. fomor (fodhmor), 288, giant, monster. forborach, 31, excellent. forniata, 45, fierce, violeyit. fuslongport, 59, camp. fostaigim, 51, levy, collect (a force). fothraic[th]i, 87; pi. of fothnigiid, bath. freagraim, 44, attack (in battle). fritheug, return; a fritheing, 51, back. frithir, 70, 282, fierce. fuasglad, 281, ransom. fuin, 50, 69, end, terminatioii; co fuin, 98. fuindeog, 06, 84, windotv. fuindeog, 31, 38, 69, 89, tcound. furár, 59, ready, prepared. furais, 43, forest. gabaim; gabaini ag, 94, forgive. gabal mara, 65, arm of the sea, inlet. Cf. V'A. II. 305. gae! (d. pi. gaeltaibh, 94), relative, kinsman. gaily a n-gail a sceith, 00 V See p. 139, u. gáinne, 46, dart, arrow. gall-trumpa, 52, trumpet. THE IRISH LIVES OF GUY AND OF BEVIS. 329 geiii-aidche, 59, winter night. germ. CO, lamentation. Adjective geráuacli. 63, GG. gcrannnth ? sharp-anncd'í co gerarmach, 35. gillanrach, 278, = gillaiirad, ciowd of' gillies. gitart, 52, apparently gitten>, or guitar. giustáil, 29, joustiny. glae, grip, hold; a n-glaic dilaiti, 296, in the saddle. gliede, 28, 79, 288, dagger, knife. glaidim, 294, / cry out, shout. glas, 77, 78, fetter. guús-gorm. Gl, 279, 286, dark-yaioning'i dark-visaged'; See the foot-note on p. 140. goillim, 25, G3, I cause grief, trouble (with the preposition 'ar"). gorraad, 29, to sharpen. Cf. cuilg da gormad, Egau O'Kahilly (ITS. UI), p. 60. graclira':' 296. See the foot-note, gráinemai', 43. ugly, fierce. gránna, 42, horrible, wicked. gras, grace, fai-or; pi. grasa, 27. gredau, 276, revelry, rejoicing. Cf. Rev. celt. XIX, 140. greim, 286, bite. grenach, 276, lively, mirthful. grennaigim, 33, 1 provoke, challenge. Also the noun grenn; greann cogiiidh, 71, challenge to battle. greunmur, fierce, tenibk'i 30, 35, 43, 69, 88, 281; referring to blows in battle, 56: to a spear, 32, 46; to a warning beU, 284. gresach, embroidered; glan-gresach, 282. grib, 89, fierce, bold; on the development of its meaning cf. Stokes, CZ. 1, 433. grisach, fire, bu)-ning embers; do grisaigh, 275, «//' the fire. grod, quick, prompt; grod-urrlum, 287. gruagach, 101, hideous, ugly. gnaisbertach, 42, bold, perilous. gúdna, 25, gúna, 51, goicn. gum, 99, 51»)». gunna ; d. pi. gunnaib, 46, gun. guth, 79, 285, shame, reproach. Cf. 'Battle of Ventry', Glossary, s. v. Also iu use in the sense oi epithet , P. M. Mac Sweeney, 'Caithreimh Conghail', p. 38. .i halla, 79, 102, hall. ' j iargúlta, 282, churlish. iarla, 24, etc. (pi. iarlaigi, 76), earl. •. ibhnis, 24, = oibnes, pleasure, entertainment. [ impir (also impire, 40, &c.), emperor. inaister, 98, able to travel. ar inchaibh; ar h-inchaibb, 65, at thy disposal: pi. ar bar n-incaibh, 73, in i your power, protection. incleith, co h-incleith, 47, 65, 75, secretly. 330 l'. N. UUiiINSON, incliumannta, Cl, able to fight. inmaige (gen. sg.), !)0, time of pregnancy (= iubaid). inme, 31, 50, property, rank. Cf. CZ. H, 262. inulaicim, 102, convey, conduct; also the noun innlucud, 296. Cf. Stokes in Rev. celt. 2G, 1(J9. intsbha, 289, trustwortliy, reliable. laitis, 291, lattice. láni; a láini, 70, &c., in subjection, restraint. lámaeh, 24, hurling, spear-ca.'!ting. lampa; d. pi. lampaib, 52, lanqi. lám-tapad, 274, quick grip. Ian; Ian nmra, 98, full tide. Cf. Battle of Ventry, Glossary, p. 105. leac; leac in tempuill, 96, altar? Reading and interpretation uncertain. i"f. the foot-note, léidmech, 57, 69, eager, brave. leithoh', 284, = léightheoir, reader. lige, 291, licking. limugad, 280, a polishing, sharpening. linaim, I fill; ro lin gorta .sinn, 293. iipart, 289, leopard. litechiis, 86, 89, charge, accusation. log, 284, ditch. logaim, 47, 1 forgive. loiuderrda, 279, bright, flashing. lór-daethan, 28, fidl sujjply, abundance. luaighecht, 94, (= luaighidhcchtV), reward. lugha; is lugha orum, is lughaidi orum, 87, / dislike, despise. mailisech, 274, 275, malicious, wicked. maiuer, 81, manor. mainistir, 37, monastery; \A. niaiiiistrccha, 90. niainuechtnaige, 25, negligence. inaise, 44, honor, glory; robo maith a maisi du é, 94. maraiiuaib, 59, dat. pi. of muir, sea. mareaigecht, 95, horsemanship. niarged, 77, market. marusgal 25, marsliall. Also niarusgalacht. 76, command, office of marshaU. masla, 282, insult. ' mella? co niella (co mellad), 24? Reading and translation uncertain; perhaps from milliin, 1 destroy, hence conquer, surpass. See p. 105, n. merge 42, 70, standard; pi. mergedha, 55. merlasaim, flame fiercely; romerlasadur, 58. mctachus, 275, cotcardice {= metacht)? inichar, 103, friendly. (co) raichéiUe, 67, madly, foolishly ; apparently the gen. of ' michiall " used ad- jectivally. This construction is not uncommon, but its further extension to form an adverb with 'co' is striking. THE IRISH MVES OF GUY AND OF BEVIS. 331 raicheii-decb, 276, 282, wicked. niicliorugftd, 57, ill-treatment. migTié. 44, sad face, ill appearance. iiiilla, = uiiula, 26, gentle. millad, 66, execution, murder. miniugbad, 297, to tame, hence to dejlower. See p. 319, n. miiilecli, 69, field, meadow. misde; note the idiom: ni fedar-sa gur misde a marbadh, 74, ui fedar gur raisdi in builli do thabairt, 73, I did 7wt knoiv ihai it was lorong, harmful, etc. mi-shnimach, 64, distressful. mi-thaemannaeh, 275, unhappy, unfortunate. Cf. Atkinson, Three Shafts of Death, Glossary, s. v. mi-tbaomach. mod, 24, work, handiu-orl: modarda, 25, 279, rough, fierce. móidi: ni moidi let, 64; idiom uncertain. mothar-dorcha, 80, deep-dark. motlacb, 80, shaggy. mul, 75, »iiiie. mnuad, 24, instntction. mnnnur, 25, nmrmur. nellaib 44('''). Doubtless to be read 'co n-édálaib'; see the foot-note, neméilluigthe, 88, immaculate. Cf. éiUnigbim; giirob amhlaid ellnigbter a n-ingina, CZ. I, 84. ueocb, in relative use, 24. neoll, 27, trance, swoon. nidechus, 24, prowess. nobla, 37, noble (i. e. the coin). nuachórigim, 25, I arrange anew, adorn freshly. numaigi, 41; translation uncertain. ocurach, 102, hungry. oigre, 52, heir. oirbindech, 24, honorable (= airmituech). oirchisecbt, 98, pittance, gift. olina, 48, olive. óraige, 70, golden, gilded. ordamiiil, 99, regular, orderly. organ, 52, organ, or perhaps pipes. othrala, 24, (perhaps otrala), pi. of othrail, = offrail? offering'^ Or is it rather to be connected with othrola, RC. XIX, 380? pailis, pi. pailisi, 274, palisade, enclosure'^ páirc, pi. páircinna, 50, park, field. pairt, 99, part. pais, 42, suffering, passion. patriarca, 289, patriarch. 3o2 F. N. KOBiNSOX, peilcir, 91, pillar. poinnige, poindige, 30, 277, 2S4 (of a pillar), 286 (of beasts), strong? stately 'i Cf. the foot-note to p. 111. posta, pillar; ina tri postaighibh, 28. prás, 284, brass. priceduibh. 52; trauslation uncertain, prinnsa, 81, 2>ri'»ce. prioir, 289, 291, prior. prisnn, 40, prison. proseisiam, 52, 98, 295, procession. puidse, 62, pouch. punt, 81, pound. pnpul, 97, people. Cf. puplach. public, RC. XIX, 140. pnpull, 59, 65, tent. raen, 37, road, way. recht, fury'i buinne roda rechta, 40. recht-aigenntach, 32, 45, impulsive, bold, violent'; Applied to lamentation, 09. See the foot-note to p. 113. rechtmar, 67, 277, 287, violent, fierce. réidecb, 294, reconciliation. réitech, plain, open country. See foot-note to p. 117. resnn, 26, reason. riadad, 47, hanging, execution. — "y^MtfP ridire, knight, 27, etc. rind-luath, 57, spear-swift. da riribh, 71, in earnest; compare the Arch. f. celt. Lex. II, 117. ri'i; CO ró-so, 67, 296, hitherto- robarta, 94, 284, tide, storm at sea. Zeul's, GC, p. 864. roda, 40 ; buinne roda rechta, ivave of' redness of fury '? rolad, 29, rolling. róp, 287, rope. rorith, 99, headlong speed. ruamanntacht, 278, violence, rage. Cf. da tliarb iuam.aiita ('furious'). 'Anc. Laws' VI, 626. da rás-tarli ruanianta. 'Battle of M'\vra'. p. 298. .sail, 287, beam. sáilc, 286, sea. saithche, 285, pi. of saithe, swarm. sanutach, 69, keen, eager. sáraigim, 24, overcome, .surpass. sáthad, 40, 56, bloic, stroke. scáfh; ar a scath, 57, for his shelter (i. c. to protect him). It also means in the shelter of. For both uses see Meyer's 'Battle of "\'eutry'. (Jlossary, sub voce, scoth-fiebrach, 62, sharp-edged. scrisaim: ro scris, 97, glnnccd aside (of a weapon). TIIK IlilSll 1,1VES OF GUY AXO OF lUCVlS. 333 silim-lebra. 29, 31, having long hair, long mavcs? CÍ. the moJeru stioin, 'bair-lace', 'snood' (Carmichacrs 'Carniina Gadeliea' 11,330). silét, 36, steed. sdibard, 24, steward. sedal, 38, space, while. seghumr, 280, attent, resolute'! (= seadhraur ?) seshmur, 4G, curious, u-ell-wrought'i (applied to arrows), G8, noble, fair'! (applied to England). Cf. abaim seagbniar, 'a Uüble river'. Battle of Ventry, p. 44. seighlér, 76, jailor. seitrecb, 52, strong. séla; d. pi. sélaib, 2S0, seal. seonira, 52, 66, chamber. Also seonibradoir, 292. chamberlain. sepél, 84, 90, UX), chapel. serbis, 25, service. sgarlóid, 51, scarlet. sgetliraeb, 295, vomit. sgripa, 93, scrip. sgniger, 27, squire. siltecb, 285, floicing. siraide, 1(X), permanent, lasiÍ7ig. sithe, 60, thrust. aitir, 291, neighing. slána, 94, sureties. slat, 67, a robbing, jdundering. slat, rod; slat a nininti, 24. sliun-gér, 32, 34, 60, shaip-bladed. Cf. ' C'aithreim Cougliail '. pp. 64 and 138. sliss-glégel, 34, having white sides. snaidm retha, 297, slip-knot. snas-min, 46, smooth and fine. sobreagh, 68, beautiful. solas, 56, pleasure, happiness. spalmach, 48, wasting away, feeble'! spéir, 59, sphere. spisrad, 99, spices. spor, 39, 280, sjmr. Also dospor, 70, spurred. spraicemail, 280, vigorous. sracend, 28, a tearing (of the stroke of an oar); 34, clashÍ7ig together (in tournament), sremnaige, 48, fine, filmy '! (= sreabhnaidhe). Cf. liische Texte EQ, 2, 531. srub-gér, 46, sharp-tipped! suaiti, 279, tired exhausted. suidigim ar, 86, I make a charge against. siiil, eye; robui suil agani, 74, I had hope. tabaigim, 289, extort, demand. tabúr 53, labour. Cf. ' Life of Hugh Roe 0" Douuell ", pp. 34, 216. 334 F. N. KOBINSOX. tai, 47, silent. taidlib? 51, for taiblib? taibli, hattkiiients. For references see the foot-note to p. 131. táimneull, 27, C2, stvoon, fainting-fit. tairtliech, 4G; le dochuibh tairthecha taball? See p. 127, u. taise, 27, stcoo», fainting-fit. tapaid, sivift; deth-tapaid, 276, very swift. tapra, d. pi. tapraib, 52, ta]>er. rotaraill, 49, visited. tarra, 48, 54, 98, 103, 292, come (iniv.). tegmáil, 53, struggle, fighting. Also tegmalach, 68, contentious. teiunesuech, 41, violent, fierce. teinnteniail, 88, fiery. teitbed, 95, 293, fiight. tempall, 69, 84, 97, church. tesbacb (te.sfach), 88, heat. ti; mur ieinti, 78, icith one mind, together. tigluictbecb, 71, houniif'ul. tinne? 282, bar, ingot'? The manuscript is not clear, tinnlacad, 64, gift, prcseiit. tinntige, 61, fiery, (in muir tinutiglie). toicce, 50, wealth. toicthech, 26, rich. toiled, 97, %could fit, suit. Of. also tuilliuu, below, toirrtim, 65, 92, fit (of sleep). toirtemail, 284, great, vast. tolsc, 58, etrand, business. tor, 102, tower. torad, fruit; do thoradb, by virtue of, 57. torann, 275, tumult (of battle)? charge'? Cf. instances cited in R. C. SIX,390. tosca, 274, message. tostadacb, 47, silent. trebar-daingen, 78, strongly-defended. trelad, 95, annor; trealaidi, 71. trelam, 97, gen. trealaim, armor. tréigiuus, 85, 90 fasting. trén-legad, 46, mightily de.itroy'ing, razing. treisidi, 73, comparative of 'trén', strong. trian, 45, company, detachment. troid, 59, opposition, resistance. trora-chonach, 35, great prosperity. trom-fóidecb, 279 (Irum-oidig, 44), heavy-sodded. tuargaint, 41, attack. tuillinn, 54, fits. Cf. 'Battle of Magb Katb", p. 56 — 'a toill ind ina seasam. ui thoillit iua snide', tunua, 80, tun. turnam, 60, overwhelming, subjugation. turnaim. 60. check, subdue. THE IKISH MVES OF GUY AXD OF REVIS. 333 tüs, 58, rank, precedence. tnsca, 91, sooner. uaill, 290, jiity, icoe. uaiiiges, 36, 279, state of being alone, solitude. uainges imtlieclita , 292, opportunity, to deparfi fnair uaiuges on espnc, 295. Cf. also the ailj. «aiiigech, 27, secret (arbor;; 79, a u-egluis uaingigli. In ailvevbial use: CO h-uaingech, solitarily, withoitt protection, 47, 292. Cf. also OZ n, 288 and KC. XtX, 12C. nille, 76, greatness, excess. uilligi? 46. For fhuilligi? fuilech, bloodsheds uilpéist, 295, monster. uirédrum, 41, very light. niresbadh, 31, lack. umal-assaic, 102, foot-washing. Cf. Irische Teste, IV, 434. urbronn, 34, bosom. urlaide (urlaige), 275, 280, fight, battle. urmaisuech, 34, boldly, courageously. Cf. Irish Texts Society I, 208 for other cases, urrnuta, 100, strong (of weapons), use. 275, grease. Index of Proper Names. (References are not given for every repetition of the commoner names.) GiiY of Warwick. Abacú, 97. Afraic, 29, 91 ff., 100 ff. Aimbri, 44 ff., 64 a ft'. Aimistir Amunndae, 72 ff., 102 ff. Alaxauder, 88. Alcino? Johannes de Alcino, 83. Almaiu, 35, 39 if., 50 ff. Ambrail, 52, 100 fi'. Amoront, 88. Argus, 101. Aslog, 104 (Asloce, 105). Barbuic, 24, etc. Berard, 92 B. Birri, 33 ff. Bloinsiflugar, 31. Bocigam, 24, 105. Britain, 33, 81. Brnidis, 35. Bnrguine, 103. Caulog, 96. Colobron, 97. Consantinnobile, 50 ff., 81. Comubal, 91. Coscras (Coscran), 52 ff. Craidhamar, 86. Dainial, 97. Deolainn, 29. Duid, 97. Ector mac Prim, 88. 336 F. N. ROBINSON, Elimaii 0 Tibir (Tigliir), 56 ÍT., 87. Eirristiiipch, 53 ff. Eirrucis (Ileirrneis), 53 ff. Euúg, 97. Eoiu Baisdi, id, 88. Eoraip, 20. Eiont; see Herout. FabPi-, 86. Feilis, 24 ff.. 81 ff., 90 ff, 98 ff Fraingc, 29, 32, 81. Fuardaclit, 29. Fuiudsistuir, 80. 96. Ciailiard, 09 ff. Gayer, 29, 45. Gibfm Marcel, 74. Gilmiii, 43. Giucadb, 37 ff. Gurmisi, 07 ff., 76 fl". Greasmuut, 40 ff. Greg, 29. Gyi 0 Bbarbuic, passim. Jlcrout, 28, etc. Huiigaire, 29. 44. Tarusalem, 85. linpir Almaiiiiiecb 29 ff. Iiupir Gregach, 51 ft'. Jonas, 97. lüiuitas, 86. loseph, 97. Isác, 97. lubal, 289. For the spelling- cf. Stokes ill RC. XIX, 387, 391. Lasurus, 97. Locblaunach, 91, 96. Lobéin, 43 ff., 65 ff. Loréu, 39, 65 ft'. Luuibaird, 32 ft'., 65 fl'. Maisi, 97. Mathambaiun, 57; Mathgamaiu, 88. Milon, 39. Mirabahi. 57. Moduiant, 91. Morgaduir (Morgad), 54. Mundae; see Aimistir Auinnndae. Muuntaui, 76. Nuibie, 56. Ormoint, 28, Ormou, 34. Otnn, Diuice na Pani, 30 ff., 64 ff. Paui: see Otnn. IMoiriuntiun, 78. Plondrus, 39. Ploreus, 78. Poel, 37 ff. Rener, Diuice na Sision, 30, 39 ft'. Ei iut Sidba, 103. Risderd o Bharbuic, 24. Roighnebron, 84, 90 ff., 100 ft'. Sabdaii, in, 51 ft'. Sadüu, 49 (Sadog, 49). Salua, 103. Sasan, passim. Sdragboru, 43. Seóirse iu GiUa, 74. Seón Bocbt, 85. Seóu Saxanach, 87. Siccard, 24. Sin Seoirse, 51, 70. Sisail, 29. Sisiou, 40. Sodoni, 86. Snbbsanna, 97. Tirri, 44, 64 ff , 92 fl. Turcach, 72. Ri na Turcacli, 52. Turgaiuaguut, 57 (Terragout, 88). Uadiner, 30. Uighi, 66. Uisin, 75 ft". Uri, 28, 36. Uiout, 28, 36. THE 1K181I I.IVES OK (U'Y AXU 01" BEVIS Bovis of 337 Albiiu, 273 ff. Aliuaiuuech, 273. Arindel, 281, 290. Babilon, 292. Bibus 0 Hauituir, passim. Biroigi, 273. Bonafás, 282 ff., 292. BramoD, 280 ff. Coiliu, 294. Damaisc, 280 ff. Eirmin (Ermiu), 277 ff. Esgobard, 294 ff. (Asgobard, 295). Fraiugc, 297. Grainnder, 287. Greg, 290. Gji 0 Hamtuir, 273. Hamtiiir. passim. lliuupluu. Impir Almaiimech, 273 ff. India, 289 ff. Memroiiie (Memroint), 290 ff. Mennidoine, 277 ff. Mermidoude, 277. Milis, 296 ff. Morglae, 281, 290. Papa, in, 295. [ Para, 273. I Patriarca ua li-Iudia. 289. I I Rodus, 289. j Roma, 296. Saber, 273 ff. Saxan, passim. Sisian, 278 ff. Tirri, 283 ff. Treiunsius, 287. Ybor, 290. Additions and Corrections. Since expansions of the MS. contractions have not been regularly italicized, it seems desirable to call attention here to occasional departures from the practices described on p. 21. These inconsistencies, which it was hard to avoid in a long and interrupted period of proof-reading, are in most cases unimportant. The MS. form maitlis, usually printed maithits in the first part of the test, is sometimes spelled maithuis or maithes, which doubtless better represent the actual word. Similarly leighes and leiglms occur for MS. iet^/13, and robuailuh (p. 78) is for MS. robuail^. Faariisa, and other cases of the 1 sg. s-pret., are sometimes normalized (fiia>-its-[s]a etc.), sometimes not. In the terbal norm of millim the expansion milled or milliud (MS. miU~) is preferable to millud (p. 95). MS. do ist sometimes expanded dno and some- times laiio. In the nom. sg. of uminter (regularly maint in the Ms.) the Zsiuchrift C cell. Philologie VL 22 338 F. N. ROBINSON, THE IRISH MVES OF GV\ AND OF BEVIS. eiidiiifi iniglit properly liave beeu italicized, since it is doubtful whether the form was niuinli fcojids read icithout gaining anything. For /le read anyone. For 6e read Ae. For Interrogative read interrogative. 1. 10 and p. 163, 1. 20. For (ini/s read days^ and omit the comma. For attached read attacked. Strike out the before Criiy's. Cambridge (Mass.). F. N. Eobinson. p. 17, 1. 13. 19, note. 21, 1.10. 23, 1. 13. 27, 1.33. 28, 1.33. 37, n. 2. 40, 1.10. 44, 1.33. 46, 1.31. 48, 1.36. 49, 1.1. 57, n. 2. 58, 1.12. 59, 1.27. 63, 1.6. 67, 1.20. 68, 1.14. 75, 19. 106, 1.2. 108, 1.35. 113, n. 3. 117, 1. 22. 127, 17. 128, 1. 25. 143, 1. 12. 146, n. 2. 153, 1.10 157, 14. 174, 1. 36. THE DATE OF THE FIRST SETTLEMENT OF THE SAXONS IN BRITAIN. (Continuatioti.) II. In my first article on this subject (Bd. Ill, S. 492) I gave reasons for believing — (1) that the chronological datum that the Venerable Bede relied on when he assigned the advent of Hengist and Horsa to A. D. 449, and wrongly synchronised that year with the first year of the reign of the Emperor Marcian, was formulated in a style in which only the complete years of the interval passed through since the era began were counted. the current year being entireh' ignored; and (2) that if the formula conveying this date had been reproduced accurately by Bede it would have been found to indicate A. D. 450, in which the first year of Marcian really was current. I also suggested that the difference of 22 between the figures of the year that ought to have been handed down by Bede, namely 450, and those of the year actually referred to in the Ixnth chapter of the 'Historia Brittonura', namely 428, is due to the use of a method of computing annuary data that was elaborated by Marianus Scotus in later times and styled by him 'secundum Evangelium', or 'secundum Evangelicam Veritatem ', and I under- took to substantiate this opinion and to shew that the method of computation referred to was in existence before Bede wrote his •Historia Ecclesiastica '. I hope to fuM this undertaking in the present article. 340 A. ANSOOMIiE. Compulation in the Eras of the Passion and the Incarnation ' secundum Evangelicam Veritatem '. Chapter 1. In the Cotton Codex Eero C. V. tliere is a XTIth-oentury transcript of the ' Cronica Cronicarum ' of Marianus Scotns which ends on folio 159, and, in accord with tlie system he adopted, dates the last annal 'Ann. I. cxxii: A. D. MC. Folio IGO recto is blank, except for two lines of waiting; ') tlien on folio 160 verso and 161 recto we find an elaborate table of the Easters of the Great Paschal Cycle of DXXXII. years, computed according to Dionysius, that is, in the orthodox manner.-) On the verso of the folio mentioned last, however, there is another series of Paschal computations which is of very different origin. Fii-st of all we get those computistical criteria of the alleged yeare of the Nativity and the Passion which are always associated with Marianus; then come the rules governing the Paschal com- putations of those ecclesiastics who rejected the Dionysian order of years and counted according to Marianus's. These rules, mutatis mutandis, are identical with those of Dionysius and are arranged so as to yield the orthodox dates for Easter Day; hence it is not necessary to reproduce them. The first part of tliis document enumerates the criteria of the years to which the computist assigned the Annunciation and Nativity, and the Passion, as follows: Annuntmíío.- Indicíio«c xi. Ciclifs Solaris aüü. CícIíís xix. xviii. E]iacta vii. Fer/a vi. Natiuito.s; Indictiowe xii. Cicl«s SolarÍA- viii. cícIms xix. xviii. Epacta xviii. Fer/a i. Passio: Inaktione xiiii. Cidus Solari.s^ xiii. cícIíí.v xix. xiii. Epacta xii. Feria vi. ') These lines give the following names of men: Goffridus Alius rotgeri. Godefiidns. Orgariis. Sueniius. Whiuiniis faber. Golduin. Hugo. Ilerluuiniis. SemiarduK prcsbyiej-. Aluericns Tíotgenis. Crispiniis. '•') Dionysius, called 'Exiguus' by Abbot Ceolfrid (Bede"s 'H. E.' V. xsi. p. 341), and by many other writere, was a monk and perhaps an abbot at Home, who moditied the Alexandrine Paschal rules and composed the Cauoil by which the Western Church was guided in the computation of Easter during more than a millennium. He wrote in A. D. 5'2(>, Indiction IV., and his com- putistical method came into use in A. D. OIÍ2. COMPUTATION 'SECrKDUil EVANCiELICAiI VERITATEM 311 These statements when tabulated and the criteria distributed among the Julian years in which they fall appear thus: The Annunciation The Nativity The Passion a o ■s ar of ;ra no- Cycle 1 ^«^^ w h "5 xi. TÍÍÍ. xviii. vii. TÍ. xii. viii. xviiip]. xviii. i. xiiii. xiii. xiii. xii. vi. = 25 March,\ _ _ .„ = 25 Dec, I ^- ^- 22- = 25 March , A. D. 12. The computations in the fii'st and second columns do not agree with our way of dating. Orthodox computists added 3 to the A. D. to get the Indiction, and 9 to get the year of the Solar Cycle. Hence the indictional and soli -cyclic years with which Marianus's atmus dominieae passionis fell should be xv. and xxi., respectively. "We must not assume error, however, where there may be only difference, and it is quite possible that a Xlltli-century English computist may have counted the years of the Indiction in the same way as the Genoese did, two centuries later; and that he may have regarded A D. 28, which was the first year of the era of the Passion according to Victui-ius of Aquitaine,!) as the first j-ear of the Solar Cycle. In the thii-d colimin I have made a necessary correction by adding 1 to the Golden Number, which does not tally in the MS. with its own Epact. The change of Golden Number and Epact effected between the Day of the Annunciation and the Nativity indicates that the computist began the Paschal yeai- on September 1,-) on which day the lunar year, /. e., the Golden ') Vide 'Victorii Aquitani Cursus Paschalis, a. CCCCLVn.', ed. Mommsen, ' Chronica Minora ', i. 1892 (= 'M. G.H.', Auctt. Antiqiiiss. Tomus IX.) pp.666; 677—735. 2) Vide Beda's 'De Temporum Eatione', cap. XX. («ijJHfZ Migne, Patrol. Cursus, torn. XC,- col. 395 C); and cf. the 'Art de Verifier les Dates', 1.52 and also St. Ambrose's Epistle DeFesto Paschali, apud Bücher, -De Doctrina Temponim (Antv. 1634), p. 477, par. 7, 1. 16. St. Ambrose says that April was 'mensis octauus secundum consuetudinem nostram'. For the following century compare 'Prosperi Tironis Chronicon', 'Chron. Minor.', I, 466: '(A passione) CC I'LXXXin. [= A. D. 410] Varane v. c. consule. Roma a Gothis Alarico duce capta [sc. VIII. Kal. Septembr.] et ob hoc solus fuit Orien- 342 A. AKSCOMBE, Number, was changed along with the Epart. The year of tin/ Solar Cycle was changed on January 1. These computistical minutiae are not very interesting, licrluips, but they teach us that Marianus and other computists believed that the Crucifixion of Jesus Christ took })lace on Friday, March 25, moon 15. Their reasons for this threefold belief were drawn respectively from the Gospel, from the tra- dition of the Roman Church, and from the Jewish Law. AVe are not concerned with the question of the correctness of this view, so we need not stay to examine the grounds of Marianus'» belief. It is quite clear that he assigned the Passion to a year whose Sunday Letter and Golden Number were B and XIU.. respectively, and at the period of Jesus Christ's lifetime this conjunction falls out in A. D. 12 alone. Marianus and other computists who wished to correct Dionysius also believed, like the latter, perhaps, that Christ lived to be 33 years and 3 months old; hence they necessarily dated the Passion Anno dommicae incarnationls XXXIIII. secundum cvangclicam veritatcm (a for- mula Avhich I shall abbreviate in future and write sec. E. V). Three important considerations result from the recognition of the position of Marianus and his followers: (1) It follows that the Western ecclesiastics who originated the computations s('\ E. V. did not obey purely Alexandrine rules, because shin A. D. 12 has the Golden Number XIIL, which is an embolismic year with the Alexandrines {cf. Ztschr. IV, 337), its Paschal plenilunium would be deferred in computation by one day, and consciiuently March 25 could not be computed as moon 15. (XIII. has 12 days of epact and the lunar regular of March 1 is ;t; therefore in that lunar year March 1 fell on moon 21 ^ 12-1-9, and the Paschal Moon ascended on March 11, according to Dionysius, but on JIarch 12 according to the followers of Theopliilus and Cyril, who assigned moon 15 to March 26.) (2) The new method, therefore, embodied results arrived at by Dionysian lunar compulation, and relied absolutely upon their accuracy when calculating the date of the Cnicitixioii. This new method, consequenlly, could not have been invented long before A. D. 532, when Dionysius's Paschal Cycle officially talium partium consul, quod et sequiiili auno obseniatum est. (A passione) CCCLXXXim. Theodosio .\ug. IUI. cous.' COMPUTATION 'SECUNDUM EVANliELICAM VEUITATE.M '. 343 commenced. (3) As the 3^ear wliicli Jlarianus and other conipu- tists made Annus Dominicae Passionis I., sec. E. V., and Annus Dominicae luoarnationis XXXIV., sec. E. V., was really A. D. 12 it follows tiiat the numerical differences between the figures connoting identical j'ears of the Western Solar Cycle in these eras are 22 and 11. Moreover, the difference between the figures of identical years computed severally in the era of the Passion see. E. v., and the era of the Passion according to Prosper (and others) is 17 years. These three differences, viz. + 22, + 11, and + 17. provide the key to nearl}' all the chronological puzzles that have hitherto rendered the elucidation of Anglo-British history in the Vth and Vlth centuries impossible. Chapter 2. Among the most recent remarks made about the curious error in wliich Marianus Scotus participated are those in Prof. Riihrs •Chronologie des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit', Berlin, 1897, S. 202. Prof. Eühl says: 'Mehrfach hat man im Mittelalter Versuche gemacht die Rechnung des Dionj'sius zu berichtigen. Der wichtigste darunter ist der des Marianus Scotus (102S-10S2). Dieser Schottenmönch argumentierte folgendermafsen. Nach Dionysius wäre Jesus im Jahre 34. n. Chr. gestorben. Er starb aber an einem Freitag, und, wie Marianus weiter annahm, am 15. Nisan nach jüdischer und am 25. März nach römischer Eeclmung. Diese Daten trafen nun nach seiner Rechnung nicht im 34., sondern im 12. Jahi-e der dionysischen Ära zusammen, und er setzte daher Christi Geburt um 22 Jahre früher an, als Dionysius, und legte die Jahre der neuen von ihm erfundenen Ära als Anni secundum evangelium oder secundutn emngelicam vcritatem oder einfach Änni ciangelici seiner Chronik zu Grunde, während er die ge- wöhnliche Jahreszahl als Aimi secundum Dionysium am Rande vermerkte. Marianus wurde ob seiner Erfindung zwar vielfach bewundert und belobt, z. B., von Sigebert von Gembloux, ^ aber Nachfolger fand er nur in England, insbesondere bei Florenz von Worcester-) und dessen Fortseizern '. ») Vide -JI. G. H.' Scriptornm Tomus VI, p. 354. ') Florence of Worcester died on July 7, 1118. His Annals were edited by Benjamin Thorpe and they also appear in -Monumenta Historica Britan- 344 A. ANSCOMBE, This view is the current one among Englisli diiilomatists and liistorians and it is ultimately derivable from William of Malmesburj-, who, speaking of Marianus's sj'stem of chronology, says that he 'paucos aut nullos sententife su* sectatores habuif.') This dictum has had a very unfortunate effect upon chronological research. For, not only does Malmesbury".s remark appear to have been accepted with regard to the earlier part of the Xllth century, when he was writing, and to have been applied without any reason at all to later times, but it has also prevented in some obscure way the putting of the question — Did any com- putist use the era of the Passion sec. E. V. before ]\Iarianus"s times? As for Malmesbury's own times the computation exami- ned above in chap. 1 shews that 'nullos aut paucos sectatores habuif must he received with caution; with regard to later times than Jlalmesburj-'s a succession of errors extending down to the XVIth century, and still debated at the present day, is due to the survival among obscure local historians and annalists of chronological statements computed sec. E. V.\ while with respect to earlier times than Marianus's 1 shall prove that the compu- tistical methods elaborated and applied by him were known centuries before his time, and I shall shew that they ajipeared in Gaul and in Northumbria almost as soon as the computistical methods of Dionysius were established therein, that is to say as early as the Vllth century. Chapter 3. At the beginning of the Vth century orthodox Christians were computing the order of the years in three distinct and mutually indeiJcndent \\ays: viz. (1) from the Creation; (2) from nica', i. 522 .«(](). Prof. Kiilirs remark that Marianus found followers in England only is not accurate. Compare his own pas'e 203, where a bull of Pope Urban II. is quoted. It is dated 'secundum Dionysium A. D. 1098: secundum uero certiorem euangelii probationem 1121'. cy. also, 'Helin.andi Frijridi Montis Mouachi Chronioun', apud Migne, Patrol. Cursus. torn. CCXIT, col. 976 an. 1082, and for Helinand's master, Radulfus Auglicus, ibid. col. 1035. ') Vide 'Willelnii Malmesberieusis Monachi De Gestis Regum Anglorum, libri V.', ed. William Stubbs, D. D.; 'E. B. SS.', no. 90, 1889, p. 345. in, § 292. De Mariniano Scotto. COMPUTATION 'SECUNUITM EVANGEUL'AM VKUITATEM '. 3Í5 the accession of Diocletian ; ') and (3) from the Passion of Jesus Christ. The method named last derives its sanction from the narrative of the Ministry of Jesus as it ajjpears in tlie synoptic Gospels. The 30th year of His age is synchronised by Luke with the 15th year of the reign of the Emperor Tiberius. If we compute from the death of Augustus the 15th of Tiberius was current from 19 August, A. D. 28, to 18 August, A. D. 29. The consuls of the year 29 were L. Eubellius Geminus and C. Fufius Geminus, and TertuUian,'-) who wrote at the end of the second century, dated the Crucifixion his consnlibus. Now, the tradition handed down by Tertullian seems to set aside the evi- dence of the Fourth Gospel, which is to the effect that the Ministry of Christ extended over a period certainly of more than two years, and, perhaps, of more than three. The existence of this evidence was sure to make itself felt, sooner or later, in computations which had for their object the discovery of the date of the Passion. I am not acquainted with any disputes about this date that may have occured in the IVth century, and Sulpicius Severus of Aquitaine, writing c. 400, saj'S: 'Domi- nus crucifixus est Fufio Geniino et Eubellio Gemino Consulibus, a quo tempore usque in Stilicouem consuleiu sunt anni CCCLXXII.'; 'A Mundi Exordio Libri Duo', ii. xl.^) This statement agrees with Tertullian's, and St. Augustine was of the same opinion.'*) ') In the Paschal Epistle of St. Ambrose, referred to already (supra, note 4), which was written in A. D. 386-7 the several years known to us as A. D. 373. 377, and 360 are styled respectively LXXXVIJIl« anno, XCIII" anno, and LXXVl" anno, 'ex die Imperii Diocletiani". ') Q. Septimius Florens Tertullianus (f 217, aet. 80), says in his book 'Aduersus ludaeos', cap. viii. : 'Tiberii xv° anno passus est Christus anno habens quasi xxs. cum pateretur. Passio perfecta est coss. Rubellio Gemino et Riifo Gemino, mense Martio, temporibus Paschae, die VIII Kal. Aprilium'. TertuUiau preferred Eufo to Fufio. ') Lactantius Firmianus (flor. 280-312) says in his ' Institutiones Diuinae '. r\'. X.: 'Tiberii anno xv°., id est duobus Geminis consulibus ante diem X. Kal, Aprilium passus est Christus'. In his 'De Mortibus Persecutorum' cap. ii. he says 'post diem X: Kal. April. Jesus Chiistus cruciatus est'. ■*) St. Augustine, bishop of Hippo 395-Í30, dates the Passion as follows: 'Mortuus est ergo Christus duobus Geminis coss., VIII. Kalendas Apriles'; 'De Ciuitate Dei', XVIII. liiij. This calendar date agrees with Tertullian's but not with Lactantius's. Idatius, who flourished c. 470, does agree with the last named: .'Hutu et Eubellione. His Coss. passus est Christus die X. Kalendas Aprilis, et resurrexit VIII. Kalendas easdem'. Victuriiis, who wrote 3 4 15 A. ANSCOMBE, Wlien we come to Prosper of Aquitaine, however, we find that disputes bad commenced, and that efforts were being made to wed tlie s}'iH'hrouism in Luke witli the argument derived from the Fourth Gosjiel. Prosper's remarks on this in his Chronicle are very instructive. He says: 'Quidam ferunt anno XVIII" Tiberii lesum Christum passum, et argumentum huius rei ex evangelio adsu- niunt lohannis in quo post XV. Tiberii Caesaris annum triennio Dominus praedicasse intellegatur. Sed (luia usitatior traditio habet Dominum nostrum XV. anno 'J'iberii Caesaris, duobus Geminis consulibus, crucifixum, nos, sine praeiudicio alterius opinionis, successiones sequentium consulum a suprasrriptis consulibus ordie- mur manente adnotatione tempoium quae cuiusque Imperium habuit'.*) The new opinion was not adopted by Victurius of Aquitaine, who drew up his Great Paschal Cycle in A. D. 457, but at some date between that year and the end of the Vllth century it was accepted by the AVestern Ciiurch. Venerable Bede tells us that in A. D. 700, at Eome, the difference on Clu-istmas Day between tlie numerals of a year computed in the era of the Passion, and those of the same year computed in the era of the Incarnation, was 3o. Bede's remarks on this subject are worthy of great attention. In his 'De Eatione Temporum' there is a long chapter, viz. xlvii., devoted to the consideration of the question, it is headed *l)e Annis Dominicae Incarnationis'; v. 'The Miscellaneous Works of Venerable Bede', in I'atres Eccle- siae Anijlicani, ed. J. A. Giles, D. C. L.. 1843, vi. 239. Bede saj^s (p. 241): {m) 'Habet enim iii fallor ecclesia fidem Dominum in carne paulo plus quam XXXIll. annis u-sque ad sua tempora passionis vixisse, quia videlicet XXX. anuorum fuerit in \. D. 457, gives auother date : • rassum Dominum nostrum .Tesum Christum peractis 5228 aunis al) ortu muiuli eadem Chronicorum relatione {sc. Eusobia- nonunj moustratur. Quoil gestuui inchoante xxix. anno, nou potest dubitari . . ., VII. Kal. April, crucilixus est et sepuUus; tertia die, boc est V. Kal. .\pril., domiuicá, surrexit a mortuis'. ') 'Cbrouiea Minora", ed. Mommseu, vol. i. coMrriATioN 'secundum kvangelicam veuitatkm'. 347 baplizatus, sicut euangelista Lucas testatiir, et tres seuiis aunos post baptisma praedicauerit, sicut lohan- ues in Euangelio suo, noii solum commemorato redeun- tis Pascliae tempore perdocet, sed et idem in Apoca- h'psi sua. . . . Sancta siquidem Eomana et Apostolica Ecclesia banc se fidem teuere, et ipsis testatur indi- culis quae suis in cereis annuatim [p. 242] scribere sol et, ubi tempus dominicae passionis in memoriam («) populis reuocans, numerum anuorum XXX. semper et 111. annis minorem quam ab eius incarnatione Diony- sius ponat. adnotat. Deuique anno ab eius incarna- tione iuxta Dionysium DCC". 1"., indictione XlTTla, fratres nostri qui tunc fuere Romae hoc modo se in (o) natali Domini in cereis sanctae Mariae scriptum uidisse. et inde descripsisse referebant: Ä Passione Domini nostri lesu Christi anni sunt DCLXVIIII. {rectius DCLXVni.)'.') Bede's testimony to the custom of the Church in his own time is conclusive, and the new ideas which Prosper was unwilling to meet with prejudice had therefore become part and parcel of Western orthodoxy before the end of the Vllth centurj'. Chapter 4. It is not quite clear to me whether by the title of the chapter cited just now, namely, 'De Annis Incarnationis', Bede meant to refer to the successive years of the Dionysian era. He may have had in mind the different years to wliich the Incarnation itself is assigned by different computists, or, to be more exact, the different years resulting ft'om the several com- putations of the dates of the Passion and the Baptism by John. The whole chapter is important in the history of chronology, and it touches upon the questions connected with the computa- ') The date of the visit of these monks of Jarrow to Rome is often miscomputed. The Chiistmas Day refened to is said to have fallen in the Xn^th Indiction; aud that began either on Sept. 1, Sept. 24, or December 25, in A.D. 700: so that, in any ease, it enveloped the Christmastide of that year. Mr. Plummer, however, wrongly assigns their visit to A.D. 701; v. 'Bede", Introd. i. svii.; ii., 14 and 365. 348 A. ANSCOMBE, lions secundum Emngdicam Vcritntem in several ways, and fur that reason I propose to analyse it. Bede tells us (a) that the custom of counting the years from the accession of the emperor Diocletian was distafiteful to Dionysius who preferred to date the series fi'om the Lord's In- carnation, {b) that Dionysius assigned the Incarnation to the second year of the Paschal Cycle of 532 years, the proof bring that he made the year 532 the head of the first cycle that he comjjuted. As A. D. 532 was the first year, 531 was the last, and the period clearly began one year before the era. (c) the nature and origin of this long period are explained; and (d) the fact that it had been used previously by Victurius of Aqui- taine is mentioned, (e) The statement already cited as & is repeated and then, in (/"), the computistical criteria, or charac- teristics of the year of the Incarnation according to Dionysius, are enumerated in the following words: 'hie secundus annus decennouenalis octauus decimus est cycli lunaris, xi. habens epactas, v. concurrentes septimanae dies, lunam Paschae decimam (luartam, viii. kalendas Apriles'. The connexion between the year of the period of DXXXII. years and the year of the era having been established there follow four computistic rules the application of which depends upon the knowledge of the number of the year in the era of the Incarnation. These rules are answers to the questions (y) quotus sit annus circuli decennoue- nalis; (A) quotus sit annus etjcli lunaris; (J) quot sint epacim lunares; (li) quot sint adiccfiones solis, i. e., concurrentes septi- manae dies. Having furnished these rules Bede goes on to say {I) 'His igitur ita se habentibus annum passionis dominicae dil.i- genter inquirere, nee ignota quaerendi uia est, si non computus errat alicubi'. After this ironical remark there follow the pas- sages given above in the last chapter viz. (?«), about the belief of the Cliurch respecting the j'ear of the Passion ; (»), about the difference of 33 years between the number of a year in the era of the Passion and the number of the same year in the era of the Incarnation; and (o), about the custom of giving out waxen tablets at Pome, on Christmas Day. with the year of the Pas- sion written upon them. Next we get {p) Bede's fixation of the Passion to A. D. 34, whereupon the wliole statement of the belief of orthodox persons is made in such a way that the casual reader would not suspect that Bede was skilfully forestalling: COMl'l'TATION 'SECUNDl'M EVANGELICAJI VEKITATEM'. 349 the questions and objections, and confuting the arguments of certain computists who relied upon data not furnished either b}- the Law or the Gospel, and who did not share that belief of the Church which regarded A. D. 34 as the true year. Bede dates the Passion as follows: (q) 'Quoniam igitur ut supra memorauimus DXXXII. an- nis circulus paschalis circumagitur, his adde xxxiii., uel potius xxxiiii., ut ilium ipsum quo passus est Do- minus attingere possis; annum fiunt dlxui. Ipse est ergo auuus dominicae passionis et resurrectionis a mortuis. Quia sicut DXXXIII. primo, ita DLXVI. tricesimo (juarto per uuiuersos solis et lunae concordat discursus '. Bede gives no calendar date, of course. The computistical criteria of A. D. 34, A. P. 1, are Golden Number XVI., Epact xv., Sunday Letter C. Consequently, a. d. viii. Jcal. Apriles in it fell ou Thui-sday, moon 18, and not on Fridaj-, moon 15, which is the coucm-reuce requii-ed by the computation sec. E. V. This is noteworthy because Bede indulges at this point in a little play- ful satire at the expense of those computists who relied upon the tradition respecting the calendar date of the Crucifixion which assigned it to a. d. viii. Kal. Apriles. He goes on to say: (>•) 'Et ideo cLrculis beati Dionysii apertis si DLXVI.jíwí ab incarnatione Domini contrngens annum, quartam decimam lunam in eo, ix. kal. Apriles, quinta feria reperii-is, et diem Paschae dominicum vi. kal. Apriles luna decima septima, age Deo gratias quia quod quaerebas, sicuti ipse promisit, te inuenire donauit'. Now Bede knew perfectly well that in A. D. 34, and A. D. 566, a. d. V). Kal April, neither fell on Sunday nor on moon 17. Why then did he go out of his way to enumerate these criteria and iuAÍte a search to be made for them in a year in which they are not to be found ? The reason is because these criteria for- med the basi.s of the arguments of a certain class of computists who rejected the Catholic view of the question and sought to discover the date of the Passion by wedding the criterion of the Gospel, viz. feria se.vta, and the criteria of the Jewish Law, viz. luna XV., primi mcnsis (which they computed by Dionysian rules), 350 A. ANSCOMBE, to tlie traditional criterion, viz. riii. Kal. A}^!., wliioh had been handed down from very early times. But computists who trea- ted the question in this way were obviously fore-runners of Mai'ianus Scotus, for the criteria enumerated just now are exactly those that reciuire the concurrence of Golden Xnmber XIII. and Sunday Letter B. This concurrence, as I have said already, assigns the Passion to a year which is actually A. D. 12. In the next passage (s) Bede declares what the truly Ca- tholic person ought to believe respecting the lunar day and the day of the week on which the Crucifixion took place; then he acknowledges how widely spread was the belief that the calendar day on which Christ suffered was March 25, saying (i) 'Quod autem viii. Calendarum Aprilium crucifixus, vi. Cal. earundem die resurrexerit multorum late doctorum ecclesiasticoruni constat sententia uulgatum'; but he clearly regaras this as an opinion only, and he points out that it is not the only tradition, for Theophilus of Caesarea — (v() 'antiquus, uiz., uicinusque apostolicorum temporum doctor, in epistola synodica quam aduersus eos ([ui decima quarta luna cum ludaeis Pascha celebrabant. una cum caeteris Palaestinae episcopis scripsit ita dicit: Et impium uou est ut passio dominica, tanti sacramenti mysterium, foras limitem excludatur. Passus namque Dominus ab xi. Calendas Apriles, qua nocte a ludaeis est traditus, et ab viii. Calendas Apriles resurrexit. Quomodo tres dies foras terminum ex- cludenturV ' The last citation, which is made fi'om the spurious acts of the council of (Caesarea, would lead one to suppose that Bede had in mind at the moment tlie peculiar schism of the Scoto-British Churches, which did exclude March 22, 23, and 24. He gi\'i'S another tradition after quoting these acts, saying: (.i) 'Gain quacunque die viii. Calendas Apriles fuissei, quando Christi resurrectio fuisse tradebatur, Pascha semper celebrabant '. Having shewn that traditions about the calendar date of tlic t^ruciiixion were not uniform Bede resumes the ironical tone adopted in (r) and puts the heterodox computists out of court very skilfully in the following words: COMPUTATION 'SECrKOrSI KVANGEIiVAM VKRITATEM '. 351 (y) 'Sin uero annuni qiialem quaerebas in loco queiu putabas inuenire uon poteris nel chronogi-aphoruni iu- curiae, uel tuae potius tarditati ciilpam adseribe, tantum diligentissime cauens ne clironiconim scripta defensando intemerabile Legis uel Euangelii testi- monium uidearis inipugnare, dicendo Dominum Salua- torem uel xv. uel xvi. imperii Tiberii Caesaris, uel xxix. uel XXX. suae aetatis anno sacrotanctum crucis subiisse mysterium, cum Euangelia manifeste signi- licent XV. anno Tiberii Praecursorem Domini praedi- care coepisse, ipsumque mox inter alios baptizasse Jesum incipientem iam fieri quasi xxx. annonun'. Bede, in short, refused to wed the criteria in the Gospels and in the Law to either of the traditional calendar dates, and he shewed that it was not expedient to do so — 1st, because the Church presented no uniform tradition with respect to, the date; 2ud, because these criteria do not concui- in the year 34, the one supported by ecclesiastical authority; and 3rd, because the Gospel according to Luke assigns the 30th year of Christ to the 15th year of the reign of Tiberius, = A. D. 29. The third reason obviously renders it unnecessary to consider whether an earlier year, e. g., A. D. 12, might be that of Cluist's Passion. This analysis of Bede's chapter de annis Incarnationis shews that Bede, in A. D. 725, was aware of the existence of a heterodox method of calculating the date of the Passion, and that he thought it important enough to merit confutation. From Bede's arguments we learn, as I have already remarked, that this method tui"ned upon computistical criteria which are identical with those relied on by Marianus Scotus, three centuries later. Now, the same criteria being given, medieval computists necessarily arrived at identical results; hence we need not doubt that the heterodox computists who were contemporary with Bede attained the same result as Marianus did, /. e., they dated tlie Passion in the year that we know by the style and number of A. D. 12. This identity of result, by itself, does not permit us to assert that XHÚí- and Vlllth-century computists were dating events either in the era of the Passion sec. E. V. or in the corresponding one of the Incarnation; but it does prepare us to find that one of these things really was being done. Exact proof of the pro- 352 A. ANSCOMBE, position invoh-ed depends upon the discovery of the records of events connoted by annuarj' data computed in one or other of these two eras. Such proofs I will now produce, premising my list with the reminder that Marianus Scotus') was born in 1028. Chapter 5. A Table of Proofs of the use of the Coinpufalion sec, E, V. l»efore the birth of Marianus Scotus, \\oy\ MS. Date of MS. Date of Compil- ^ ation A. D. or centurj- , , •' (where re- levant) a Gregory's 'Historia j Francorum '. 6 'Auuales Cambriae' c\ 'The .Saxon Chro- (l\ nicle ■ e Interpolation in Bede's 'Chronica Minora" f\ 'The Saxon Chro- nicle' g \ Ethelwerd's Chro- nicle A 'Aunales Xantenses' 1 . i t Chronological Addi- tions to Bede's 'II. E.' It Chronological Addi- j tions to Bede's 'H. E.' Corbie MS., now Paris MS. no. 17,655. Harley, Cotton, and Pnblic Record Of- fice MSS. Archbp. Parker's MS., Corpus Christi Coll., Cambridge, no. 173. Munich MS. no. 1S,638. Cotton MS., Otho B. XI. (deperd.) Cotton MS., Otho A. X. (deperd.) Cotton MS., Tibemis CXI. Harley MS., no. 497S. Bishop More's MS., Cambridge Library, EK. V. 16. - vn. XI. xm. xm. 892 — — X. ' 1025 - . - XI,, - XI. - X. 737 - c. 950 C.850 c. 850 c. 1000 IX. 852 737 ') The other dates of Marianus's life are — his retirement from the world, 10,"y2; his ordination as monk in the Irish monastery of St. Martin at Cologne, lOöO; his consecration as priest in 1050, by Sigefrid. abbot of Fulda, at Wurtzburg; his retirement to Ment/, from Fulda, where he had lived as a recluse, in 1062, and his death at Mentz iu 1082-3, or 108G. C/'. 'Monu- menta Historica Britauuica', i. p. 81, Pref.; p. 522, note a; also Waitz, COMl'UTATIOX -SECrNDUM EVAXGELICAM VERITATEM'. o,')?, fl) The out of St. 3iarthi of Toitrs. The earliest MSS. of the 'Historia Francorum' of Gregory of Tours (f 594) date from the Vllth. Mllth and IXth centuries, and St. Martin's death is assigned in all of them to "anno a passione dorainica ccccxii'. Tills is quite wrong and the years indicated, viz. A. D. 412, 423. 439. 440, and 444, are impossible ones. St. Martin died after midnight on the Lord's Day, 11 November, 395, and this year in the era of the Passion computed sec. E. V. is An. CCCLXXXIIII. A Vllth-century computist who had this datum before him might reduce it to A. 1). by adding 28, as if it Avere in the era of the Passion according to Prosper. He would con- sequently assign the obit to An. 412 (384 + 28). The retention here of the passional formula where that of the Incarnation should appear is not an isolated case (i'. infra, § YI. xxvi., xxvii.). Compare § 1, note /., below. h) The Era-year of the 'Annales Cambriae'. This work was compiled in the Xth century and its author intended apparently that the earliest events he calendared should be dated fi-om the year of the Saxon Advent. By some accident he expressed the year wrongly and equated it with 445. Several unsuccessful attempts have been made to account for this. The true explanation I believe to be as follows: The year of the consulship of Felix and Taurus, to which the Welshmen assigned the arrival of Hengist and Horsa, is A. P. 417 according to Gospel Verity; this year, if wrongly assigned to the era of the Passion computed according to Prosper, and reduced to the Dionysian era by adding 28, gives 445 — the year indicated as Annus 1 of the 'Annales Cambriae'. Compare § 1, note ii., below. c) The two West- Saxon Chronicles amalgamated in the Winchester Chronicle. The Winchester (Saxon) Chronicle was compiled about A. D. 850, and the Parker MS. of it was written out in A.D. 892. At the beginning of the record of West-Saxon affairs there is a series of errors which is due to the ignorant amalgamation of two distinct chronicles. The events in these ' M. H. G.', Scriptorum Tomus V., 4S4. There are two MSS. in the Bodleiau Library written by Robert Losinga, bishop of Hereford, 1079—1095, in which, so it is said, Marianus's work is abridged and simplified. Zeitschrift f. celt. Philologie VI. 90 354 A. ANSCOMBE. chronicles were dated in different eras, one chronicler employing the computation I have denoted Ä. D. I. (v. Bd. Ill, S. 507); the other that which I refer to as A. D. sec. E. V. For instance: Cerdic and Cynric arrÍA'ed, we are told, in A. D. I. 495 (= A. D. 492). They began to reign, according to the Preface, in the sixth year after, i. e., in A. D. T. 500, A. D. 497; but the Annals say that they began to reign in A. D. 519. Now, A. D. 519 [sec. E. V] = A. D. 497, A. D. I. 500. The explanation of the other errors referred to is (luite clear, but lengthj'; v. §111, note ix., below. d) The Ohit of Bishop 8e:nndf. In the Winchester (Saxon) Chronicle the death of Sexwulf is dated A. D. 705. He really died in A. I). 691, A. D. I. G94. The computist who was re- siionsible for the insertion of this obit in the Winchester Chionicle must have had the figures DC'XCIIII. before him, and it would appear that he supposed that he was dealing with a compu- tation in the era of the Passion sec. E. V., for A. P. 094 sec. E. V. = A. D. 705, the year he assigned. Compare § V, note ocx., below. e) The Date of the Sitth General Council. In the Xth- ceutury Munich MS. of Bede's 'Chronica Minora' the sixth C4eneral Council of Constantinople is assigned to A. D. 705. It was really held in A. D. 680, A. D. I. 683. A. D. I. 683 reduced erroneously to the era of the Incarnation sec. E. V. = 705, the yeai' given by the Xth-century copyist. Compare § III, note .r.. below. f) The Conversion of King Lucius. In the Winchester Chronicle referred to in c and d the Lucius legend appears in the annal 167, but in Wheloc's edition of the Saxon Chronicle l>rinted in 1643 from the Cotton MS. Otho B. XL, which was written c. 1025, it appears in annal 189. Now A. D. CLXXXVIIIL sec. E. V. = A. D. 167. Compare § III, note xii., below. (j) The Mission of Birinus. Ethelwerd compiled his Chronicle at the end of tlie tenth centiu-y and he says that Birinus began to convert the West Saxons when 'fransactus est numerus annorum ab aduentu in Brittaniam de Germania eorum fere centum uiginti'. Birinus came to Britain in about A.D. 634, and 634 minus 120 ^ about A.D. 514 for the arrival of Cerdic. This is correct, if we assign it to the era of the COMPUTATION 'shXt'NDUM ICVAXGEIJCAM VEKITAIKM'. 355 Incarnation src. K V.; for A. D. 192, A. D. I. 495, and A. D. 514 sec. E. V. mark tlie same .year of grace. Ethelwerd, it is clear, made use unwittinglj- of a date comimted in the era of the In- carnation sec. E. v., when he deducted the annus of the West- Saxon advent from the date of Birinus's mission. Compare §111. note XL, below. h) The Date of Dnjhthelnis Visioi. In the 'Annales Xan- tenses', which were compiled in the IXth centmy, the vision of the other world seen hy Drj'hthelm, the monk of Melrose, is assigned to the year 671. Chronologists wlio rely upon Bede give the date as 693. Now 693 sec. E. V. does equate A. D. 071, hence it would seem that the compiler of the 'Aiinales Xantenses ' had the date 693 before him, and that he mistakenly supposed that it was computed according to Gospel Verity and reduced it to the Dionysian era by deducting 22, according to rule. Compare § IV. note xvi., below. j) The Franliish Computatiotis of A. D. Sä2. In a short chronology written in a continental hand of the Xth centuiy at the end of the Harley Ms. no. 4978 (a copy of Bede's H. E.), the obits of Martin, Clovis and Eemy are assigned respectively to A. D. ' ccccxliiij. ', 'dlvi.', and 'dlxxvi.'; and the interval between the baptism of Clovis and the annus praesens is given as ' cccxi. anni '. These dates and the accompanying interval are misleading. Martin died in 395; Clovis was baptised in 496 and died in 511; and Remy died in 531. Now, as 511 = 'dlvi.', 496 would be equated by dxli., and this ye&r plus 'cccxi.' gives 852 as the year in which the chronology was compiled. The years assigned were arrived at by a succession of errors, as follows. A. D. 395, the year of Martin's death, = A. P. 384 [sec. E. V.] ; A, P. 384 [secimdtwi Frosjyer.] = A.D. 412; this eiTOueous date, if misst}-led A. P., = A.D. 'ccccxliiii.' A.D. 511, the j^ear of Clovis's death, = A. P. 500 [sec. E.V.]; A. P. 500 [sec. Prospen] = A. D. 528 ; this erroneous date, if misstyled A. P. [sec. Prosper.], = A. D. 'dlvi.' A. D. 531, the year of Eemy 's death, = A. P. 520 [sec. E. v.] ; A. P. 520 [sec. Prosper.] = A. D. 548 ; this erroneous date, if misstyled A. P. [sec. Prosper.], = A. D. 'dlxxvi.' Compare § VI. note xxvi., below. h) The Obit of Egfrid of Northimhria. In the Chronological Memoranda which were written in the year 737 at the end of 23* 350 A. ANSCOAfBE, the More Ms. of Bede's 'H. E.' we are told that 63 years had passed away siuce Egfrid's deatli. A. D. 737 minus 63 = A. D. G74 for Nechtan's victory; but that is 11 years too early, the true date being 685. This mistake is well known to all students of early English history, and it has never been explained. Now, A. 1). 685 is annus DCLXXIIII. in the era of the Passion sec. E. v., and it would appear that the chronologist of A. D. 737 had the heterodox passional date before him, and that he de- ducted it from the annus praesens without reducing it to the Dionysian era. The same explanation applies to the erroneous date he indicates as that of Eg-frid's brother Aelfwin"s death. Compare § VIII. note xxxi.. below. We will now proceed to examine the complications which .sprang from the existence, side by side, of different methods of numbering the Julian year. Chapter 6. Computists and compilers of chronicles in early medieval times would seem to have been embarrassed very frequently by the impossibility of determining the eras in which the data they wished to deal with were computed. The figures whicii date an event are clearly no guide by themselves; we must know their history and connexion. Such a datum as anno dccc". cannot have an exact meaning for us unless we are told what era the annus is computed in. 'Anno dccc".' may be computable in any one of the three eras of the Passion, or in any one of the three eras of the Incarnation. Even when the class of era is indicated we are still at a loss, therefore, unless we are told which parti- cular one of its class it belongs to. For instance: anno dominicac passionis dccc. may be equated with either 811, 828 or 833. Of these 811 may be 17 years or 22 years too early; 828 may be + 17 or — 5 years out; and 833 may be 22 j^ears or 5 years too late. It follows from this that the numerical value of tlw divergence frequentJij indicates the stages of error through which the computation has passed. The conversion of the people of Kent, for instance, is dated by a certain chronicler in A. D. 580. whicli is 17 years too early: cf. §11., note v., infra. Now, a prociironism of 17 years only occurs regularly when a date in the era of the Passion according to Prosper has been wrongly COSIPDTATION "SECUNDUM EVANGELICAM VERITATEM . O0Í ascribed to the era of the Passion according to Gospel Verity. A. P. 569 = A. D. 597, of course, but if the annalist had been dealing with comiiutatious in the so-called Gospel era of the Passion he might very easily reduce A. P. 569 to the era of Dionj'Sius by adding 11 — the regular of redaction out of the Gospel era of the Passion into the vulgar era of the Incarnation. This \\ould j'ield A. D. 580, whicii datum conveys the pro- chronism referred to. A great number of similar instances could be given from various chronicles, though, when the computistical difficulties and other circumstances attending upon the compi- lation of a chronicle in early times are taken into account the small number of errors in some of the best work should excite our respectful admiration. Errors are much more numerous among the smaller annalists, but they frequently bear distinct marks of their origin, and may be said to preserve a strong family likeness, upon the whole. In applying my discovery to annalistic work done in later times than William of Malmes- bury's I shall only take the leading eras and the more generally used 3'ears into consideration; so, after giving a list of the various eras and capita anni with which I intend to deal, I will tabulate the errors w'hich may be stj-led regular, and which are due to ascribing aunuary data to the wrong eras when reducing them to the era of Dionysius and other computists. The Dates of the Capita Anni of various Eras. Style AutlioriUj Calendar Date A. D. a I Evangelium 1 12 h I 1 a Passione se- 1 1 cundum 1 Prosperum 25 March 29 c I 1 1 Biedam et al. 1 33 et 34 d I Dionysium [24 September?] B.C.I e I 1 ab lucarnatione 1 secundum Badam in Chi'o- nicis 2-1 September B.C. 4 f I 1 Evangelium y B.C. 28 In the following scheme I refer to these systems by their distinguishing letters set down in col. 1, and I use certain sjTubols, AÍz. (xx) for — is icrongly ascribed to; ( — ) for — a prochonism of; and (+) for — a ])arachronism of. E. g. the 358 A. ANSCOMBE, first line in tlie followiiis' table signifies — If a datum given in the era of the Passion computed secundum Erangchcam Veritattm be wrong]}' ascribed to the era of the I'assiou computed accor- ding to Prosper and others, and be then reduced to the era of tlie Incarnation cunipnted according to l)ion}'sius, by adding 28. according to rule, we get a parachronism of 17 years. I. II' a date in a xx b auil reduced to d we get + 17. II. „ h XX c „ „ „ .... — 17. III. ,, a XX c „ „ „ + 22. IV. „ c XX a „ „ „ .... — 22. V. ,, d XX a ,, „ ^ + 11 or 12. VI. „ d XX 6 „ „ „ + 28 or 29. VII. „ d XX c „ „ „ +30,31,32,33. VIII. „ a XX d „ .... — 11 or 12. IX. „ b XX d , .... —28 or 29. X. „ c XX fi „ . —30, 31, 32 or 33. This table does not exhaust all possible errors but it enumerates all those with which it is necessarj' to deal at present. I now give a list of the instances we are about to examine, grouping them under their respective numerals. The extension of the formulae of error will be found subsequently, at the head of each section. I. The parachronism of 17 years: i. The obit of St. Martin of Tour.'i. ii. 'J'he era-year of the Xth-centui-y 'Annales f'ambriae'. iii. IMie obit of Wulfstan. Archbishop of ^'ork. iiii. The dates of Irish regal obits in the Annals of Ulster. II. The prochronism of 17 years: V. The mission of St. Augustine to Kent. vi. The obit of St. Patrick, vii. The obit of St. Coluraba. viii. The obit of St. Gregory the Great. III. The parachronism of 22 years: ix. The West-Saxon invasion of Britain. X. The Sixth Synod of Constantinople. COSIPCTATION 'SECUNDUII EVANGELICAJI VEKITATKM '. 350 xi. The mission of Biriuus to Britain, xii. Tlie Saxon Chronicle, W, and King Lucius, xiii. The 24th j'ear of King- Merfj'u. xiiii. The mission of St. Patrick to Ireland. XV. The advent of Heugist and Horsa. IV. The prochronism of 22 years: xvi. The vision of Drj-hthelm. xvii. The obit of Bisliop Asser. xviii. The mission of St. Augustine to Kent. xix. The accessions of the kings of Kent. V. The parachronism of 11 (12) 5'ears: XX. The obit of Bishop Sexwulf. xxi. The obit of St. Patrick, xxii. The obit of St. Bride, xxiii. The obit of St. Swithhun. xxiiii. The obit of St. Ibar. VI. The parachronism of 28 years: XXV. The obits of Clovis and Kemy. xxvi. The charter of Wulfrun. xxvii. The fifth year of King Edmund, xxviii. The obit of St. Patrick. VII. The parachronism of 30 (31) years: xxix. The accession of Pope Hormisdas. XXX. The first note of solar eclipse in the -Aunales Cambriae'. VIII. The prochronism of 11 (12) years: xxxi. The obits of King Egfrid and his brother Aelfwin. xxxii. The obit of Abbess Ethelburga. xxxiii. The summons to Bishop Asser. xxxiiii. The advent of the Saxons. XXXV. The obit of St. Columba. xxxvi. The obit of Abbot Adanman. XXX vii The obit of St. Patrick. 3G0 A. ANSCOMBE, IX. The proclu'onism of 28 (29) years: xxxviii. The Chronographer of the j^ear "354'. xxxix. The advent of the Saxons. xl. The mission of St. Patrick to Ireland. X. The prochronism of 33 (34) years: xli. '\lw birth of St. Patrick. xlii. The obit of St. Benedict, xliii. The obit of Venerable Bede. xliiii. The first Easter celebrated by the Saxons in Britain. xlv. The obit of Xin^ Cenwulf. Chapter 7 (sections I — X). I. A Parachronism of 17 years appears when a datum in the era of the Passion secundum Evamjclkam Vcrilatcm having been ascribed by mistake to the era of the Passion sccutuhim Frosptrum is then reduced to the Vulgar Era. ■(i.) («) Arcadi iiero et Honori secundo imperii anno sanctus Martinus Turonorum episcopus . . . feliciter migrauit ad Christum. Transiit autem media nocte quae do- minica habebatur. Attico Caesarioque consulibus. (6) Explicit liber primus continens annos V. D. XCVII. qui computantur a principio mundi ad transitum Martini episcopi. Gregoiii Episcopi Turouensis 'Historia Franconim', i. xlviii.; Corbie MS. (Paris no. 17,655), so: sacc. VII. Edidit W. Arndt, 1884, 'SS. Rer. Meroving.", torn. I, pp. 55, 56. (c) A passione ergo Domini usque transitum Sancti Martini anni CCCCXU. computantur. Ibid. It. 6-., and IV. li., X. xxxi.; pp. 149, 188. For reasons which will appear presently I regard the datum (c) as an interpolation in tiregory's text. Gregory. I believe, gave only one annuary datum for Martin's death, namely A. M. 5597. This may be refeiTed to the mundane era used in Gaul and applied by Prosper of Aquitaine and his countrjTuan Victurius. In this era the year 5202 = A. D. 1: tlierefore A. M. 5597 falls in A. D. 395—396. The mundane year, it must be remembered, was current from September 1 lo COMPUTATION 'SECUNDUM EVANGELICAM VERITATEM'. 361 August 31.') Now St. llartin'-s Day is III. Id. Novembres, = November 11, and the ferial letter of that day is g. Con- sequently, as Jlartin died on a Sunday, the Sunday Letter of tlie year must be G. These data concurred in A. 1). 395, and llit'refore the year of the world, the A. 1). indicated by it, the day of the week, and the calendar date of the obit are all in harmony. But the consular and imi)erial years neither agree with the otlier data nor with each other. Attici:s and Caesarius were consuls in A. D. 397, but the November of that year fell in the third, not the second year, of the sons of Theodosius. 'Pile year connoted by these consuls ma}' have commenced on September 1, 396, which does concur with the rejrnal year, but 11 November, 396, fell on a Tuesday, not on Sunday. Tlie computation in (c) is quite erroneous. Gregory of Tours, in liis episcopal office, used tlie Paschal Tables of Yicturius of Aiiuiiaine,-) and, of course, knew quite well that November, A. Jl. 0597, fell in A. P. 369. The want of agreement between the A. P. and the A. M. stamps the passage, wlierever it may be found, and it occurs in several other MSS. written before the Xlth century, as an interpolation. A. P. 412 equals either 423, 439, 440 or 444, which are all equally imjiossible dates, and were certainly not contemplated by Gregoiy. The true date, as I said above, is A. D. 395 which falls in A. P. [ÍA^] 384, and that year, if ascribed by mistake to A. P. [29] sec. Prosper., and reduced to A. D., equates A. D. 412. The interpolator of Gregory's work had, no doubt, seen Martin's death assigned to A. P. CCCLXXXUil., and supposing that annus to be computable in the recognised era of the Passion, that dating from A. D. 29, reduced it to A. D. by adding 28, according to rule, and omitted to change the style from the era of the Passion to that of the Incarnation. The datum A. P. 412 underwent further vicissitudes: (d) in the Annals of Waverley 'Annales Mouastici ' (vide § 1 , note Hi.), ') The munilaue year commenced iu the West ou September 1, together with the Indictiou, and the consular year also, in the Vth century. Cf. Rühl (U.S., chap. 2) §5: Der Jahresanfang, S. 36; and the extract given above, note 4, from Prosper Tiro. ') Gregory of Tours used the Paschal Table of Victurius and refers to its Easters iu his 'Historia Francorum', V. xvii. (A. D. 577), and X. xsiii. (A. I). d90). 362 A. ANSCOMBE, which were written in the Xlllth century. Martin's death is assigned to A. I). CCCCI. 'A. D.' reallj^ stands for A. P. and the lull style would be A. R sec. E. V. [1:2] CCCCI., which falls with A. 1). 412. (i) Tn the Annals of Connaught {v. § II, note vi), also written in the Xlllth century, the date appeal's as 'a passione Domini anno CCCCX^'''', where v (m) stands by a frequently recurring mistake for it. (f) In the Canterbury (Saxon and Ijatin) Chronicle F, (v. § X, note xlii.), written c. 1095, the obit is dated 'Anno CCCCXLIV.', which equals a passione ccccxii. reduced to A. D. by adding 32. {g) In the Frankish Chronology {v. § VI, note xxvi), written in the Xth century, we find the same preposterous j^ear. (ii.) The era-j'ear of the 'Annales Cambriae ' is A. D. 445, and various attempts have been made to explain why such a year was taken as the epoch. The compiler of these Annals actually intended to count his periods from the year of the arrival in Britain of Ilengist and Horsa, and appears to have supposed that he was dealing with the year of the consulship of Felix and Taurus, namely, A. D. 428. The parachronism of 17 years (445 minus 17 ^ 428) shews quite clearly that a datum in the era of the Passion sec. E. V. [12\ namely, CCCCXVIL, Avhich falls with A. D. 428, was supposed to be computable in the era of the Passion sec. Prosimr. [2'J\ and then reduced to A. D. by adding 28, according to rule. I do not intend to treat the chroiiography of the •Annale> Cambriae' at large in this paper, but other notes on errors present therein may be found below; v. III. xiiii.; VII. xxx.; and X. .vHiii. (iii.) Anno DCCCLVllI. Wlslanus Eboracensis archiepis- copus obiit. 'Aunales Wigoruieiises ', (^tton MS. Caligula A. X., so: ante 1320; ed. J. R. Luard iu Anitalcs Monastici, 'R. B. SS.'. uo. 36 (4), 1861). Archbishop Wulfstan died in A. D. 941 = .-1. P. sec. E. V. [13] 930. A. R sec. Prosper. [1^9] 930 = A. D. DCCCCLVIII. The omission of one of the Cs is due to JDc dating.') ') Cf. Ztschr. III. 510, note 1. The most systematic instance of D dating is provided by the Annals of St. Vaast's. They commence iu A. D. 874 COMPrTATION SECÜKDUM EVAKGELICAM VERITATEM 363 (iiii.) The dates of the obits of the kings of Ireland during the semi-pagan and schismatic periods of Irish history — viz. from c. 430 to 461 and onwards to c. 640, as they are given in the Annals of Ulster. •Amiala I'ladh", edd. Hennessy & MacCartliy, from xvth and xvith-ceutury ilSS. Date of Ohil. 3 Lugaid 16 ill. 491 506 15 An Interregnum 8 4 M uircheartach 21 u. 515 533 or 535 18,20 5 Tuathal 11 u. 526 543 17 6 Diarmaid 21 iii. 547 564 or 571 17,24 7 Feargus and Domhnall 1 iiii.i) 548 565 or 572 17,24 8 Ainmire 3 i. 551 568 or 575 17,24 9 Baetan and Eochaid 3 U.2) 554 571 17 10 Baetan 13 uii. 567 585 18 11 Aed mac Ainmirech 12 i. 579 597 18 12 Aed Slaine and Colman 7 iii. 586 603 17 13 Aed Uairidhueaeh 7 u. 593 611 18 14 ilaelcobha 3 i. 596 614 18 15 Suibhne Mend 13 iÜi.3) 609 627 18 16 Domhnall 29 u. 638 641 3 In a monograph published in 1893 on 'The Date of the Obit of St. Gildas of Rhuys ' I shewed reasons for accepting the years demonstrably indicated by the ferial signatures in the Annals of Tigeniach in preference to the years actually assigned by with Anno Domini DCCCCLXXIIII. The editor (Pertz, 'M. G. H.', Scrip- toruin Tomus II, \k 196) notes 'a Cod. DCCCCLXXIIII. et ita deinceps', printing the correct arabic numerals here (viz. 87i) and correctly giving the century throughout, without further comment. ') f. uii., MS. ») f. a., MS. ') f. uii., MS. 364 A. AXSCÜMBE, later writers and annalists. I reproduce from my monograph the precedent table giving the annuarj"^ data of the regal chrono- logy from Lugaid to Domhuall mac Aedha, and I insert the dates erroneously assigned by the Ulster annalist but generally regarded as correct ones. The parachronism of 17 or 18 years in the dates in the Annals of Ulster disappears when we reach the obit of Domhnall mac Aedha, and the divergence of 3 years there found may be merelj' chronographical, for A. D. 638, with Kal. Ian. feria quintá = A. D. I. 641 (c/: Ztschr. Ill, 497). II. A Prochronism of 17 years appears when a datum in the era of the Passion secundum l'rospcrnm having been wrongly ascribed to the era of the Passion secundum Evunyelicam Vcri- tatem is then reduced to the Vulgar Era. (v.) Anno DLXXX. 8. P. Gregorius misit Britanniani Augustinum. 'Annales lohannis Asserii site S. Neoti ', Trinity Coll. Cambr. MS., No. K. 7. 28, so: saecl. XII.; ed. Thomas Gale, D. D., iu 'Historiae SS. XV.', Oxou. I(5'J1, p. 1-13; and by W. H. Steven- son, 1904. 8t. Augustine arrived in Kent A. D. 597, = A. F. sec. Frospcr. [2<.)] 569. A. F. sec. E. V. [12] 569 ^ 'A. D. DLXXX'. (vi.) Anno CCCC . LXXX . VII. Ab initio mundi secundum Diony.sium V . DC . LX. usque ad transitum S. Palricii episcopi; ab Incaruatione vero Domini C'CCC.XL.VIll. 'Annales Bnollieuses', or 'Annals of Connaught', Cotton MS. Tilus A.XXV., scr. ante 1'2ü4; cd. C. 0' Conor, P.D., in 'Ber. Hibeniic. SS.', 1814, vol. II. A. D. 448 = A. F. sec. E. V. [12] 437. A. F. sec. Frosj)cr. [29] 437 = A. D. 465, which is four years lower than the true year. A. D. 465 = A. D. sec. E. V. 487 the head-date given above. (vii.) Anno DLXXXIX. Quies Coluimb Cille node Dominica, (^»uies Gregoir Komae, ut alii dieunt. (viii.) Anno DXC\'l. Quies Gregoir Roniae. '.\uuales Inisfallenses', Bodley MS., liaiclinson, No. 503, scr. ante r21ß; ed. O" Conor, u. s., note vi., vol.11. The death of Pope Gregory the Great is assigned by some early writers to A. D. 606 ^ A. F. sec. Frosper. [20] 578. A. F. COMPÜTATION 'SECrNDtTM EVANGKMCAM VERITATEM'. 365 see. E.r. [13] 578 = A. D. 589. as in the text. St. Gregory really died in March, ÜÜ4 005, and A. D. (504 = A. D. I. 007; A. D. G07 = A. P. sec. E.V. [12] 596, which figures appear in the second text. The date of Columlja's obit is more complicated. A. P. sec. K V. [1:2] 589 = A. D. 600, which is really A. D. I., and exhibits the parachronism of 17 years already explained. Columba died on Whit-Suuday, June 9,' 580, A. D. I. 583. 583 = A. P. sec. E. V. [12] 572, and this date, wrongly ascribed to the era of the Passion according to Prosper, and reduced to A. D., = A. D. 600, i. e. A. F. sec. E. l\ [12] 589, which figures appear in the text. ]1I. A Parachronism of 22 years (sometimes 21) appears when a datum in the era of the Incarnation seciDidum Evangeli- cam Veritatem is wrongly ascribed to the Vulgar Era. (ix.) Anno CCCCXCV. Her cuomon twegen aldormen on Bretene. Cerdic 7 Cynric his sunn, mid .v. scipum, in thone stede the is gecueden Cerdices era 7 thy ilcau dfege gefuhtun with ^^'alum. Anno DYIII. Her Cerdic 7 Cynric ofslogon senne Brettisc cyning tham was nama Xatan Leod') 7 .Y. thusendu wera mid him, a?fter than was thset lond wearö nemned Xatan leaga oth Cerdices ford. Anno DXIX. Her Cerdic 7 Cynric West Sexena rice on fengun 7 thy ilcan geare hie fuhton with Brettas thser mon uu nemneth Cerdices ford 7 sith- than ricsadan ^^'est Sexana cynebearn of than asege. 1) The Winchester (Saxon) Chronicle, A, Corpus Christi College MS. (Parker's), no. 173, «cr. 892; ed. Plummer, 'Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel', 1892, pp. li, 16. The Preface of the Saxon Chronicle informs us that Cerdic ami his son Cynric arrived in Britain in A. D. 495 (cf. Ztsclir. Ill, 501); that they conquered the West-Saxon laud from the ') The word in the llss. is undoubtedly Leod, but C, G and L in the socalled Hiberno-Saxon script are much alike, and the initial letter of the word, perhaps G, true has been misread L. The diphtlioug eo is the representative of a more ancient iu, and the way in which the name and the epithet are presented is not English. 'Natan Leod' suggests that the annal had a Latin original which read Natanus Giudus. 36Ö A. ANSCOMBE. ^^'elsh; and that Oerdic began to reigii about 6 years after he arrived, and reio:ned for 16 years. The three dates wlieu com- puted according to the Preface are 495, 500, and 515 or 51i'': but when computed according to the Annals they are 495, 51v and 534. The computation of the Annals would make it appear that Cerdic did not begin to rule over the West-Saxon land until 24 years after his arri-\-al. and tlie difficulties that spring from this divergence have often been pointed out advei'sely by critics of the Chronicle without any solution of the problem being discovered. These difficulties, after all. are chronographical ones, and the following table will resolve them. In it only the dates actually given in the Annals are set down in Koman numerals. A.D. A. D. I. A. I), sec. E. V. 492 497 505 508 512 557 \ 5Ü0 j 'CCCCXCV. ^DVIII. 511 515 »DLX. j 560 \ I 563 j 514 3DXIV. »DXIX. I 527 \ ^DXXVII. i 6DXXX. 'DXXXIV. 579 582 Cerdic and C\uric arrive at 'Cerdice'^ ora\ Stuf and AVihtgar arrive at 'Cerdices ora '. C. and C. couiiuer the West-Saxon land and beg-in to rule (Preface). C. and C. begin to reign and figbt with the Britons at ' Cerdices ford" (.^nals). C. and C. figbt against Natan the Giut. C. and C. figbt at 'Cerdices leage'. C. and C. conquer Wight and slay many men at 'Wibtgares burg'. Cerdic dies in the Ifith year of his reign. Cynric succeeds. Cynric dies, after a reign of 26 yeais, in A. D. DLX. M. Plummer in his Notes, vol. ii. p. 2, remarks: 'It is a small matter that the Preface puts the invasion of Cerdic and Cynric in 494, while the Chronicle places it in 495; it is more serious that the Preface places the foundation of the Kingdom of Wessex six years after their arrival, /. e., in ') 495. In this year two aldermen came to Britain, viz. Cerdic and Cynric his son, with five ships, at the place which is called Cerdic"s ore, and the same day they fought with the Welsh. 508. In this year Cerdic and COMPfTATIOX 'SECtTNDl'M EVANOKLICAM VEKITATEM '. 367 500, while the Clironicle places it in 519. 'I'he length given in the Preface to Cynric's reign. 17 years, is a mere graphic error for 27; p' reads 20. and the Bede [A.-S.J copy 27; Napier's MS. carries the error a step further, reading 7'. It must he perfectly clear from the order of the events in the A. D. I. — and the A. D. sec. E. V. columns that the com- piler of the Saxon Chronicle derived his matter from two distinct sources which dealt with the same events fi'om diflFereut points of view and dated them in different eras. Until we reach the Vllth century it is not possible to feel certain that any annuary data in the Chronicle are computed in the vulgar era. So far as the table given above is concerned no event, I believe, is dated according to Dionysian order. Now, one of the sources from which this matter was derived dated events in the era I have denominated A. I). I. {v. Zeitschr. III. 497) ; the other source dated them in the era of the Incarnation computed according to Gospel Verity. As the apparent difference between the two eras is one of 19 years it follows that a regnal period of 19 years' duration would end at the same annuary numbers in A. D. I. as it began at in A. D. sec. E. V. E. g., a reign of 19 years from A. D. I. 515 to A. D. I. 534 would commence in A. D. sec. E. V. 534. Bearing this in mind, and remembering that Cynric's date, namely 560, appears to be reliable, we are compelled to conclude that the two systems converged in the year of his accession, namely A. D. I. 534, A. D. sec. E. V. 553, and that at least one king is missing fi-om the royal list. When we examine the chi-ouology of Cynric's Ufa we find him 'arriving' in Britain with Cerdic, whose son he is said to be, and fighting by his side, in A. D. I. 495. As he died in A. D. I. 560, if the date of his ' arrival ' is correct he must have been over 80 at his death. The same reasoning applies to Cerdic if he 'arrived' in 495, with a fighting son, and did not die till 534. These dates are not impossible, but they are unlikel)-. Moreover, it is not to be concealed that the Saxon Chronicle in some Mss. makes Cjiu-ic Cerdic's grandson. Creoda, the step in Cj-nric slew a British king whose name was Natan Geód, and 5000 men with him, after whom that region was called Xatan leaga or Cerdic's ford. 519. In this year Cerdic and Cynric began to reign over the kingdom of the West- Saxons and the same year they fought with the Brettas at the place that is now called Cerdic's ford. 3G8 A. ANSCOMBE, the genealog}' intervening' between Cerdic and CjTiric, is omitted altogetlier from the Winchester (Saxon) Chronicle, whetlier we seek his name in the Preface ; or in the short genealogies in the annals 552. r)97, 674, 685, 688; or in the long pedigree in the annal 855. But this name does appear as that of the son of Cerdic and father of Cyuric in the Genealogical Preface to the A.-S. version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History, ascribed to King Alfred; r. Mr. Plummers note. "Two Chronicles', i. 293. It also appears in the annal 855 in three MSS. of the Saxon Chronicle; namely. JB (scr. c. lOOOj; C (scr. c. 1060) and I) {scr. c. 1075); and in the single leaf of B, which is known as /i, in the Preface itself; V. Mr. Plummer's notes: i. 5(3), 67(4). For these reasons I infer that the original compiler of the Saxon Chronicle did not realise that the earliest "West-Saxon events he chronicled were dated in different eras, and that he made matters easy for himself, when he found the two sources converging upon the annuary numbers 534. by cutting out Creoda from the list of kings, and omitting his name from the pedigrees. Later copyists and continuators who could not perceive the difficulty experieu- ced by the original compiler restored Creoda to the Preface, and, at the bidding of the genealogists, no doubt, to the pedigree in 855, also. Annus CCCCXCV. for Cerdic's 'arrival' is undoubtedly A. D. I., and indicates, as I have already pointed out (r. Zeitschr. V. 117), A. D. 492, the year in which King Arthur was defeated at Camlan. The date of Cerdic's 'arrival' in the era of the In- carnation sec. E. v., viz. DXIV., is boldly given as that of the 'arrival' of his two nephews. Stuf and Wihtgar. Cerdic's reign may be said to have commenced in A. D. I. 500, according to the Preface, and in A. D. [sec. E. V.] DXIX., according to the Annals. A. D. I. DVIII. (= A. D. 505) and its equivaleut A. D. [sec. E. V] DXXVII. appear as the date of a victory which one source declared to have been won over a Briton, who is named Natan Leod; but, as I have shewn, Leod = Cíeod, a by-form of Jute, = Giuth, Giut. Hence A. I). 505 and A. D. [sec. E. V.] DXXX. (= A. D. 508) mark the years when the Jutes of the mainland and the Jutes of Wight, resi)ectivel3-, were reduced to subjection by the GeWissas or West-Saxons. The 16th year from A. D. I. 500, i. e., A. D. I. 515, A. D. [sec. E. F.] DXXXIV., which indicates A. D. 512, marks the year of Cerdic's deatli. Tn the interval. COMPITATIOX 'SEClTTOrM EVANGELICAM VEIUTATEM '. 309 therefore, between A. D. 512 aiul A. D. I. ".31. 1 do not tliiiik we need hesitate to insert, or. rather, to restore, Creoda, the son of Cerdic and father of Cynric. I wonld read and date the West- Saxon pedigree as follows, where the Roman numerals are tliose actuall)- given in the Chronicle: Esla») I Elesa, +492. A. D. I. CCCCXCV., A. D. sec. R V. DXÍV. I Cerdic, +512. A. D. I. 515, A. D. sec. E. V. DXXXIV. I Creoda, +531. A. D. I. 534. I Cynric, +557, A. D. I. DLX. (x.) Haec est sinodus Constantinopolim celebrata, DCCV. anno dominicae Incarnationis. Baedae 'Clu-onica Minora', MS. Mouacensis, No. 18,62S, scr. saec. X. ; ed. Mommsen, ' Chron. Minor. ' iii. 241. ») The West Saxon ' Esla ' in the pedigree of King Alfred represents the Gothic 'Ansila', the name of a brother of the great Hermanaric; vide Jomandes (bishop of Bavenna c. 530), 'De Rebus Geticis'. The Gothic 'An- sila' postulates ósila in the oldest Low-German, and this yielded the Old- Saxon 'Osla' (aula) and the Anglo-Saxon 'Esla' (isla). Osla or Esla is the leader whom the Cambro-Britons called ' Gyllellvawr ', i. e., cuUelli mai/m. He is mentioned ttrice in the mabinogi of Khonabwy, and in connexion with Badon, which would require us to date his activity from 450 to 470. He also appears, very curiously, in the Welsh Genealogies; sc. in the Lhuynweney MS. scr. c. 1560, and the Peniarth MSS. — 137, scr. c. 1541, and 118, scr. c. 1590. Vide Archiv, ii. pp. 154, 6, 7. Osla Gyllellva^vr's son Mwg Mawr Drefydd is mentioned in two of Llywarch Hen's poems iu the Black Book of Carmar- then, scr. ante 1225: viz. 'Llym awel Hum brin', and 'Enwev meibon Llywarch hen'. Vide Ehys and Evans's Facsimile, fo. 47, 1.1, »i«^ maur treuit, 1.6. mugc; and fo. 5i verso, 1. 5, mug maur treuit. Mwg = an Old-Saxon tMóc, Anglo-Saxon tMeác, 'Meáca': cf. 'Widsid', 1.23, for the last name. Mwg Mawr Drefydd was the opponent of Llywarch Hen and his sons. His name in the poems and genealogies is a punning metaphony exactly parallel with that of Ftiamddwyn, the etymon of which has nothing to do either with 'tiame' or Ida; cf. Flamborough, Flamstead, and the patron\Tuie Fleming. None of the genealogies mentioned just now is older than the XVlth centnry, but Geoffrey appears to have known the brief they have handed down to us, for he makes Osla's grandson Gwynber Dorchawg into a Gwynwas, Gunfasius, king of the Orkneys. (d"Orchawg); 'H. E. B.'IX, xii. Gwynber = Winfar; cf. Bith-far, Here-far, Gundo-far, and also ' Winfor-ton ", the name of a village in the V.'elsb Marches. Oslas great-grandson, Eata (rlinmaur, was known by Zeitschrift f. c«lt. Pliilologi« VI. 2J 370 A. ANSCOMBE, The Sixth General Council of Coustantinople commenced its sittings on November 7, A. I). (580, A. D. I. 683, A. I), sec. E.V. (when wrongly reduced from the A. D. I.) DCCV., which figures appear in the text. "R. Steinmej'er and Eduard Sievers assign this MS. to the Xlth centur}'; r. 'Die althochdeutschen Glossen', iv. 566 (Berlin, 18!'S); but I rather think their ascription refers to the glosses it contains. I am indebted to the kindness of Dr. F. Boll, the Keeper of the Munich Library, for the information that this passage is written in the same hand as the rest of the MS., and that he believes it is correctly ascribed to the Xth century by Mommsen, u. s., and the Munich Catalogue. (xi.) Impletus uero annus sextus [^= A. D. 635] uenit Byri- nus episcopus ad occidentales Anglos praedicans eis euangelium Christi. Transactus est numerus annorum ab aduentu in Britanniam de Germania eorum fere centum uiginti. Ethelwerdi Clu'onicon, n. vi. ; Cotton MS. Otho A. X. {deperd. a. 1731) scr. saec. XI. ; ed. Sir Heury Savile , apud ' Rerum Anglicarum SS. post Bedain', fol. Londin., 1596. Also in 'Momimenta Historica Britannica', i. 506A. As about 120 years are said to have elapsed in 635 since the arrival of the West Angles that event must be dated in 514. A. D. sec. E. r. 514 = A. D. I. 495, A. D. 492, as explained above in note ix. Ethelwerd compiled his Chronicle at the end of the Xth century. (xii.) Annus CLXXXIX. Her Eleutherius on Eome onfeng biscopdóm ... to tliam Lucius Bietene kyning sende stafas . . . &c. •) The Saxon Chrouicle, ed. Wheloc, 1C43, from the Cotton MS. Otho B XI. (deperd.) scr. c. 1025; v. 'Two of the Saxou Chro- nicles Parallel', cd. IMummer, 1SI)2, i. 292; ii. xxviii. name to Nennius, who wrote iu A. I). 837: see the absurd ideutitication of him, iu 'H. {i.% cap. Ixi., p. 205, with the father of King Eadbert who died iu 7G8. Eata was the victor over Gwrgi aud Peredur, whose mother was Llywarch Hen's cousin-german, at Caer Greu, i. e., the City of Creu; '? Crau aud so Craucestcr, now Cra'ster, in Northumberland. Vide ' Trioed Arthur ae wyr', no. 27; Peuiartli MS. 45 (= Heugwrt 536) scr. c. 1290, printed by Skene, 'Four Ancient Books of Wales". ') 189. Iu this year Eleutherius became bishop of Rome — to whom Lucius the king of the Brettas sent letters, etc. COMPITATION 'secundum EVANGELICAM VERITATEM '. 371 A. D. 164 - A. D. I. 167, and this date wrongly reduced to A. D. sec. E. V. bj' adding 22 gives annus CLXXXIX., as in the text. (xiii.) A inimo anno ((uo Saxones uenerunt in Brittanniam usque ad annum iiii«»» Mermini regis supputantur auni CCCC.VIIII. (CCCCXXrini. MS. Hb) ... ini- tium compoti: uiginti tres cj'cli decennouennales ah incarnatione domini usque ad aduentum Patricii in Hi- beruiam, et ipsi aunos efiiciunt numero CCCC.XXX.YIII.; et ab aduentu Patricii ustiue ad cychim decemnouen- nalem in quo sumus uiginti duo cycli sunt, id est, CCCCXXI, sunt, duo anni in ogdoade usque in hunc annum in quo sumus. 'Historia Brittoumu", cap. xvi^ ed. Momuiseii, pp. 158, 159; Ilarley MS. no. 3S.'>9, scr. c. 1100. In the Preface to the 'Historia Brittouum' (MS. L. p. 127) and in the Computus {ibid. p. 131), we are told that Neunius wrote the book in A. D. 858, the 24th year of the reign of Aler- fyn. This agrees with the date indicated by the total of the figures given in the text, namely 438 jdus 421, if they are a Diou.ysian computation; but the tradition of the Harley MS. is uncertain. The numerals "xx.' have been misplaced therein, and I believe we should read the passage thus : ' . . , usque ad annum xxiiii""' Mermini regis supputantur anni CC'CC.VIIIL' The acces- sion of Merfyn does not appear to be dated accurately in 'An- nales Cambriae', but we may assume that it occiu-red about A.D. 815; consequently his 24th j-ear fell in about 838, which is some 20 years earlier than the computation in the Harley MS. indicates. The intricacies of these chronological statements have been studied by Prof. Thurneysen, and he has assigned the compilation of the -H. B.' to A. D. 826 (v. Zeitschr. i. 165). This year was arrived at by adding 421 years to the date given as that of Patrick's mission, viz. 405. But in the first place this date may be computed as A. P. secundum Prosperum [29]; moreover, A. P. 405 plus 421 does not = A. D. 826, but A. P. 826. Secondly, Prof. Thiu-neysen omitted to consider the meaning of the phrase 'duo anni in ogdoade'. He may have considered it superfluous, and Prof. Zimmer also, has assured us that the passage has no more to do wiih the matter than the Lord's 24* 372 A. AN8C0MBE. Prayer.') I have pointed out (Archiv f. c. Lexikogr.. i. 515) that 'duo auui in ogdoade' means that the year had the Golden Number IL; but neither 826 nor 858 has this Golden Number, therefore neither is correct. G. N. II. really connoted at this period Paschal years cm-rent in 817-818, 836-837, and 855-85G. If we take the passage as corrected above, and add 409 to the British date of the coming of the Saxons, namely 428, we get A. D. 837, which, as we have just now seen, had G. X. II. A. D. 837 = A. D. sec. E. V. DCCCLYIIIL, the year actually indi- cated in the text, but mistakenly treated as if it were in the recapitulation of the Paschal era of DXXXII. years and reduced by I to make it agree with the Dionysian order of the years of the Incarnation. It will be remembered that computists add I to the A. D. in order to get the full tale of decemnovenual years; conversely, having the latter datum they deduct I. (xiiii.) Anno VI». Marciani. Sanctus Patricius monente augelo Hibernian! petiit. ' Aiinales Cambiiae ', Public Record Office MS., B, scr. c. 1286, 6(1. J. Williams ab Ithel, 18C0; 'E. B. SS.', no. 20, p. xxxvi. St. Patrick's mission to Ireland fell in A. D. 433 = A. D. sec. E. V. 455. The sixth year of Marcian was current from June. A. D. 455. It is clear that the identity of the annuary numerals caus- ed the compiler of B, or its protot}T)e, to ignore the difference in eras. (xv.) Anno XIII'l Leonis Maioris. Aduentus Anglorum Horsi et Hengisti tempore Wortigei-ni regis. 'Annales Cambriae', it. s., note liiii. The 13th year of Leo was current fi'om June 26. A. D. 469. Tliat year, regarded as A. D. sec. E. V., = A. I). 447, which is the year from which the Venerable Bede computed seveial of his intervals in the era of the Saxon Advent {cf. Zeitschr. iii. 5061 TV. A Proííhronism of 22 years appeai-s when a datum actually computed in the Vulgar Era is wrongly ascribed to the era of the Incarnation secundum Erdixjelicam \'eri(atc»i and then reduced to the Vulgar Era by deducting 22, according to rule ') 'Der Computus ist an dor Stelle, wo er steht, ausserdem dem Zu- sammenhang nach so absurd, als wenn das Vaterunser dastünde': 'N. V.", S. 4ß. Dr. Mac Cartliy, also, mistakenly says that the terms Ogdoad and Hendecad have no Chronographie value; Introd. ' Aunall. Ultt.', iv. li. COMPUTATION "SECUNDUM KVANtíEr,ICAM VERITATEM '. 373 (xvi.) An. DCLXXI. Hoc anno quidam in Britannia a morte resnrgens nuüta quae nidit de loeis penarum et pur- gatorii ignis loco enarrauit. 'Annales Xantenses', ed. Pertz, 'M. G. SS.' ii. 220, 1829; Cotton MS. Tiberius C. XI., scr. saecl. XI. Bede gives no definite date, but later writers assigned tlie Vision of Dryhthelm to A. D. 693: r. Saxon Chronicles, D, E, so: c. 1100 and 1120, respectivelJ^ A. D. 693, computed secundum EvaiKjcli- aim Veiitalcm, = A. D. 671, as in the text. These annals were compiled in the IXth centui'y ; Pertz, u. s. (xvii.) A. D. DCCC.LXXXIII. Assero Scireburnensi episcopo defuncto succedit Suith[h]elmus. qui regis Aelfredi eleemosjniam ad S. Thoniam in Indiam detulit, indeque prospere rediit. ' Florentii Wigorniensis Clu'ouicoir, ed. Benjamin Thoipe, Loud., 1848, 1. 98, note 3. Trinity College, Dnblin, MS., scr. c. 1130. The uucerlaint}- about the date of Asser's obit lias given rise quite unnecessarily to doubts about the authorship of the • tíesta Aelfredi'. Asser attested charters dated A. D. 904 (i'. 'Cod. Di- plomat. Aevi Saxouici ', ed. J. M. Kemble, Xos. 437, 1082, 1085), and his death is assigned in the 'Annales Cambriae' to ann. CCCCLXIV. A. D. 445 (= I.) plus 464 = A. D. 908. A. I). 1. 908 = A. D. 905, and this year, styled A. D. sec. E. V. by mistake, = A. D. 883, the flgui-es given above. An identical error occiu-s in another MS. copy of Florence's Chronicle, Thorpe's MS. III. (Bodley MS. no. 297). In this MS. Swithlielm's death is dated A. D. 892. This MS. has many addi- tions introduced from other chronicles {v. Thorpe, pref., ii. xii.), and A. D. 892 = A. D. sec. E. V. 914. Now A. D. 914 is the true date, and it has been m-ongly ascribed to the Gospel Era and then reduced to A. D. in the regular way by deducting 22. (xviii.) An. DLXXII. (rectius U.) Augustinus uenit in Angliam. 'Annales Mouasterii Wintoniensis ', Cotton MS. Domitian A. XIII., scr. c. 1300; ed. H. R. Luard, w. s., note it!., vol. ii. A. D. 597, the correct date, when reduced by 22 = A. D. 575, the figures suggested by the text. This annal is interpolated on the margin of the page. 374 A. ANSCOMBE, The accepted date: (xix.) An. DXCIII. Eadbaldus snccessit. 593 + 22 = 615 616. „ DC'XVII. Ercombirtns „ 617 + 22 = 639 640. ,. DCXLI. Egbertus „ 641 + 22 = 663 664. „ DCL. Lotharius „ 650 + 22 = 672 673. ,. DCLXI. Edricus „ 661+22 = 683 685. ^ DCLXVm. Wiehtredus „ 668 + 22 = 690 690. „ DCCI. Edbertus „ 701 + 22 = 723 725. ' Annales Mouasterii Wiutoniensis", u. s., note xviii. These are all marginal interi)olatious. The compiler or interpolator of these Aunals appears to have had a list of the Kentish kings before him dated per annos praderitos, v. Zeitschr. iii. 500; these dates he mistaken!}- ascribed to the era of the Incarnation sec. E. V. and reduced them to A. D., as he supposed, bj^ deducting 22. Y. A Parachronism of 11 (sometimes 12) years appears when a datum actually computed in the Vulgar Era is wrongly ascribed to the era of the Passion accundum Evangelicani Veri- tatem and reduced to the Vulgar Era. (xx.) Anno 705. Her Aldferth Northanhymbra cyning forth- ferde, 7 Seaxwulf biscop. The Winchester (Sason) Chronicle, Ä, set: A. D. 892; ed. Plummer, u. s., note ix., p. 40. The riironicles B {scr. c. 1000), and C (scr. c. 1060) agree with A, but Mr. riummer has shewn, 'Bede', ii. 216. that Bishop Sexwulf must iiave died before 693, because Wilfrid succeeded him in 692. Now A. D. 691. wrongly ascribed to the era of the Passion sec. E. v., and reduced to A. D. according to rule, equals A. D. 702, A. D. I. 705 — the jear assigned, in so far as the numerals are concerned. (xxi.) Ipsa [sc. ecclesia Glastonieusis] qiiippe multo ante beatum Patricium, qui anno Incaruationis dominicae CCCCLXXII. decessit, in ius ecclesiasticum transiuit . . . 'Vita Saucti Diinstaui', by William oi Mahuesbnrv. ed. W. Stubbs, D.D., in 'Memorial,'! of Duustan'; 'K. B. >SS. ', no, 63, 1874, p. 251; Bodley MS. Ratolinson Misc. 263, scr. c. 1300. St. Patrick died in A.D. 461; this year, wrongly regarded as A. P. sec. £. F., ^ A. I). 472, as in the text. It might at first COMPUTATION 'SECUNDUM KVANGEMCAM VBIilTATKM'. 37a sight be considered strauge that William of Malinesbiiry himself should be numbered among those who were deceived by the false chronological views elaborated by Marianus, but we cannot feel sure that the hand of a Glastonbury interpolator may not have been at work here. The whole subject of the connexion of llalmesbury with the Glastonbury literary frauds in the Xllth century has been recently investigated by Jlr. W. W. Newell; v. Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, vol. xviii. (1903). pp. 460-512. Mr. Newell has demonstrated that Malmesbury did not make use in his little work 'De Antiquitate Glastoniensis Ecclesiae' of the British fables that he condemned in his History, and that the libelius became by 1192 the frame- work over which the necessitous Glastonbury interpolators of the Xllth and Xlllth centuries spread their literary frauds. (xxii.) A morte Patricii usque ad obitum sanctae Brigidae Ix. anni. 'Historia Brittomim ', cap. svi. p. 158, ed. Mommseu, Durham MS. B. II, 35, D, scr. c. 1150 (ei al). A. D. 461, the true date of St. Patrick's death, jjhs Ix. =^ A. D. 520; but the year of qiiinfa feria to which Tigernach assigned St. Bride's death, is A. D. 509. 509, however, if wrongly ascribed to the era of the Passion sec. E. V. [12] postulates A. D. 520, the sixtieth year fi'om Patrick's death. (xxiii.) Anno DCCCLXXII. Sanctus Swithunus episcopus Wyntoniensis obiit. 'Annates Wigoruienses ', v. note in., supra. The Canterbury (bilingual) Chronicle, F, has 861; that year wrongly ascribed to the era of the Passion sec. E. V. [12] equates A. D. DCCCLXXn., as in the text. (xxiiii.) [a] An. CCCCLXXXVIII. Kl. — Mors Episcopi Ibair. [6] An. D. lobar episcopus ob. IX. cal. Mai. aetat[is suae anno] CCCCIV. [c] An. D. xxii. Lugaidh. St. Ibhar died April 23, aged 304 years. a.) Annals of Connaught, u. s., note vi. b) The Martyrology of Donegal. c) Annall. IV' . Magg. ') ') Cf. 'Annates Inisfalenses ' (Bodley MS. Eawlinson B. No. 503), ed. C. O'Conor, D.D., 'Renim HibemÍGanim Scriptores', Vol. m. 376 A. ANSCOSIBE, A. I). COCCLXXXVIII., wrongly ascribed to the era of the Pas- sion sec. E. V. [l:^] and reduced to A. 1). again, equates A. D. 499 or 500. VI A Parachronism of either 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32 or 33 j-ears appears wlien a datum in the Vulgar Era is Mrongly as^cribed to an era of the Passion other than that computed secundum Vcriiaiem Evangelii, and reduced to A. D. (xxv.) Eegnante D. N. I. X., anno a passione eiusdem Domini et Saluatoris DCCCC.XC.VI., indict ione septima . . . Scriptum in meuse Octobris, in dominico die, XVII. Kal.; hma xxii. [rectius xxv.J, indictione VII. The Charter of Wulfrún to the Mouasterj' at Wolverharaptou : 'Mouasticoii Anglicamim', ed. t830; VI. pt. 3, p. 1443a. The Seventh Indiction of Constantinople in the series current at the period in question began on September I, A. D. 993, A. D. I. 996. These figures tally with the annuary numbers and with the Indiction given in the text. It is quite clear, therefore, that 'anno a passione Domini' is an error in ascription, though it may be systematic. A. D. 993, A. D. I. 996, has Sunday Letter A, and in the month of October the Ides and the 22nd of the month fell on Sunday. XVII. Kal. [NovcDibres], the date in the text, fell on Monda3^ however, but it commenced at vespers on Sunday. The Golden Number of A. D. 993, A. D. 1. m^S, was VJ., and this has 25 da}-s of epact; conseciuently as the lunar regular of the Kalends of October is 16 the moon of the tables was (16 + 25 =) 11 days old, and on the 15th of the month it was XXV. days old. All these dates, therefore, are in exact agreement. The Seventh Indiction was current in October, A. D. I. 996; the Julian Calendar date was changed to the 16th, i.e., XVII. Kal., at vespers on Sunday, the Ides; and the lunar calendar date, namely xxv., remained the same till sunset, when it became luna xxvi. The tenth hour, or Vespers, ends at about 3.20 on October 15, in the English Jlidlands, and sunset occurs on that day a few minutes after 5. Tiie datal clause, therefore, of the Charter of Wulfriiu is unimpeachable, and that is the case whe- ther it was appended to tlmt particular charter or, originally, to some other. Whether that charter is a fraudulent one I do not pretend to say, but this datal clause provides no reason for rejecting it. The charter to which this clause is now attached COMPUTATION ' SECUNDUM EVANÍÍELICAM VEKITATEM . 377 may very well have been witnessed on Sunday, October 18, A. b. 993, A. 1). I. DCOCCXCVL, in the Vllth Índiction, after the Julian calendar date had been changed from Idibus to 'XVII. Kal.', i.e., after 4 P. M., and before sunset, when lima xxi: was extinguished, /. e., before 5 P. M. (xxvi.) [a] Ab Incarnatione Domini ustiue ad transitum Sancti Martini, amii CCCCXLIIII. [b] Ab I. D. usque ad baptisma Francorum, anni . . . [525, margin]. [c] Ab hinc usque in presens, anni CCCXI. [d] Ab I. D. usque ad transitum Chlodouei. anni DLVI. [e] Ab I. D. usque ad transitum Sancti Remigii, anni DLXXVI. [f] A transitu Eemigii usque in presens, anni CCL. . . [270, margin]. Additions made by the copyist of Bede's 'H. E.' in the Harley MS., »10. 4978; scr. saecl. X., fo. 151b. Ed. Plummer, 'Bede', Introd. p. c. The Arabic numerals in brackets are written in the outer margin of the page in a modern hand which seems to me to be the same as that which wrote "13 die mense August!, A.D. 1724', at the top of the first page of the book. The niunerals of b have disappeared under the paste of the binding; some of f are rubbed off the parchment, and it is, of course, quite possible that the marginal note is erroneous, b. Clovis was baptised in A. I). 49Ö, A. P. sec. E. V. [12] 485. This datum, wrougly ascribed to the era of the Passion [29] according to Prosper, and reduced twice to A. D., = A. D. 541. Cf. note xxviii. infra, c. 541 j)/i<6- the interval CCCXI. dates the annus praesens in A. I). 852. d. The death of Clons occim-ed in A. D. 511, A. P. sec. E. V. [12] 500. A. P. 500 twice reduced to A. D. = DLVI, the j-ear as- signed, e. St. Eemy died in A. D. 531, A. P. sec. E. V. [12] 520. A. P. 520 twice reduced to A. D. by adding 28 = DLXXVI., the year assigned. /'. A. D. 852 (the annus praesens) minus DLXXVI. gives an interval of 276 years, whereas the marginal note only gives 270, and the surviving numerals indicate no more than 'CCL. . .'. Mr. Plummer («. s., p. c.) dates the annus praesens by adding the interval in c to the true }-ear of the baptism of Clovis, viz. 496. . But this misconceives the nature of 378 A. ANSCOMBE, the problem, inasmuch as it assumes that the TXth- century computist dated tiie annus praesens in the same era as the con- version and the obits were dated in. A more correct view would, I tliink, regard the intervals he handed down as false ones ; that is to sa}-, they were not intervals between the events, but intervals between years dated iu one era and the annus piaesens dated in another. Mr. Plummers suggestion that the dates seem to be computed in 'the Julian era, which precedes the Christian era by forty-five years', is a mistake, because there is no such era. A IXth- century computist would not count the years of the Incarnation from Julius Caesar, and the follow- ing table will make his position clear. true P o; u: N The double reduction, as The date in Harley The false The 1 "> '•', ->3 if A. P. sec. MS. 1 intervals H u Prosper. no. 49/8 J praesens 496 485 + 28 + 28 = [DXLL] phis . . . CCCXl. 5tl I 500 ! + 28 + 28 = DLVI. — 852 The Conversion' of Clovis . . The Death of Clovis .... The Death of j j j >phts... Remy . . . . | 531 j 520 ! + 28 + 28 = DLXXVI.| CCL[XXVI.] St. Martin died in 395 which = A. P. sec. E. V. 384. A. P. 384 ascribed to Prosper's era of the Passion, and reduced to A. I)., = 412, a date which crops up again and again — v. note i. A. D. 412, wrongly dated a passionc and reduced to A. P. by adding 32, = CCCCXLIIIL, as in the text. (xxvii.) A Passione Christi peracti sunt anni DCCCCXLVL; ab incarnatione ant em eins sunt anni DCCCC.LXXVL; et (luintus [est] annus Eadmundi regis Anglorum. 'Historia Brittonum', MS. Votican. Beginne, no. 1964, scr. saccl. SI., cap. 1.; ed. Mommson, 'Chron. Minor." iii. 145. 'J'his passage has caused a great deal of discussion; v. Mommsen, u. s., p. 117, note 2; and Zimmer. "N. V.', p. 167 seq. In the first place 'a passione Christi' is a mistaken ascription identical with that considered just now in note .rxv. — a document of the same century. Secondlj-, "ab incarnatione'. etc.. appears to me to be an addition made by a continental scribe who did not COMPUTATION 'secundum evangeucam vkkitatkm '. 370 know when Edmund reigned and wlio was misled bj' tlie erro- neous, though perhaps systematic, ascription 'a passione Christi '. This really stands for the formula ab Incaniatione Christi, and •peracti sunt anni ;t4t5' indicates that '.147 was current: compare my remarks on the computation per annos j)ractcriios in this journal, iii. 501, sqq. A. D. 947 was not the fifth year of King P^dniund, however, and we must understand A. D. 1. This assigns Edmund's fifth year to A. D. 943-4, and his accession, therefore to A. 1). 930- The Winchester (Saxon) Chronicle, which was practically con- temporary with Edmund's predecessor. King Athelstan, in the portion of it concerned, dates the death of that king a. d. VI. Kal. Novemhres, anno DCCCCXL., and the Old-English year, as I have shewn in the Athenwum, September 22, 1900, p. 380, commenced in the month of September. Consequently, the month of October, DCCCCXL., fell in our 939, and the first year of Edmund's reign was current from October 27, 939, to Octobei- 26, 940. His fifth, therefore, in which the Edmundine recension of the 'H. B.' was made, was current from October 27, A. D. 943 (A. D. I. 947) to October 26, 944 (A. D. I. 948). I have shewn in the Athenäum, June 25, 1904, p. 819, that Edmund was crowned on November 30, St. Andrew's Day, A. D. 939 — DCCCCXL., = A. D. L 943. There are two other passages bearing upon this point in the Vatican and Paris MSS. of the 'H. B.' (b) Kegnante Gratiano Equantio Romae Saxones a Gur- thigirno suscepti sunt anno CCCXLVIL post passionem Christi. A tempore quo adueuerunt primo ad Brytta- niam Saxones usque ad primum imperii ann«»* regis Eadmundi DC.XLIL; ad hunc in quo nos scribimus annos traditione seniorum DC.XLVII. didicimus, quippe quia isti imperii quintus antedicti regis est annus. Cap. sxxi. p. 172, text and note 1. (c) . . . quando Gratianus Aequantius consul fuit in Eoma . . . Saxones a Guorthegirno anno post Domini pas- sionem CCCXLVII. suscepti sunt, ad hunc quem nunc scribimus annum DCXLYIL numeramus. Cap. Ivi., p. 201, note 2. I have restored the points to the Dc. dates because they are important, They have been ignored in all cases by Zimmer and 380 A. ANSCOMBE, Monimseii; but Petrie and Hardy, who knew the meaning of them, printed them in many instances. I have ah-eady said in this Journal (iii. 510*), on the authority of the last-named scho- lars, that such a date as DC.I., in a certain style, does not mean 601, but 501. Similarly DC.XLYII. does not mean 647, as the two scholars first named supposed, but 547. The computations in h and c are obviously based upon the Passion datum CCCXLVII. Let us then deduct that interval from the Dionysian years we have already computed: 939 and 944 minus CCCXLYII. = 592 and 597. respectively. But the computation in h sa}'S 542 and 547, hence DC.XLII. and DC.XLYII., should be DC.XCIL and DC.XCYII., respectively, and the secon- dary cause of our difficulties becomes apparent. The scribe of the Yatican MS. misread the Anglo-Saxon F (= C) as L,') and all we have to do to harmonise the computations in a, h, and c, is to read DC.XCII. and DC.XCYIL. as suggested. The addition of these intervals to A. P. CCCXLYII. gives us A. P. 939 and A. P. 944 as tlie fir.^t and fifth years, respectively, of the reign of Edmund, King of the Angles. They are necessarily years computed from the Incarnation, and they have been erroneously, though perhaps systematically, styled years a Passione. (xxviii.) An cccc.lxxx.viij. Quies Patricii XYI. Kal. Aprilis, anno cccc.xxx.ii. a passione Domini. •Auuales luisfalenses ', vide sujira, note vii. In years of the Passion Januarj-, February and 24 days of the month of March fall at the end of the year, consequently the regular of reduction from A. P. sec. Frospentm to A. I), sec. Bio- nysium should be increased by us in those months to 29. Hence XVI. Kal. April, a. p. D. cccc.xxx.ii. = March 17, 461, which is believed to be the correct date of St. Patrick's obit. A. P. CCCC.XXXII. 4- 28 = A. P. CCCC.LX. and A. P. CCCC.LX. + 28 = An. cccclxxx.viij., as given in the text, the parachronism having been doubled. Cf. note xxvi. supra. Yll. A Parachronism of 30, 31, or 33 years also occurs when data in the Yulgar Era are wrongly ascribed to an era of the Passion and are reduced to A. D. again. ') Cf. siqna, uote 1, p. 364. COMl'ITTATION 'SECITNDUM EVAN(1ELICAM VEKITATEM*. 381 (xxix.) Et ueniens saiictissima in aquilonalem plagam Hiber- iiiae, uidelicet in prouincia Ultorum, Brigida illico doloribus correpta est et post breue spatium temporis . . . aetatis suae anno LXXX., anno uero XXX. post obi- tum S. Patricii Archiepiscopi. regnante in Themoria regnuni Hiberniae Murcliiartach mac Ere, cui successit in regno Tuathal iloelgarbh. primo autem anno regni Tustiniani imperatoris, sedente in sede r.postolica papa Hormisda, anno quoque ab incarnatione Domini PXLVIII. (Calendis Februarii) . . . felicissime obiit. 'Quarta Uita Saiutae Brifridae', ascribed to Aunichail, Bishop of Kilclare (t980), but no MS. is known to exist; ed. 'Actt. SS/, February, tomns 1, 1863, p. 171 F. Cf. Hardy, 'Catalogue', no. 310,'i. 108. The BoUandists discuss the question Qtiando obierit S. Brigida ? in the viiith chapter of their Preface to the Life, pp. 109, 110. Their reply to it is 1 February, 523, and they neglect Tigernach, who enters the obit against feria «. and feria n., marking the caput anni of the January year and the September year, respec- tively, current in February, 509. I have already pointed this out in my pamphlet on St. Gildas where, also, I shewed that Muircheartach reigned fi-om 494 to 515. Now, Justin the Elder died on August 1, 527, after his nephew Justinian had been associated with him in the empire; and the first year of Hor- misdas was current in 514-515. How are we to reconcile all these conflicting annuary data with the given j^ear DXLVIII.'? The solution of the i)roblem is perfectly easy if the principles of computation the acceptance of which I have been urging in this paper be borne in mind. A. D. 515, for Muircheartach and Hormisdas, if wrongly ascribed to A. P. and reduced, = DXLVIII., and the other data cohere as follows: A. D. 509, the true year of St. Bride's death = A. P. sec. £.]'. 498; A. P. sec. Trosperum 498 = A. D. 526, A. D. 515, if wrongly as-i cribed to A. P. and 33/ = added, ) A. D. 515. if wrongly a-s-j cribed to A. P. sec. E. F. ■ = A. D. 526 and reduced to A. D.,) = A.D. sec. í:.F. DXLVIII., the year given in the Vita as that of Justinian's accession. 382 A. ANSCOMBE, (xxx.) Annus [VII]. Dies tenebrosa sicut nox. 'Annales Cambriae', MS. B, sci: c. 128G; f. supra, note liiii. The }ear 7 in these Annals ought to connote A. D. 451, but the solar eclipse recorded was undoubtedly the one which occurred on 20 July, A. D. 445. A. I). 445 = A. P. sec. E. V. [12] 434, and that really was the seventh year, by numbers, from the Saxon Advent correctly assigned to 428. The year VII. is also syn- chronised with 'annus xix. ab initio Leouis Maiuris regni', i.e., with A. D. 475-6. Now, I have already shewn above, in note xv., that the 13th year of Leo was synchronised with an e\-ent that happened 41 years before; similarlj-, here we get his 19th year synchronised with A. D. 434 (475 minus 41). The inference that may be drawn justly from this is that the compiler of the ' An- nales Cambriae' had a note of a solar eclipse dated in the era of the Passion sec. E. V. [12] 434, and that he assumed that the numerals marked a year in the era of Dionysius, with which he was familiar, and incorporated the annal in the wrong place. Subsequent elaborators confused the matter still worse. The 'Art de Verifier les Dates', in its chapter on the chronology of eclipses says: '445. * 20 juillet ä 5 et demi soir. Europe au Nord-Ouest'. This eclipse was recorded by Irish annalists as well as British ones, and in the Inisfallen Annals (Bodleian MS. llaivlinson B. 503) we find: K. iu. Stella crinita ajiparuit. K Kl. Eclipsis solis in nona bora. There are no other annuaiy dates given here in these Annals, but the notice about the comet and the record of the hour at Avhich the eclipse occurred enable us to date both events with relative certainty. According 1o 11. Pingié («. s. p. 297) tlie middle of the eclipse coincided at Paris with 5. 30 R M., Avhich is equated by 4. 54 P. M. at Tara; consequently the eclipse commenced at that place at about 3 o'c. Now, on July 20, as the sun sets in these latitudes at about 8 o'c, the ecclesiastical hours are of about 80 minutes duration; conseiiuently, as the eclipse began at Tara at about 3 P. M. it began in the Vtth hour which was current between 2. 40 and 4 o'c. This tallies with what the Irish annalist tells us; but the signature Kal. ir. COMPUTATION 'secundum EVANGEMCAM VEKITATEM '. 383 indicates A. D. 441 as the year of the comet, and as this is correct we must assign the eclipse to 443. It is much more likely, however, that 'iu' is a misreading of ni than that it is the equivalent of iiii.; in either case, however, the interval between the cosmical events calendared should be two years longer than it is. Idatius. who was writing in the second tliird of the Vth century, and who, no doubt, saw this comet, says {v. Migne, ' Patrol.', li. 881; ed. Mommsen, 'M. G. H.', Chron. Minor., II). 'Conietae sidus apparere incipit mense Decenibri, quod per menses aliquot uisum subsequeutis in pestilentia plagae, quae fere in toto orbe diffusa est, premisit ostentum '. Marcellinus, who wrote c. 530, tells us (r. Migne, 'Patrol.', li. 927): ' Ind. X. Eudoxio et Dioscoro coss. Stella quae crinita dicitur per plurimum tempus ap- paruif. The comet, therefore, which was calendared by the Irish annal- ists must have been that of A. D. 441-442, which years began f. an. and f. v., respectively. The signature of the annal, namely 'iu.', may be a misreading of ui., but the solar eclipse of two years later recorded in the 'Annales Inisfalenses ' and in the 'Anuales Cambriae' can be no other than that of A. D. 445, as I have suggested already. This comet I believe to be the oue described by Geoffrey of Monmouth in his •Historia Eegum Britanniae', YIII. xiv., where it is synchronised with the death of ' Aurelius Ambrosius ' and the accession of Uthyi'. It must be remembered that Cat Guoloph, the battle resulting from the contention between Am- brosius and Guitolinus, is dated 12 years after Guorthigirn's reign. Whether 'post regnum Guorthigirni ' ('H. B.' cap. Ixvi.) means from the death of Gwrtheyrn, I cannot tell; but as he was ruling in A. D. 428 it is clear that the strife between Am- brosius and Guitolin occurred post A. D. 439.') ') Other attempts to date this comet iu the early years of the Vlth century may be found in Pingré's ' Cométographie, ou Traité historique et théorique des Cométes', Paris, 1783. 384 A. ANRCOHrBE, ^'^TT. A Proclirouism of 11 (sometimes 12) 3rears appears when a datum in tlie era of the i'assion stcimdum Evungelkam Veriiuiem is wi'ongly ascribed to the Vulgar Era. (xxxi.) [«] Baptizauit Paulinus ante annos . . . CXI. [b] Eclypsis ante annos LXXIII. [c] Penda nioritur ante annos LXXIX. [d] Pugna Ecgfridi ante annos LXIII. [ej [Pugna] Aelfuuini ante annos viii. . . [LXXL] [/■J Angli in Britannia ante annos. . . . CCXCII. 'Chronological Fragment', More MS. of Bede's 'H. E.', so: 737. . ed. Sweet, in 'The Oldest English Texts': E. E. T. Society's Publication, no. 83, p. 149. The text of tliis Northumbrian Fragment is given by Sweet, and also in 'M. H. B.' It follows in the More MS. immediately after a fragment of verse composed by Cisdmon, and it is written in a hand that may well be the same, it is said, as that of the 'Historia' itself. The MS. was fully described by Henry Brad- shaw in vol. 2 of ' Facsimiles of MSS. and Inscriptions ', edited by E. A. Bond and E. M. Thompson (Lond. 1873-1883) for the Pahtographical Society. The Plate no. 140 in that work repro- duces the song composed by Ca?dmon. a list of Northumbrian kings down to 737 (but not mentioning Eadberct, who succeeded in that year), and a few computations, given above, of intervals that had elapsed since certain events of historical importance had taken place. The strong resemblauce of the handwriting of the More MS. to that of the Kalendar and Martyrology of St. Wilbrord, now in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, fotids latins, no. 10,837, which certainly belongs to the first half of the VlUth century, led Mr. Bradshaw to believe that the MS. may have been written at Epternach. or at .some such Anglo- Saxon colony on the continent of Kurope. The fact that certain mistakes were made by the author of the Chronological Frag- ment in calculating some of the intervals he dealt with has led to the otherwise unfounded supposition that at least some of the notes were made later than A. D. 737. It was certainly written in that year, however; rule "Monumenta Historica Britannica', Pieface, i. 173, and Zupitza, 'Ueber den Hymnus Cajdmous', in the Ziscin: f. d. Altcrthum, neue Folge, Bd. X. COMPUTATION 'SECrNmiM EVANGKLICAM VEIUTATEM '. 385 111 a, 737 MiiM«^ 'CXI.' dates Edwin's baptism in 626, i) i.e., 'in anno CLXXX. ab adiientu Angloriim', as Bede, 'H. E.', II. xiiii.. p. 113. sa)-s correctly though he erroneously assigned it to the j-ear 627 : cf. Zeitschr. 111. 506. h tallies with what we know. In c 737 minus 'LXXIX.' assigns Penda's death to 058, which is quite correct if we style it A. D. I., and remember that the year of the Incarnation began, in Bede's time, on September 21.'-) Penda was slain on November 15, A. D. ';)54— DCLV. = A. D. I. 658. In d, the discrepancy between the Fragment and the chronology of Venerable Bede has never been accounted for. 737 »üniis 'LXIII.' ^= A.D. 674 for Egfrid's death. But we know that lie died in 685, in battle against the Picts. Similarly 'ante annos YIII.' gives A. D. 666 for Elfwin'.s death, which is eiiually strange, because the battle on the Trent between the Mercians and the Northumbrians, in which he fell, took place in the 9lh year of Egfrid, /. e., in 678-9. As Egfi'id fell eight years after, it is clear that he reigned jjZíís 8 plus 7 years, i. e., more than 15 years. Now, that is just what Tigernach says^) viz. 'xvmo anno regni sui consummato'; while Bede saj's 'xvmo anno'; 'H. E.' IV. xxvL, p. 297. It is possible that Bede counted Egfrid's years from the date of his coronation, and that the authority used by Tigernach counted fi'om Egfrid's accession. The reason for the prochronism of 11 years appears to me to be this : A. D. 685, the actual year of Egfrid's overthrow, = A. P. sec. E. V. [12] DCLXXmi., and A. D. 678, the actual year of Elfwin's death, = A. P. sec. E V. [12] DCLXVI. (fi-om .January 1 ') The recogTiition of this fact would have helped Mr. Plummer to clear up the difficulties pointed out hj' Dr. Bright in connexion with Edwin's 'delay' to obey the voice of Paulinns, because it would have helped to shew that Bede was in error in dating PanUnus's consecration in 625. -) Bede tells us in his ' De Eatione Temporum ' (Opera, vi. 244) that — •lucipinnt indictiones ab VHI. Kai. Octobr. [= 24 Sept.] ibidemque tenuinantur". In the 'H. E.', Y. sv. (p. 316), he says that Adamnan died 'ante expletum anni circulum', and Adamnan"s day is September 23. Hence the annalistic year commenced in Bede"s time in some monasteries on the same day as the Indiction. Cf. The Athenxum, Sept. 22, 1900, p. 380. *) 'The .\nnals of Tigernach', edited from four fragments of the Xllth and XlVth centuries by Dr. Whitley Stokes ; vide Eevue Celtiqne : a) to An- toninus, tome xvi., 18'J5, pp. 375-419; b) to A. D. 360, tome xvii., 1896, pp. 6-33; c) from A.D. 489 to A. D. 766, ibid., pp. 119-263; and d) from A. D. 975 to A. D. 1088, ibid., pp. 337-420. Zei"8«Urift r. celt. Philologie VI. 2."l 386 A. ANSCOMBE, to March 24). No-w. 674 and 666 are the numbers that result from the reduction of 737 bj' 63 and 71, the intervals indicated in the Chronological Fragment. This solution of the difficulty shews tliat in A. D. 787 there were computations stj'led in the era of the Incarnation (as in c), and also in the era of the Passion sec. E. Y. (as in c/) which were independent of Bede's chronology. In /j 737 minus 'CCXCIL' = A. D. 445 for the year of the arrival of Hengist and Horsa. This, as we have seen, suina, note ii., is the era-year of the ' Aunales Cambriae ', and, as I have explained already, it is the erroneous equation of A. P. sec. E. V. [12] CCCCXVII. ^ A. D. 428. It is obvious that the compiler of the Chronological Frag- ment written out in A. D. 737 had before him two events dated in the era of the Passion computed secundum Veritatem Evangelii. The first of these, that in d, namely, he deducted forthwith from the annus praesens without reducing it to the Diouj-sian era. The result is the prochronism of 11 years which has hitherto proved so puzzling. The other heterodox passional datum, that in f, he erroneously assigned to the era of the Passion computed according to Prosper and reduced the date to the Dionysian era by adding 28. He then deducted this false date from the annus praesens and the result is the i)arachrouism of 17 years in the date of the Saxon Advent which we have just considered. (xxxii.) An. DCLXIV. Deo dilecta mater Bercinganensis mo- nasterii ^thelburga, prima eiusdem coenobii abbatissa, ... \''* Tduum Octobrium die carnis ergastulo est educta. An. DCLXXV. Porro ^thelburgae sancti Ercouwaldi sorori successit Ilildelith ad ([uam sanctus Aldelmus scripsit librum De Virginitate. Florence, «. s., note svii.. vol. 1, 26, 33. Tlie dentil of Ethelberga, Abbess of Barking, is dated by Flo- rence October 11, 664, and the succession of Hildilid in 664 and also in 675. Now A. P. DCLXIY. sec. E. V. [12] = A. D. 675. As Ethelburga's successor Hildilid did not die before 709 the later date is more likely to be the true one; c[ Plummers 'Bede', ii. 218, 219. The mistake made by Florence in connexion witli Ethelberga's obit is identical with that which he made about Asser; vide note xvii. supra. COStPVTATIOX 'SECtTXDUM EVAXGELICAM ^'EKITATEM '. 387 [xxxiii.] An. DCCCLXXn. Asserum etiam [Aelfredus rex] de occidiiis et ultimis ßritanniae finibns e mouasterio Saiicti Dewii aduocauit. Florence of Worcester, v. supra, note xvii. [A. P. sec. E. v.] DCCCLXXII. = A. D. 883. According to Asser's own report lie came to England about A. D. 884 ; v. ' Annales de Rebus Gestis Aelfredi ', ■ Monumenta Historica Britaimica ', i. p. 487, C, and compare note xvii., supra. The wavering of Florence when dealing with the dates of Asser's life has excited unfounded and unnecessar}' suspicions respecting the genuineness of the 'Anuales de R. G. Aelfredi". (xxxiiii.) Aduentus Anglorum in Angliam . . . anno ab Incarna- tione CCCCXXX.Vni. Gurtheirno existente rege Bri- tonum. 'Anuales Cambriae', Cotton MS. Domitian A 1., MS. C, scr. c. 1290. ed. AVilliams. p. xl. A. D. 440, the date handed down by Venerable Bede. when reduced to A. P. sec. E. V. [l;i] = CCCdxXX.YIIL. as in the text. (xxxv.) An. DLXVin. Kl. ColumchUle in nocte Dominica, etatis sue anno Ixxvii., (luievit in XPO. ' Annales BueUienses ', v. supra, note vi. A. D. sec. E. V. DLXVIII. = A. D. 579 when computed correctly ; but there is an occasional error in this class of reduction, 12 instead of 11 being sometimes added or taken away. Hence A. P. [12] 568 equals A. D. 580, and in that year not only did June 0, the day of St. Columba's death, fall on Sunday, but also, as Tigernach reports, on Whitsunday : cf. Ztschr. f. celt. Philol., iv. 336. The question of difference in the date of celebration of Easter which is due to schismatic calculaton does not affect us here. By Dionysian computation the lunations of the Sundays which fell within the Paschal period in A. D. 580 are as follows : March April Sundays: 24 31 7 14 21 lunation: xxii. xxix. vi. xiii. xx. The Scoto-British Churches would not keep Easter earlier than 25* 388 ■ A. ANSCOMBE, March 25, nor on an older moon than xx.: therefore in 580 the Irish and the Britons could not possibly have kept Eastor in the month of March. In April there were only two Sundays available — either the 14th or the 21st. If the moon of the scliismatic tables were one day older than the moon of the orthodox tables the Irish and the Britons would have ke]>t Easter on April 14, moon xiiii. Tigernach's statement implies that they kept it on April 21, which tallies with "\^'hitsunday on June 9, and I know of only one reason for doubting his report — viz. the possibility of what Dr. Mac Carthy calls * proleptic attribution'.!) By this phrase is meant the attribution of Dio- nysian methods of Paschal computation to a period anterior to the times of Dionysius. or, as in the British Churches, to the date when his method was adopted. But Tigernach says: 'K. iiii. Quies Coluimcille in nocte Dominica Pentecostes Y. id. luni'. — and it is almost certain that he did not know the true year of Columba's death. For 'K. iiii.' marks an E-year, whereas Sunda.v. Jnne 9, necessarily falls with F. Consequently it cannot be right to suggest that Tigernach discovered that June 9 fell on "Whitsunday by analysing the computistical position. Even if we substitute vii. for 'iiii.' we make no advance, because in B-years June 9 does not fall on Sunda3^ The only F-years in the last quarter of the Vlth century are 580, 586, and 597, and the only one of these in which Whitsunday could possibly fall on June 9 is 580. Computation of the lunations by Dionysian methods will shew that in 586 the schismatic computation nuist have agreed with the orthodox one in chosing June 2; while in 597 it is probable that \Mntsunday fell on May 26 in the schismatic Churches. (xxxvi.) Kl. — Adamnan uhlxis lae t:t sapiens quieuit in Chvislo. ' Aiiuales Inisfalenses ', v. siqira, note vii. This anna) must be dated An. DCXCHL, but Adamnan died on September 23, 704. It is clear, therefore, that the compiler of the 'Annales Inisfalenses' has taken a datum computed in the era of the Passion sec. E. V. aud treated it as if it were A. D.. whereas he ought to have added 11 to the numerals. Iiitroil. to Aniinls of Ulster. TV., oi.. ). 5. COMPUTATION " SECUNDUM KVANGElilCAJt VEUITATEM '. 389 (xxxvii.) An. cccc.lxxx.vii. Ab initio mundi secundum Dionysium V.DC.LX. usque ad transitum Sancti Patricii episcopi ; ab incarnatione vero Domini CCCC.XL.VIII. 'Annales Buellienses', v. siipra, note vi. St. Patrick died 17 ^farch, 460-1. A. D. 460 = A. P. see. E. V. [12] 448 wronglj" computed: these are the figures given in the text as ah inc. Bni A. P. sec. E. V. 448, wrongl}- ascribed to the era of the Passion [29], = A. D. 476 ; and 476 wrongly ascribed to the era of the Passion sec. E. V. [12], and again reduced to A. D., gives cccc.lxxx.vii.. the head-date in the text. § IX. A Prockronism of 28 or 29 years appears when a datum in the era of the Passion [29] according to Prosper is erroneously styled A. D. (xxxviii.) The work of the ' Chronographer of the year 354 is of such great importance that it is singular that neither Dr. Jlommsen nor any other scholar who has dealt with it has put the question — What does 'CCC.LIIII.' in the title of the work mean? We are told that we owe it to Filocalus, who wrote under Pope Damasus; but Damasus was not consecrated untu 366. The work itself is always cited as if it had been written in the year of the Incaroation 354, according to Diony- sius, but it is impossible for a lYth-century datum to have that meaning. That the title does at lea,st precede the Vllth century is clear from the reference to one of the objects of the compi- lation which was made by Columbauus in his ' Epistola ad Patres Synodi cuiusdam Gallicanae super quaestione Paschae congre- gatae'; {^upud Migne, -Patrologia Latina', tom. Ixxx. col. 266.), as follows: — 'Sed confiteor . . . quod plus credo traditiuni [latriae meae iuxta Dü[cumJ,i) et calculum LXXXIV. annorum ■) ' Secundus ordo Catliolicorum Hiberniae Presbyterorum ... a Dauide episcopo et Gilla- et a Doco Brittonibus niissam acceperunt'; v. 'CouucUs & Ecclesiastical Documents', edd. Haddan & Stnbbs, vol. ii. part 2, pp. 292-4. It is the custom to alter 'Doco' here, into Cadoco; but that is not judicious and the important confirmation of the 'Catalogus' by Columbanns's letter has been overlooked. This Do[cus] may have been the Dochu who is mentioned in the Life of St. Cadoc (ed. Bees, cap. xviii. p. 48), and who was one of the senior judges of Britannia along -n-ith David, Teilau, Keneder, llaidoc and 390 A. ANSCÜM13E, et Anatolium 0 • • • Pascha cekbrare, quam iuxta Vic- torium, . . . qiü post tempore Domiui Martiui et Domini Hieron3'mi et Papae Damasi post centum et tres annos sub Hilaro scripsit'. rrof. Jlommsen referred to this passage in his second edi- tion oi tlie book ('Chronica Minora', I. p. 34), saj'iug: — ' Chronographum a. 354 adlegari a S. Columbano ii; epistula secunda, scripta a. 603, contendunt Duchesnius ('Liber Pontificalis ', 1. p. xxxiv.) et Ivruschius ('Neues Archiv', ix. 147). Scilicet cum ibi memoretur Victorius [as above] q. p. f. d. 31. et d. H. et P. D. post c. et t. a. s. IL conscripts it, ea computatio cum Victorius canonem elaboraverit a. 457, ducit ad a. 354 in quo finit Chro- nographus — neque id aliqua probabilitate caret quamquam Damaso a Columbano computatio ilia nou magis tribuitur quam Martino vel Hieronymo; neque recte tribui potest cum corpus id de quo agitur ante scriptum sit quam is papa factus est, neque usquani in eo nomen est'. Prof. Mommseu, it is clear, regarded 'CCCLITIL' as a date in ihe era of the Incarnation computed according to Dionj-sius. Dr. Bruno Krusch in Ills essay on 'Die Einführung des griechischen Paschalritus im Abendlande ', referred to by llomm- sen, quotes the words of Columbauus (beginning after • iuxta Do-', however), and then says: 'Merkwürdig ist hier die Erwähnuii!: des Papstes Damasus von welchem 103 Jahre bis auf Yicturius gezählt werden. Für Damasus also das Jahr 354 statuiert, iu welchem bekanntlich unter seinem Einflüsse die römische Chrono- graphie des Filocalus redigiert wurde'. This is a great mistake: other ecclesiastics, iu a dispute between Arthur (t4;)2) aud Cadoc himself. The spelling 'Dochu' is significant of Norman influence; cf. 'Chenth' for Kent, in Domesday Book. The Annals of Ulster date Dochu's death — 'A. I'. cceclxxiii. Quies Docci episcopi sancti Britonum abbatis". For 'A. D.' we must read A. 1'., and A. P. 473 = either 484 or 501, accordingly as we understand sec. E. V. or sec. Prosper. ') The Paschal Tables of pseudo-Anatolius have been analysed and explained from two difl'erent points of view iu the English Historical Review. July and October, 1895. COMPUTATION 'SECUNDUM EVANGELICAM VEKITATEM '. 391 iu A. D. 354, as Mommsen obsen'ed, Damasus was not Pope, and St. Martin was unknown; while Jerome, if we may accept the chrouolog.v of Pupin, was only nine or ten years old. The datum in the title of this ancient document is really computed in the era of the Passion [29], and must be reduced to A. D. by adding 28. This enables us to date the work of Filocalus in A. D. 382. Several circumstances will be found to group themselves quite naturally around this year. It is the first of the cycle of LXXXIT. annorum per septeni duodecenni- tates, which commences — "Kal. lanuar., feria septima. luna prima . . .' It is the 3-ear in which Jerome went to Rome, with other supporters of Paulinus of Autioch, to take part in the council convened by Damasus in order to compose the schism respecting the patriarchal succession in the latter Church. It was in the preceding year that Jerome had prepared the 'One Hundred Years List of Easters', computed by Theophilus of Alexandria, for the Latin Chiu-ches, and this Paschal List com- menced with the Easter of 380. Those Italian and Gaulish bishops who reseuted Greek interference, on receiving this One Hundred Year's list would immediately foresee the need to have a Paschal list of their own, so that they might produce it in cases of emergency when the Alexandrian Easter Day did not tallj" with the Eoman one. The result was the compilation we know, which presents the data of the cycle of LXXXIY. stretch- ing back for hundreds of years. The numerals CCCLIIII. formed part of the title as early as A. D. 603 at least, as I said above ; for Columbanus's mistake ') consisted, like that of Duchesne and Mommsen, in regarding them as a date in the era of the Incarnation according to Dionysius. Columbanus then deducted them from 457, the year in which Yicturius compiled his Great Paschal Cycle, the result being the interval of 103 years he cites. Columbanus's object in referring to the Chronographer of 'CCCLIin.' was to exalt the age, and consequently the authority of the Paschal method of LXXXIY., in so far as its Julian- and lunar-calendar limits of Easter are concerned. *) It is clear that we must assume that Columbanus had become ac- qnainted in Gaul befme A. D. 603 with the Dionysian method of computation which St. Augustine introduced into England in 597, and St. Cummian, in Ireland supported in 631. 392 A. ANSCOMliK, (xxxix.) Saxoiies ad Britanniam venernnt Felice et Tauro coss. quadriiigentesimo anno ab incarnatione domini lesu Christi. 'Historia Brittuiiuin', Harley MS. no. 3S3ft, cap. Ixvi. Ed. Mommsen, 'Chronica Minora', iii. p. 209. This is a computation in the era of the Passion according to Prospers view. A. P. f;.'!)] CCCC. =- A. D. 428, which is quite correct. ') (xl.) A natiuitate domini usque ad aduentum Patricii ad Scottos CCCCV. auni sunt. 'Historia Brittonum', u. s.. cap. svi.. p. 158. This, like xxxix., is a computation made a passione. A. P. [2'J] CCCCV. = A. D. 433. § X. A Prochronism of 83 or 34 years appears when a datum in the era of the Passion computed secundum Evangelium is wrongly ascribed to the era of the Incarnation, similarly computed, and then reduced to the Vulgar Era. (xli.) K. ui. Constantinus a ducilius Constantis fratris sui in bello occisus est \sc. A. D. 340J. Patricius nunc natus est. K. u. Patricius in Hiberniam ductus est. 'The Anuals of Tigerniich', ed. Whitley Stokes, Revue Celtiquc, tome xvii., ISSJti, p. 30. Bodleian MS. liawlinson B 502, scr. saed. XII. 'I'lie lii-st K. occurs after a bissextile sequence which runs thus: u., uii. i. a. Hi., u. At this period, therefore, K. ui. necessarily indicates A. D. 342. The second K. follows the sequence iiii., vi. vii. i. ii., iiii., and indicates A. D. 358. These dates are much too early and it would appear that they represent the accepted dates of Patrick's birth and capture, namely, 374 and o9(). in the following way. A. D. 374 = A. P. sec. E. V. [12] 363. A. D. 30: i sec. E. V. = A. D. 341 or 2. Similarly A. D. 390 = A. P. sec. E. V. 379. A. U. 379 sec. E. V. = A. D. 357 or 358. ') It must not be concealed that Prosper Tiro, like A'icturiuíi. computed the era of the Passion from a year that was actually A. D. 28. coMPfTATiox 'secundum evasgelicam vekitatem'. 303 (xlii.) Anno DIX. Her scs. Benedictus se abbud, ealra mu- neca fsder, ferde to heouenau.') 'Canterbury (Latin and Saxon) Chronicle, F, Cotton MS. Domitian Ä VIII., sn: c. 1100; t'. Plummer, 'Two Chronicles', ii. xxxvi. Anno DIX. Benedict«« abbas migrauit ad dowimtmi xii. kl. April, in sancio sabbato pasche. ' Chronieon Breviuseulnm ' (inedit.) Cotton MS. yero A. VIII-, scr. saec. XII. According to Dom Mabillon Benedict of Niirsia died on March 21, 543. Tliis date fell in A. P. see. E.V. [12] DXXXL, which, being wrongly ascribed to A. D. sec. E. V. and reduced to the vulgar era, gives DIX., as in the texts. The paschal dates in the second text are merely compu- tistical. They may have been elaborated by the compiler of this little chronicle after he had analysed the position presented by the erroneous annus and the calendar date of the obit; for Easter Day did fall on March 22, in A. D. 509. (xliii.) Kal. u. Beda hie natus est. Hoc tempore Martiuus Papa floruit. Kl. — [= A. D. 090] In hoc anno Beda scripsit librum de Temporibus. 'The Annals of Tigernach', it. s., note xii. Pope Martin reigned from 649 to 655 — an impossible period for Bede's birth. The 'Liber de Temporibus' was written in A. D. 725, hence in dating it in 69U the prochronism has swollen to 35 years. (xliiii.) An. CCXXL Primum Pascha apud Saxones celebratur. 'Aunales Cambriae", v. stqjra, note ii. A. D. 445 + CCXXI» = A. D. DCLXV., which is absurd. For DCLXV. we must read DpLXV. = 565 {v. Ztschr. f. celt. Fhilol., iii. 440, note 1). This datum results from wrongly ascribing A. P. sec. E. V.[läJ DLXXXVn., i. e. A. D. 598, to the era of the Incarnation sec. E. V., and reducing it to the vtilgar era by deducting 22, according to rule. A. P. sec. E. V. DcLXXXVIT., i. e., ') J. e. — In this year the holy abbot Benedict, the {a.ther of all monks, migrated to heaven. 394 ANSCOMIiE, COMl'LTATION 'SECUNDUM EVANGELICAM ETC.' A. D. 598, is the correct year, because, as Etlielbert was not baptised until June 2, 597, the first Easter generally celebrated in his kingdom must have been that of the following year. (xlv.) Anno DCCCL. Cenewlfus rex Wessexonum occiditur. cui Brig[t]ricus successit. The Annals of Worcester, v. supra, note in. Cenwulf was slain in A. D. 784 = A. P. sec. E. V. [12] 772-3. This datum wrongly ascribed to A. D. sec. E. V., and reduced to A. D., gives DCCL., which, being written DCCCL or DcCCL., was misunderstood by the compiler of the Worcester Annals and caused the greatest confusion in his chronicle; of. footnote 1 p. 361, supra. Hornsey, Middlesex. A. Anscombe. ZUR KELTISCHEN WORTKUNDE. 1. Cjinr. dir. Das cymr. dir Adj. 'hell, klar, heiter, rein' l.äfst sich nicht als eine Entlehnung aus dem engl, clear betrachten, denn nach Silvan Evans, Geiriadur Cyinraeg S02b begegnet es bereits bei Dafydd ab Gwilyni. zu so früher Zeit aber, in der zweiten Hälfte des 14. Jahrhunderts, hatte das englische Wort jedenfalls noch nicht seine heutige Aussprache mit langem /. Man hat zweifellos damals und noch geraume Zeit später das mengl. der aus afrauz. anglouorm. der mit geschlossenem e gesprochen, vgl. Kluge, Pauls Grundrifs d. germ. Philol. 1-, 969 und Luick, Unters, z. engl. Tjautgesch. 180 f. Demgemäfs haben denn auch die brittischen Sprachen das engl, elear vielmehr in den von jenem dir stark abweichenden Formen cymr. daer ' clear, bright, shining, splendid', das gleichfalls schon Dafydd ab Gwilym und noch ältere Quellen aufweisen (S. Evans a. a. 0. 785b), und com. deyr der 'bright, clear' (E. Williams, Lex. Oornu-britann. 60a) herübergenommen, sowie das Bretonische sein skh'ar 'clair, limpide', mbret. sdaer aus dem französischen clair unter Einflufs des afranz. Verbums esclairer bekommen hat (Ernault, Gloss, moyen- bret. 6051, V. Henry, Lex. etym. du breton mod. 242). Wenn also cymr. dir, wie ich meine, ein keltisches Erb- wort sein muls, lälst es sich auf ein idg. *kla-ro-s zurückführen und der Win-zel von alat. cluere 'purgare', lat. cloaca duäca, alat. doväca ' Abzugskanal ', lit. szluju, szlaviaü, ssUiti 'fegen, wischen', lit. szluta lett. slüta 'Besen', auch A'on gr. x}.vC,co 'ich spüle', xXv-ö-mv 'Woge', x?.vafió-g 'Plätschern' und got. hJutr-s 'rein', ags. hlüttor afries. hlätter as. ahd. hlütfar 'lauter, hell, rein, klar' anschlief sen. Über die lateinischen und griechischen 396 u. osruoFF, Wörter dieser Sippe,, ihre Bezeugung und ihre Formenverhält- nisse vergleiche man besonders Solmsen, Stud. z. lat. Lautgesch. 132. 141 f., auch Prell Witz, Etym. Wörterb. d. griech. Spr.^ 228 und ^^'alde, Lat. etym. Wörterb. 128. 129. Man glaubt keltische Vertretung eben dieser Wurzel bereits in dem Plufsnamen ir. Cluath Cluad 'Cl3-de', abritt. KXoha tioyvoic, "Firth of Clyde" Ptol. 2, 3, 1 nebst Are-clöta d.i. regio vocahulum sumpsit a quodam fluminc, quod Clitt nuncupatur im Leben Gildas, wofür ein urkelt. *Klüiä aus *Klouta erschlossen wird, zu erkennen, vgl. Stokes, Ficks Vergleich. Wörterb. 2\ 102, Holder, Alt-celt. Sprachschatz 1, 1S9. 1046 und Walde a. a. 0. 129. Unser cymr. dir käme genau so von ihr, wie das ihm sinnverwandte lat. pu-ru-s mit lat. pu-tu-s 'rein' und piitäre 'reinigen, säubern' zu a,L pu-na-ii 'reinigt, läutert', pU-td-h 'geläutert, rein', pu-ti-h ' Eeinigung ', pavi-tdr- 'Läuterer, Eeiuiger', pavi-tra-m 'Seihe, Sieb', ahd. fotmen fotven, mhd. vvnven 'sieben, Getreide reinigen' gehört. Ad vocem \a.i.pürus: dafs es Rückbildung aus dem Verb jmrärc und dies zunächst zu umbr. pir pir, gr. j-tip, ahd. fúir fiiir 'Feuer' als dessen Denomi- nativ zu stellen sei, wie Skutsch, Bezz. Beitr. 21, 88 f. unter Zustimmung Prellwitzens, Etym. Wörterb. d. griech. Spr.^ 391 lehrt, halte ich mit Brugmanu, Grundrifs 2^, 1, 352 und Walde a. a. 0. 502 für eine bedenkliche Annahme. 2. ('.viiir. rhecli. Der gemeinkeltische Ausdruck für 'farzen, Furz' ist durch air. hruigim gl. 'pedo', mir. hraigid 3. Sing, und das Substantiv mir. hroimm 'a fart', nir. brcim, gäl. hraim hram, cymr. corn. hram 'crepitus ventris', bret. bramm gegeben. Zur Etymologie und Wortbildung vergleiche man die zum Teil unter sich nicht übereinstimmenden Ausführungen von Thurueysen, Keltorom. 92, Brugmanu. Grundrifs 1', 272, Osthoff, Morphol. Unters. 5, lOOf., Stokes, Ficks Vergleich. Wörterb. 2*, 183, Macbain, Etym. diet of the Gaelic language 40, \'. Henry, Lex etym. du breton mod. 42 und Walde, Lat. etym. Wiirterb. 241. Keltische Vertretung des alten indogermanischen Teruiinu-- technicus für die zwar nicht salonfähige, aber doch menscliliclu', allzumeuschliche Sache, Verwandtschaft von ü. jxo'date 'tarzt' 7.VK KF.I-TISrHKN WOKTKUNDE. 397 uiul 2)ßr(?rt-7i 'Furz', iiardana-m 'das Farzen, Furz', die man trotz ihres Nichtbelegtseins in der Literatur den sonst oft beargwiilinten indischen Wnrzelverzeichnern unbedingt zu glauben hat (vgl. Böhtliugk-Eoth, Sanskrit -Wörterb. 4, 574 und Delbrück, Eiuleit. in das Sprachstudium' 37), ferner von gr. jtéQÓoftai, í-nagdov und l-jrpRJor Aor., jtoQÖt'j, ahd. ferzan ags. feortan aisl. freia 'farzen', ahd. furz, aisl. /)TÍ-r ' Furz ', \\t. pérdéu pérsti, lett. pirdu pirst ' farzen ', lit. pirdls ' Furz ', slov. pjflcti russ. perdiHi 'pedere". ist. soviel mir bekannt, bis jetzt nicht überzeugend nachgewiesen. Denn was Rhys. Eevue celt. 2, 331 in diesem Sinne vorbringt, cymr. crtlmch 'flatus et anhelitus ex magno conatu proveniens', ertliychain 'prospirare, anhelare, vehementer perfremere' und ertlni 'to make an effort, to puff', will weder begrifflich noch im Lautlichen zu ai. pardaie, gr. nkQÖo^iai usw. stimmen. Vielleicht darf man aber cymr. rhech Fem. ' crepitus ventris ' zum Vergleich heranziehen. Die Wörterbücher von Davies und Owen Pughe-' verzeichnen dies rhech nebst dem denominativen Verb rhcchain 'pedere, crepitare', Pughe, indem er die Wörter mit- samt ihrem weiteren Zubehör rhechiad M. 'a farting, a breaking wind' und rhechhjd Adj. 'apt to break wind, or fart' als obsolet vermerkt, nur bei rhcchol Adj. 'breaking wind, farting' das Toten- kreuz wegläfst. Aber volksmundartlich ist rhech doch auch heute noch üblich, wie ich es denn meinerseits in Nordwales im Dialekt von Rhyd-ddu, Carnarvonshire, gehört habe. Man hätte, um rhech auf die alte Wurzel j^ert?- zurück- zubringen, ein urkelt. *riJiM aufzustellen, das aus *rii-ka assi- miliert einem uridg. *j)r(?-Ä« gleichkäme. Die "N^'ortstammbildung wäre von derselben Art, wie die der von Brugmann, Grund- riis 2'-, 1, 476 f. behandelten Gruppe von Nominalschöpfungen, die ein suffixales A-Element „mit dem Aussehen eines Primär- formans" aufweisen, .,ai. dtka-s av. aJka- atka- d. i. a])Jca- M. 'Ge- wand. Kleid', vielleicht zu ir. étim 'ich kleide'", „ai. vleska-s 'Schlinge', ir. f lese F. 'Rute, Gerte' (urkelt. *M72sZ;ä), aksl. leskovi. 'e stjTace confectus' . . . zu got. wlizjan 'schlagen, züchtigen' (denominat. von *ivliza- 'Rute, Geifsel' oder dgl.)", lett. pinJca 'Zotte' zu pU lit. finti 'flechten'", „aksl. zvqki, zvqhh 'Schall', zu zvi.neti 'klingen' zvon-h 'Schall'", Adjektiva wie „\it. szvitJcus 'glänzend', für *ssi-itkas, zu szvintü szilsti 'aiüÜQüchteii'^, „pükas 'grau' vgl. i)«?™.? 'blafsgelb'" u.a. 398 H. OSTHOFF, Was den lautlichen Punkt, die Assimilation von -tlc- zu -kl- im Keltischen, die wii- behufs unserer Deutung des cymr. rhech anzunehmen haben, anbelangt, so hat dafür bereits Strachan, Transactions of the Philol. Soc. Ltmdon 1891—93 S. 241 Anm. 1 = Bezz. Beitr. 20, 25 f. Anm. 4 drei Beispiele zusammengestellt, von denen ich zwei als der Etymologie nach genügend gesichert betrachte, die Fälle ,,[Ir.] rucce 'disgrace' (Gael, ruicean 'a red pimple') = *rut-Jciä, *ni Mask, etymologisch beizukommen. Henry quält sich mit den verzwicktesten Einfällen und Vorschlägen, um namentlich ZUK KEI/riSCUEN WORTKUNDE. 405 der vokalischen Sclnvierigkeiten, die sich hier gleichsam turmhoch iu den Weg stellen, Herr zu werden; „mais tout cela est bieu compliqué." ist sein resigniertes Schlufsergebnis. Das cymr. uff'arn und bret. ufern bezogen zu air. odbrann und gäl. aobrann auch schon ZeuTs-Ebel a.a.O. und Robert Williams, Lex. Cornu- britaun. 236 a s. v. lif'eni, aber mau hat meines Erachtens ganz darauf zu verzichten, eine etj-mologische Einigung zwischen den Wörtern der beiden keltischen Hauptzweige erzi>4en zu wollen, dann mag sich eine, wie mir sclieint, annehmbare Erklärung der brittischen Formen wohl gewinnen lassen. Ernault und Henry erinnern beide auch an das Dasein von cj-mr. ffer und ffeni Fem., sowie des entsprechenden mbret. fer-, das man in den Personennamen Fcr-gant, Fer-march und dem Ortsnamen Bran-fheuc findet (Loth, Chrestom. bretonne 204, Ernault a. a. 0. 235), als Bezeichnungen für den 'Knöchel über dem Fufs, talus, malleolus', Henry verwunderlicherweise so, dafs er an Entstehung dieser einsilbigen Wortformen aus cymr. uff'arn und bret. ufern durch Aphärese denkt. Aber fj'er und ffern müssen doch altkeltische Wörter sein gemäfs der Entsprechung von mir. nir. seir Fem. • Ferse ', mir. auch Neutrum nach do ser -7idäs Nora. sing, 'deine rechte Ferse' (corrig. do seir n-dess) Windisch, Ir. Texte 2, 2, 247, dagegen Mask, nach da seritJi Nom. dual. Corm. Gloss, p. 36, 34, und der weiteren anerkannten Kombination mit gr. oyt-po-r 'Knöchel am Fufs', 'Ferse' und mit preufs. spercla-n 'Zehballen'; vgl. Rhys, Lectures ou Welsh philol.-^ 2, 227 f., Stokes, Academy 4. Juni 1892 S. 227b. Ficks Vergleich. Wörterb. 2^, 301, Ernault a. a. 0. 235, W. Foy, Lidog. Forsch. 6, 319 f., Brugmann, Grundrifs 1-, 516. 689 und Walde, Lat. etym. Wörterb. 588. Während das bret. fer- 'Fufsknöchel' oder 'Ferse' nur, wenn auch mit einiger Wahrscheinlichkeit, aus den genannten alt- und mittelbretonischen Personen- und Ortsnamen erschlossen wird, hat dagegen das Altcornische das Wort offenkundig genug aufzuweisen, allerdings mit einer gewissen weiter unten näher zu berührenden Bedeutungsabweichiing, die es erklärlich erscheinen läfst, dafs es die Etymologen, Stokes, Ernault u. a., neben dem cymr. ffér und ii-. seir mit aufzuführen unterlassen. Im comischen Vokabular ist fer Glosse zu ' crus ', bedeutet dort also 'Schienbein, Unterschenkel, Bein', und in demselben Denkmal übersetzt logoden-fer das lat. ' sura ', also ' Wade ', wörtlich ' mus 406 H. 08TH0FF, cruris, Maus des Unterschenkels'. Die Identität dieses somit doppelt überlieferten acorn. fer mit dem cymr. ff'er 'talus' erkannten schon Zeufs-Ebel, Gramm. 1067 und Rob. Williams a. a. O. 148 a (vgl. auch denselben S. 237 b s. v. loyoden). Nach nicht unwahrscheinlicher A'ermutung aber gaben dieselben Gelehrten dem Cornischen auch das dem cymr. uffarn und bret. ufern ent- sprechende Wort zurück, indem sie, Zeul's-Ebel a. a. 0. und Williams S. 236a, in der Glosse des Vokabulars .Julus, Ufern" für Ufern durch Konjektur ufern herstellten. Auf die stichhaltig erscheinende Erklärung kann uns die zu cymr. uffarn bestehende Wortformvariante ucharn leiten : es ist hier au Zusammensetzung mit cymr. tich Adv. 'oben, über', AdJ. ' oberer, höherer ', bret. uc'h Adj. • hoch ' zu denken, und ich möchte uffarn, bret. und eventuell auch acorn. ufern als Assi- milationsprodukt aus *ucli-furn oder beziehungsweise *uch-fvr>i 'die obere ffern' ansehen, in der Seitenform ucharn wäre durch richtig gehende Volksetymologie der Begriff 'oberer' wieder ver- deutlicht worden. Wie konnte aber nur der Knöchel den Britten 'obere ffern' heifsen? Man versteht das, wenn man als Gegensatz dazu die Ferse, den dem Knöchel entsprechenden unteren Knochen vorspruug, denkt; man hätte also nur anzunehmen, dals die Bedeutung 'Ferse', die das verwandte \v. seir aufweist, dem brittischen ffern auch einmal zu eigen gewesen sei. Für das ir. seir ist nun aber bemerkenswerterweise die Bedeutung 'Ferse, Hacke' nicht die einzig vorliegende: es bedeutet auTserdem eben auch den 'Enkel, Fursknöchel'. Darauf weisen Atkinson, Ancient laws of Ireland 6 (Gloss.) S. 650 und Stokes(-^^'indischl, Ir. Texte 4, 1, 425a hin, beide Gelehrte, indem sie namentlich das öfters vorkommende Beiwort von Menschen und edlen fiosseu sered-choel oder -chacl von den langen, dünnen Knöcheln als einem Merkmal schlanker Füfse verstehen; Atkinson übersetzt dies Bahuvrihikümpositum mit ..of slender ankles'', Stokes mit ..slim- ankled, xavvoifVQOii''', während er früher, Bezz. Beitr. 11. 88, Anna. 2, den minder passenden Sina von „.slender-heeled" darin sah. Nur in dem Punkte irrt wohl Stokes, dafs er jetzt dem seir die andere Bedeutung ' hecl, Ferse ' entgegen den lexikalischen Angaben von O'Brien und (»'Eeilly (auch von Dinneen. Irish-Engl. diet. 634 b) ganz absprechen zu dürfen glaubt ; auf die ' Ferse ' oder ' Hacke ' kann sich doch ir. seir audi nur in ZUR KKI/riSCHKN WORTKUNDK. 407 der Ableitung seirih-id 'Hintermann, Leibdiener. Knappe', d.i. eigentlich "Fersen manu", bezieben (vgl. Atkinson a. a. 0.). Entsprechend hat das zu ir. seir und c)-nir. ffei; ff'ern wm-zel- haft zugehörige griechische Wort ocfvpór beide Bedeutungen, die von 'Fuisknöchel' usuell, die andere okkasionell, indem es A'er- einzelt bei Dichtern die 'Ferse' und in weiterer t'bertragung den "Fufs' überhaupt bezeichnet, dies z. B. an der Euripides- stelle Alk. 586 i^aivovoc: oqrvQcö xoiyn. Und vollends das lat. Ullus vereinigt auf gleicher Linie die drei Bedeutungen 'Fessel- knochen, Sprungbein', •Fuisknöchel, Knorren' und 'Ferse', indem die Prosa sowohl wie die poetische Sprache in diesem drei- fachen Sinne das Wort gebrauchen kann und gebraucht; es könnte also gewils nicht befremden, wenn im Latein bei ge- nauerer begrifflicher Unterscheidung, etwa zu anatomischem Zwecke, der Fuisknöchel als der Mus superior der Ferse als dem inferior talus gegenübergestellt würde. Sehen wir auf die weiteren wurzelhaften Zusammenhänge, in die man unsere Wörter cymr. ff er, ff'ern, acorn. fer, ir. seir und gr. úffvQÓr. preufs. sperclan 'Zehballen' bringt, auf ihre Ver- wandtschaft mit gr. ojtaÍQO) und dojiaÍQOj 'mache eine stofsende Bewegung", 'zucke, zappele', lat. sperno 'stofse zurück, stofse fort', 'verwerfe, verschmähe, verachte', ags. spornan spurnan as. ahd. spurnan 'mit dem Fufse stoísen, treten', ags. speornan aschwed. spicerna 'mit den Füfsen ausschlagen, mit dem Fufse wegstofsen', ahd. fir-spirnit "stöfst an, ti'itt fehl', spornón 'mit der Ferse aus- schlagen, calcitrare' &\s\.sporna 'treten, betreten', niú.spijrna 'mit dem Fufse stofsen . ti-eten ', ahd. sporo ags. spora spura aisl. spore 'Sporn', lit. spiriu spirti 'hinten ausschlagen, mit dem Fufse stofsen ', lett. sper'u spert dass. und ai. splmrdti ' stöfst (mit dem Fufse) weg, tritt, schnellt, zuckt ', ved. «jja spharih Aor. Injunkt. 'schnelle weg, entziehe dich rasch', a,\est. sparöit Opt. praes. 'er möge treten, möge stofsen', fra-sparat Imperf. 'schnellte hervor' (vgl. Verf., Indog. Forsch. 6. 16f. und die dort gegebene, all- gemein gebilligte Erklärung des lat. asper aus "'ap-sparo-s ' ab- stofsend, wegsclmellend ', so auch Brugmann, ludog. Forsch. 13, 159 f. und Walde, Lat. etj-m. Wörterb. 48, 588), so wird es auf diesem Hintergrunde wahrscheinlich, dafs bei jenen cyrar. ff er, ffern und Genossen von den zwei Bedeutungen, mit denen wir es bei ihnen vorzugsweise zu tun haben, 'Ferse, Hacke' und ' Fufsknöchel ', die erstere doch wohl die ursprünglichere gewesen 408 H. OSTHOFF, sein müsse. Dann erscheint es aber nur um so melu- in der Ordnung, dafs die brittisclien Kelten mit cymr. uffani, bret. ufern den 'Knüclier als die 'obere Ferse' bezeichneten, und i- wäre nur nebenher zu konstatieren, dafs sie bei dem Simplex /f'ri; Ifcru eben diesen älteren Sinn des Wortes, den das ir. scir festhielt, eingebüfst hätten, wodurch denn die völlige Bedeutungs- gleichheit mit dem Ivompositum ufínrn, ufern sich ergab. Für den Begriff 'Fer.^e, Hacke' haben es die Britten dann bei dem Allgemeingebrauch eines anderen ebenfalls gemeinkeltischen Wortes, des cymr. sawdl mbret. seuzl nbret. seul Mask. = air. mir. sa7 Fem., doch wohl aus *stä-tlä 'Fufsgestell, Basis' (vgl. Stokes, Corm. Gloss, transl. p. 154, Ficks Vergleich. Wörierb. 2^. 289. Bezz. Beitr. 23. 61, Strachan, Transactions of the Philo). Soc. London 1891 — 93 S. 241 = Bezz. Beitr. 20, 26, Ascoli. Supplem. period, all' Archivio glottol. ital. 2, 107. 109, Ernault. Gloss, moyen-bret. 625, Macbain, Etj'm. diet, of the Gaelic language 270, V. Henrj-, Lex. etym. du breton mod. 2451), be- wenden lassen. Was dann noch die Bedeutung 'crus', 'Schienbein, Unter- schenkel, Bein' bei dem acorn. /er anbelangt, so mufs diese auf einer weiteren Übertragung des ursprünglicheren "\\'ortbegTÍffes 'Ferse, Hacke' oder ' Fufsknöchel' beruhen: nach dem unteren Fufsteil konnte durch Erweiterung des Begrift'sumfanges der ganze Fufs sowie das Schienbein und der ganze Unterschenkel von der Ferse aufwärts bis zum Knie als fer bezeichnet werden. Das ist so wie nach dem vorhin S. 407 erwähnten gr. oá von den Pferdefüfsen mit ungespaltenen Hufen gesagt ; dann aber auch wie im Latein tähis „per syncdochen dicitur de imo crure, vel pedibus", wofür Beispiele, fi-eilich nicht dui-chaus passende, bei Forcellini- de Vit, Lex. 6, 19a, Juvenals nüdö talo ' nackten Fuf ses , barf ufs ' u. dgl. Ich frage beiläufig : ist auch für das Bretonische, das ja dem Coruischen immer besonders nahe steht, mit der abgeleiteten l:5edeutung des fer als •cru>' behufs der Auffassung jener Eigennamenformen Fer-gant, Fer- march und Bran-fereuc (s. o. S.405) zu rechnen, daz. B. der Personen- bezeichnung mbret. Fcr-marcli den Sinn von "Rossesbein, das (ilinke) Bein eines Pferdes habend ' zu geben eher ansprechen dürfte, als darin die ■ Pferdehacke' oder den ' Pferdeknöchel' zu suchen? ZUR KELTISCHEN WORTKUNDE. 409 Wie erklärt sich das a in cymr. uffam und nchani gegen- über dem e von ffh; ff'eni, acoru. fer und bret. ufern? Auf diese Frage wird sich eine befriedigende Antwort im Verein damit geben lassen, dafs wir das Verhältnis der deutlich vorliegenden zwiefachen Stammbilduug, wobei auf der einen Seite cjtui'. //'(■>•, acorn. fer und ir. .seir ohne ->i und auf der anderen die liinten um den Nasal reicheren Formen cymr. /fern, uffam, bret. ufern nebeneinander hergehen, klarzustellen vei-suchen. Nun gehen das cymr. ff er und acorn. fer zusammen mit ir. seir wegen der diesem letzteren zugehörigen Formen mir. serid Dat. sing. Corm. Gloss, p. 41, 18. da ^-erith Noni. dual. masc. ibid. p. 36, 34 und di pltcrid Acc. dual. fem. LU. 69 a, 29. sered-choel Adj. „slini-ankled, Tavva^vQo^" und seirih-id ■'Hintermann, Leibdiener ' (s. o. S. 406 f.), nh-. seiridh Acc. und Nom. sing, neben nir. seir als ui-sprünglichem Nominativ auf den Stamm urkelt. *sferet- und dessen alte Nominativbildung *sfere{t)-s oder *sferet Neutr. zurück.') Das -ci-Thema setzt auch Stokes, Bezz. Beitr. ') Mit sf- scheint mir am besten der Lautwert getroffen zu sein, den das aus anlautendem idg. sp- und sph-, aus jenem z. B. in air. mir. sclg 'Milz', mbret. felch : avest. span^nn-, gr. ö.i/.),'r, sich ergebende Produkt, die Vor- stufe des historischen ir.-gäl. s- und britt. f- (c\Tnr. ff-), im letzten Stadium gemeinkeltischer Lautentwicklung erreicht hatte. Mit Foy, Indog. Forsch. 6, 319 f. 8, 200 ff. (Vgl. auch Brugmann, Grundril's 1-, 516) ein sv-, „wo v Spirant ist", zum Unterschied von au- = ir.-gäl. s-, britt. chw-, anzusetzen halte ich nicht fiir geraten, da keine Veranlassung vorhanden ist, ein stimmhaftes Element in die Gruppe, die ein solches weder von Anfang an hatte noch in ihren letzten Ausläufern kennt, hineinzubringen; mufs ja doch im Gegenteil gerade nrspr. su-, um im Irisch-gälischen s- und bei Lenierung -f- zu ergeben, in Fällen wie altir. sé '6', seser '6 Mann" : nwr-feser '7 Mann' (vgl. Thur- neysen, Eevue celt. 6, 31i Anm. 5, Brugmann a. a. 0. 329, Foy, Indog. Forsch. 6, 320. 322, Holger Pedersen, Aspirationen i Irsk 69), sein « irgendwie haben stimmlos werden lassen. Was inlautendes altes -sp- und -sph- betrifft, so pflichte ich unbedenklich Strachan bei, wenn er Bezz. Beitr. 20, 36 Anm. in mir. di pherid „a clear instance of the treatment of intervocalic sp^ sieht (vgl. auch Brugmann a. a. 0.516 und Pedersen a. a. 0.) ; ein zweites solches Beispiel ist das bei Foy a. a. 0. 320 erwähnte mir. 6d tri-phne : sine 'Zäpfchen, Zitze', üt. spénijs, ^reuis. spenis, nisl. spene, fihá. spene-i-arh 'Spanferkel'. Dagegen kommt die Lehre, die aus -sp(h)- in dieser Stellung urkeltisch und irisch-gälisch -sk-, im Brittischen ein über die Zwischenstufe -ks- entwickeltes -ch- werden läfst (Foy, Indog. Forsch. 6, 327 f. 8, 210, Brugmann a. a. 0.516 f. Indog. Forsch. 13, 158), nicht auf. Man hat dafür als vermeintliche Beweisstücke nur die zwei Beispiele air. mir. fescor 'Abend', cymr. ucher, acorn. gurth-uher : lat. vesper, gr. íotiíqoí und 410 H. 08TH0KF, 11,88 und bei Fick 2^,301 an, desgleichen W. Foy, Indog. Forsch. 6, 6 19 f., während Strachan, Bezz. Beitr. 20, 36 Anm. 2 sich für einen rf-Stamm ,*spered-" entscheidet, was an und füi- sich ja ebenfalls zulässig erscheinen könnte. Jedoch spricht hier der Fall der Stammbildung des keltischen *traget- und *trogtt- 'Fufs' mit, bei welchem für air. mir. i/ai^r mit dem Gen. plur. traiged vornehmlich die auf einem obliquen Kasus, wohl dem tyvca. crych, bret. crech 'kraus', gall. Crixus Nom. projir. : lat. erispiis, ahd. hrespan ' rupfen , raffen ' zur Verfügung'. Aber über lat. ve&per nebst allem, was drtun nnd dran bangt an ibm vergleichbaren Ausdrucken für 'Abend, \A'esten', lagert auch nach Brugmanus Aufklärungsversuch, Indog. Forsch. 13, 157 ff. (vgl. dazu Prell witz, Etym. Wiirterb. d. griech. Spr.» 160 und Walde, Lat. etym. Wörterb. 665) noch manches Dunkel; und ich möchte fragen, ob nicht, wenn man mit Brugmann zwei verschiedene alte Formentypen, ein *>>ekero-s nach aksl. vecerT, und lit. väkaras und ein *ijespero-s nach lat. vesper und gr. "aneQo;, als von Hause aus gegebene zu unterscheiden hat, ob da nicht das Keltische an seinem Teile durch Verschränkung beider ein *i{eskero-s hergestellt haben könute, das dann zu ir. fescor und cymr. «cÄer, acorn. -n/icr führte ■? Der Fall von cymr. crych usw. mag sich wohl so erledigen , dafs man anzunehmen hätte , es sei die Grundform *kriiipo-s = lat. crispu-s (vgl. dazu auch Walde a.a.O. 151 f.) zunächst durch Assimilation der Silben- anlaute, um eine für den Wortbegriff 'kraus" gewils nicht übel passende Art reduplizierter Wortformung zu gewinnen, urkeltisch zunächst zu *krisko-!: umgestaltet worden, daraus habe sich dann auf gallischem und brittischem Boden mit der Konsonantenumstellung von -sk- zu -ks- gall. Cri.vu-s und cymr. crych, hvet. crec'h ergeben. Hält mau trotz Foy, Indog. Forsch. 6, 327 Anm. 2 daran fest, dafs in mir. dt pherid und bó tri-phne die unter allen Umständen lautgesetzliche irische Vertretung von inlautendem iutervokalischem -sp{h)- vorliege, so hat mau damit nicht nur eine gleichartige Behandlung der Gruppe sp[h) in beiderlei Stelluug, wortiulautend im „status mollis" wie anlautend im „status durus", sondern mau erhält auch noch folgendem Parallelisnius: wie altes einfaches s im Irisch-gälischeu wortaulautend vor Vokal verbleibt nnd inlautend zwischen Vokalen leniert zu -h- wird, im Brittischen aber gleiclimälsig in den beiden Stellungen zu /t, so ist ganz analog bei unserm urkelt. .s/' aus idg. s^(/i) dem Irisch -gälischen unter den- selben \'erhältnissen und Lautbediugungen die Zwielautigkeit von s- und -/- (-ph-) erwachsen, im Brittischen aber die einheitliche Lautform f, dieselbe, die in dem andern Hauptzweige nur die Inlautstellung im „status mollis" hervorbrachte. In dem Gegensatz des da icrith Cormacs und des di pherid LU. mul's die erstere Gestaltung der Lenierungsform als die analogisch , die letztere als die auf dem lautgesetzlichen Wege entwickelte a\ifgefafst werden, derselbe Fall wie bei mir. di isiair 'die beiden Schwestern', a siur 'seine Schwester' gegenüber frühmir. di fier Dual. Vit. trip., mir. »lo fiur 'meine Schwester' zu aiur aus ■^syiisör u. dgl., nach dem was hierüber Thurueysen, Kevue celt. 6, 314 Anm. 5 und Brugmaun, Grundrifs 1-, 329 bemerken. ZrR KELTISCHEN WORTKUNDE. 411 Acc. sing., beruhenden brittischen Schwesterformen cymr. troed, acorn. ^'ok. tniit mcorn. trois troys und mbret. troat nbret. troad die Teuuis -t- sichern (vgl. Stokes, Bezz. Beitr. 11,88. 110. Ficks Vergleich, ^^■örterb. 2*, 13(5. Brugmann, Grundril's 2-, 1, 425); es ist doch wahrscheiulich . dais die zwei begrift'sverwandt- schaftlich eug miteinander verbundenen Nomina auch suffixal aufeinander gereimt haben werden. Mit cymr. ffern und uffarn aber, die in Noi'dwales (Rhyd- ddu) heute neben dem dort allein noch gebräuchlichen ffcr aus- gestorben sind, und mit bret. ufern hat das Brittische daneben eine Formation von anderer Art und stammhafter Herkunft gewahrt. Sie wii'd uns klar werden, wenn wir sie zu dem Verbalsj-stem der alten nasalen Präsensbildung, die durch lat. sper-no und sper-nä-tur im Verein mit den germanischen Verben ags. spontan simrnan as. ahd. spurnan, ags. speornan aschwed. spicenia ahd. fir-siJÍrnit und ahd. spor-nó-n aisl. sporna vertreten wird (vgl. Kluge. Beitr. z. Gesch. d. germ. Con jug. 145. Pauls Grnndriis d. germ. Philol. 1^, 431. 434, Fick, Vergleich, ^^'ürterb. 1^, 573, Brugmann, Grundrifs 2", 978. 980. 981. Kurze vergleich. Gramm. 512. 513, Streitberg, ürgerm. Gramm. 295. ^\'ilmanns, Deutsche Gramm. 2', 31, Bethge, Dieters Laut- und Formen- lehre d. altgerm. Dial. 350, Stolz, Iw. v. Müllers Handbuch 23. 2, 166, Walde, Lat. etj'm. Wörterb. 588), in nähere Be- ziehung setzen. Dies zwar nicht in dem Sinne, als wäre etwa der Nasal von cymr. ffer-ti, uff am, bret. ufern mit dem von lat. sper-no usw. zu identifizieren. Jedoch hat man zu bedenken, dafs das altindische Gegenstück der Präsensstammbildung von lat. sper-no, ags. spontan spurnan und Genossen eine der neunten Präsensklasse des Sanskrit angehörige Formation, und zwar dann in der Lautung "splir-nä-ti = ahd. spor-nó-t, sein müfste; und dazu anderseits, dafs die Präsentia dieser -hS- Klasse mit Vorliebe im Indischen Partie ipia praet. pass, mit dem Suffixe -wa- = idg. •no- zur Seite haben, dír-nd-h zu dr->n-yá-t Opt. praes. Sat. Br., stlr-nd-h zu sfr-ná-ti, ferner gir-ná-h zu gi-na-ti, str-nd-h zu sr-nd-ti, pär-nd-h =^ lit. pü-7ta-s "voll' zu ai. pr-na-ti, mür-nd-h zu ved. mr-m-hi Imper. praes., von /- und ^<-^^'urzeln kfi-nd-h zu l-fi-nu-ti, vll-na-h zu vli-nä-ü (und mit jüngerer AVurzelvokalisation vl'i-nä-ti), lü-na-h zu Ju-na-ti, auch ai. ]}r~i-na- in prmayati Denom. ' er ergötzt, erfreut, tut gütlich ' = avert, frl-na- in frinäspa- Nom. propr. zu ai. pri-m-ti Präs., avest. fri-nä-t Imperf . ' er befriedigte, 412 H. OSTUOFF, stimmte gnädig', a-frínmni Präs. 'ich wünsche (Gutes) an' u.a. melir. Auf das Verhältnis, das einigermafsen an die Wahlver- Avandtschaft das -^-Partizips und des Deutalpräteritums der schwaclien ^■erba im Germanischen erinnert, i.st ja auch schon hie und da aufmerksam gemacht worden, mit am frühesten wohl von Gust. Meyer, Die mit Nasalen gebild. Präsensstämme des Griech. Jena 1873 S. 26 f., dem man aber heute wohl nicht mehr die Einerleiheit des präsentischen und des partizipialen M-Suffixes aufs "Wort glauben darf. Zu unserm als Entsprechung des lat. sper-iw und ags. spor- nan sjmrnan usw. erschlossenen Sanskritpräsens *spJir-nd-ti 'Calcitrat' hätte demnach das Partizip ai. '^splmr-nd-h zu lauten; seinen Ablaut nr = idg. r weist das nachvedische Yerbalabstrakt sphür-ti-h F. auf, welches ' das Zucken, Zittern " in (jStra-sphrtrti-h ' Gliederzucken ", als Simplex ' das (plötzliche) Erscheinen. Zutage- treten, Offeubarwerdeu ' bedeutet (vgl. Böhtlingk, Sanski'it- Wörterb. in kürzerer Fassung 7,224 b). Und zu diesem sphnr-ti-h stimmt im Wurzelvokalismus das dem gleichen alten Nominal- paradigma entsprossene lit. spírti, auch dieser litauische Infinitiv zu spirik 'ich stofse mit dem Fufse' läfst ja auf eine zwei- silbige Basis schliefsen, deren Keduktionsstufe durch idg. r charakterisiert war, deren Kombination von Schwundstufe der ersten und Vollstufe der zweiten Silbe aber durch lat. sprc-vi Perf. und spre-tu-s Part, gegeben ist, nach bekannter Annahme, die Hirt. D. indog. Ablaut 85 vertritt; spirti ■s.ixxwu.e zw ?i\.*sphaf- nd-h so, wie lit. dírti 'schinden' zu ai. dlr-nd-h (Hirt, a.a.O. 82). Ferne)' kennt man zu zweien der altindischen -?io-Partizipia, die den in Eede stehenden Sclnvachstufenablaut idg. r enthalten, auch schon eben aus dem brittischen Keltisch die Reflexe in Femininform substantiviert : das cj'mr. com. bret. dam F. ' Stück, Teil ' entspricht dem ai. dlr-nd-h ' gespalten , zerrissen ', ebenso cymr. sum F. 'stratum, pavimentum' dem ai. sür-nd-h 'hingestreut, ausgebreitet', und in dem Sinne werden diese dam und sarn bereits bei Brugmann, Grundrifs 1'^, 474. 480 zusammen mit andern Fällen, in denen ein vorkonsonantisches kelt. ar die etymologisclie Geltung von langer Liquida sonans idg. /• hat, be- sprochen.') Es ergibt sich daraus, dafs zu dem von uns ermittelten ') Das cymr. sarn nebst dem denominativen Verb sanni 'streuen, ausbreiten' ist der Entlelmunsr aus lat. sterwre verdächtigt worden von ZUR KELTISCHEN WOUTKUNÜE. 413 ai. *spliür-nd-h die gleiche Femininisierung ein brittisches *farn gewesen sein raüfste; und ich finde nun dieses *farn eben in unsevni c}'nir. iiffarn, mcymr. nfarn vertreten. Ich möchte ihm, ebenso wie jenen dam und sarn, als seinen ursprünglichen "\^'ort- sinn den eines zur Dingbedeutung übergegangenen A'erbalabstrakts, das wäre also 'das Ausschlagen mit der Ferse, calcitratus ', geben, sowie nach Wortformung und semasiologischer Funktion z. B. idg. *ijl-nä 'Wolle' = ai. nrnä, got. tciilla aisl. ull ags. ivull aostfries. ullu ahd. wolla, lit. vüna, aksl. vh.na, eigentlich 'Eupfung, Zupfung' zu \sit. vellcre, vcllits (Tburneysen, Indog. Foi-sch. 14, 129. Walde, Lat. etjTU. Wörterb. 823. 654), idg. *ru-nä 'das Geraune, Geheimnis' = air. mir. riiw cymr. rhin, gotrüna aisl. ags. nhi as. ahd. rüna zu gr. ÍQtvvÚM 'ich spüre nach' derartige Wortschöpfungen von alter Prägung sind; Brugmann wüi'de sie nach dem. was er Grundrifs 2^ 1, 260 ff. (wo auch ir. run, got. nina mit erwähnt wird) über diese Kategorie nominaler Bildungen lehrt, eher ..Adjektivabstrakta" als Yerbalabstrakta. gemäfs ihrem formalen Zusammenhange mit adjektivischen und partizipialen Wörtern, nennen. Zu dem brittischen *fani in cj'mr. nßarn könnte nun die Form C3'mr. ffcrn und das Schlufsglied von bret. ufern eine bei gleicher Wortstamnibildung von Hause aus ablautlich ver- schiedene Wortformvariante gewesen sein, und diese Ablauts- lautsverschiedenheit hätte ihre Parallele an dem Falle des Neben- einanders und Gegenübers von cj-mr. sarn F. •stratum, pavimentum', a.\. sfir-nd-h Part, und anderseits gr. ortQ-ro-j^ 'Brust, Fläche', £VQt-OTtQio-? 'breitflächig', a.M. stirna F. 'fi'ons', ägs. steornede Adj. 'fi-ontosns' (Stokes, Ficks Vergleich. Wörterb. 2\ 313, Prellwitz, Etym. Wörterb. d. griech. Spr.^ 433, Walde, Lat. etym. Wörterb. 594, vgl. auch Fick U, 569 und Brugmann a. a. 0. 257). Doch wäre auch noch ein anderes historisches Schuchardt, Zeitschr. £. roman. I'hilol. 4, 154-, Tburneysen, Keltorom. 87 und Loth, Les mots latins 217. Aber Tburneysen scbieibt mir (Freibiug i. Br., 8. Mai 1907) als seine jetzige Meinung, ,,dafs die Gleiebung ir. sernim, iymr. Si7>)i- die Entlehnung unwahrscheinlich macht , obschon das kymr. Verb ja deutlich in der Bedeutung von sternere beeintlulst ist". Mir ist kein sicheres Beispiel bekannt, das bei Herübemahme lateinischer Wörter mit st- diese Anlautsgruppe im Brittischen die Gestaltung zu s- wie in echt keltischen Wörtern erfahre, anstatt als st-, cymr.^yst- zu erscheinen, vgl. acorn. bret. stol cymr. ystol : stola, acorn. stevel cymr. yüafeü : stabellum u. dgl. 414 H. OSTItOFP, Verhältnis von -farn und ffern denkbar und würde vielleicht den Vorzug- zu verdienen scheinen. Als Simplex könnte sich cymr. *ffarn in ffern unter dem Einfluls des daneben bestehenden S3-nonyiuums ffcr = ir. seir um- geändert haben, einem Einflufs, dem das Kompositum vflarn immerhin bei seiner abweichenden Wortbetonung als Paroxytonon schon etwas weiter entrückt sein müfste. Dafs aber die vokalische Ausgleichung doch auch das Kompositum hätte treffen können, dürfte alsdann das bret. ufern lehren, sowie auch das acorn. Ufern, Avenn dies nach der Zeufs sehen Annahme im Vokabular Verschreibung für eifern ist. Mittelbar würde durch diese bretonisch-cornische Wortgestaltung denn auch bezeugt werden, dafs auf diesem anderen brittischen Dialektbodeu ebenfalls einmal ein einfaches *fern bestanden und sich hier für *farn nach bret. fer- in Fer-gant und nach acorn. fer 'crus' ein- gefunden hätte. Diese analogische Umformung des Simplex *farn nach fer könnte also ein ur- und gemeinbrittischer Sprach- vorgang gewesen sein, während weiterhin das zusammengesetzte *uch-farn in derselben Weise der Ablautsausgleichung zu unter- ziehen dem Südbrittisclien vorbehalten geblieben wäre. '). C.viiir. taith, luorthiitli, morihcij, gall. moritT'ji: Aus der Wurzel ihres mit gr. úTti/m, torr/ov. orlyoc, otoIxoc. got. steigan a,is\. sUga ags. as. alid. s%ow 'steigen', ahd. s/cV; 51. 'Steg, kleine Brücke', got. staiga ahd. steiga F. 'Steig, Weg'. äks\. stigna 'ich komme', stu^za sthza F. 'Fufssteig, Pfad", lett. steidfu-s steigtii-s 'eilen', stiga 'Pfad', stójrwí ' wandeln ', lit. síeí^ Adv. 'eilends', staigá Adv. ' plötzlich ', siaigau-s fttaigyti-s 'eilen', alban. s/rf- ^\. 'Durchgang, Eingang. Weg, Haarscheitel', ai. ved. pra-stighnnyat Opt. praes. 'er möge emporkommen', ati-sthigham Inf. 'übersteigen, bemeistern' Jlaitrayanisamh. verwandten Verbs air. mir. ^/ac/ff/w 'ich schreite, gehe', aiv. for-tiag 'ich komme zu Hilfe, helfe' besitzen die Kelten melirere Verbalabstraktbildungen, Nomina actionis, deren gegenseitiges formales \'erhältnis nocli nicht klar genug erkannt ist, ja von denen eine überhaupt noch nicht den Anschlul's an diese Wurzel seitens der heutigen etymologischen Forschung gefunden hat. Am einfachsten verständlich und wohl am wenigsten mifs- kannt ist das Feminin air. mir. /ec/ 'vite' den Ansatz des maskulin-neutralen -to- Stammes erfordern würde. Und wir hätten hier auf keltiscliem Boden ein solches Paarungsverhältnis von neutralem Verbal- abstraktum auf -to-m und femininem auf -tä, wie bei ai. cit-td-in •das Denken, Absieht, Gemüt' und avest. c/s/ä- 'Erkenntnis, Ein- sicht', ai. sru-id-m "das Fluten, Flut' und lit. sru-tä ('das Fliefseu') ' Mist jauche ', ai. mr-ta-m 'Tod', ahd. mord as. ags. morS afries. niort]i aisl. nior]) Neutr. 'Tötung, Mord' und lat. 3Iorta Todes- göttin, eine der drei Parzen, eigentlich 'das Sterben', mit Ent- wicklung des Verbalabstraktums zur Dingbezeichnung gr. OJrÚQ- To-f 'gedrehter Strick, Seil' zu onUQ-rt] dass.. lat. sporta 'ge- flochtener Korb' u. a. mehr (vgl. Brugmann, Grundrifs 2', 1, 411. 414. 415). Auf dem keltischen Sprachboden selbst aber ist ein solcher Fall, wie es hiernach bret. tis : cymr. taith, ir. tecJit sein wiü-de, auch durch das Neutrum mir. cloth 'fame, honour' aus urkelt. *klu-to-n^) ueben cymr. clod Fem. u. Mask. 'Gerücht, Ruf. guter Euf, Preis, Lob, Ruhm', corn, dos Mask, 'glory, happiness, praise', abret. c?oí gl. 'rumor' gegeben, denn auch liier deuten sich die brittischen Formen, indem sie zum Teil das Geschlecht gewandelt haben müssen, wegen ihres Wurzel- vokalismus nur aus altem femininalem kelt. *klu-tä, eine dem irischen Neutrum genau entsprechende Form hätte cymrisch als *chcd zu erscheinen. Allenfalls könnte übrigens unser bret. ti2 doch auch von jeher sein maskulines Genus gehabt haben und stünde dann als -oriu-s 'enge Passage, Nebengäfschen', ahd. fnrt Mask. 'Furt', avest. psroht-s Mask. P'em. und imu-s Mask. 'Durchgang, Furt, Übergang, Drücke' zu lat. 2^orta Fem. 'Tor' (vgl. Brugmann a.a.O. 415. 441); auch wohl dem von air. smfli Neutr. 'Strom, Flufs' aus '*srii-iu zu lit. sru-tá 'Mistjauche'. Was diesen letzteren Parallelfall beti'ifft, so scheint mir jetzt, dafs man bei dem air. arnfh und was zu ihm im Keltischen näher geliört oder zu gehören scheint, auch wieder schärfere Distinktionen nach Stammbildung und Genus zu treffen bedacht sein mufs, als bisher geschah, wo man, z. B. Stokes, Ficks ^'ei'gleich. Wörterb. 2', 318, Macbain, Etym. diet, of tlie Gaelic language 310, ich selbst Bezz. Beitr. 24,117 und V. Henrj-, Lex. ('tym. du l)reton mod. 12(i, mit dem einzigen urkelt. '*sru-tu- durch- zukommen vermeinte. Für die brittischen Formen mit u in der AVurzelsilbe cymr. flrivd Fem. 'fretum, torrens', acymr. frut im Liber Landav., und bret. froud Mask, und Fem. 'torrent', mbret. front, abret. frut 'ruisseau, courant' (vgl. Loth, Chrestom. bretonne 1,131. 2041 und Ernault, Gloss, moyen-bret. 248) könnte man zwar bei der Gleichsetzung mit dem altirisclien Neutrum sruth und mit manx stroo verbleiben und den ja im Brittisclien gar nicht seltenen Genuswechsel, wodurch hier teil- weise das Feminin für älteres Maskulinum = Neutrum auf- gekommen wäre, passieren lassen. Jedoch wäre mit dem Ansatz eines ursprünglichen P'eminins *sru-ti-s = gr. (iv-ct g, ai. sru-ti-h '-•Vusilufs' der Deutung dieser cymr. fí'nvd und bret. froml eben- falls gedient, und man hat Anlafs. mit diesem durch -ti- geformten Stamme auch für das Keltische zu rechnen, wegen des bei Ptol. 2, 9, 1 überlieferten Namens eines Flusses in Gallia Belgica, wahrscheinlich der Somme, 'I^tovóiQ, worauf zuerst Glück, Die bei (". Julius Caesar vorkommenden kelt. Namen 35 aufmerksam ZUR Keltischen vvortkunde. 419 gemacht, dann in demselben Sinne Holder, Alt-celt. Spracli- scliatz 1,1500 f., W. ileyer-Lübke, Zeitschr. f. roman. Piniol. 20, 530 ff., d'Arbois de Jubainville. Revue celt. 18,120 und Ernault in dieser Zeitschrift 2, 501 sich ausgesprochen haben. Aber nun für die o-Formen, die daneben liegen, das acorn. mcorn. frot mask, imd abret. mbret. frot (vgl. Loth a. aa. 00. und Ernault, Gloss. mo\-en-bret. 248), für diese bedürfte man, scheint mir, doch wohl Avieder, trotz Ernault, Zeitschr. 2,501 und d'Arbois de Jubainville a. a. 0., des Zurückgehens auf eine alte Seitenbildung mit -iä, also auf ein urkelt. '^sru-ta, das erstens die genaue Entsprechung des lit. srii-iá 'Jauche' wäre, dann aber auch seine weitere keltische Bezeugung in den auf obei-- italienischem Boden vielfach als Lokalbezeichnung im Sinne von 'Sturzbach, "Wasserfall' angetroffenen "Wortformen hätte, die Mej-er-Lübke aufdeckt, in galloroman. fnicla, froda nebst noch anderen Varianten, für die doch das von demselben Gelelirten a. a. 0. 532 erschlossene Substrat eines gall. *frütu = ir. sruth formal minder genügend erscheint. "Wenn für das bret. Hz nach seiner zuletzt in Erwägung gezogenen Entstehungsart das urkeltische Substrat ein *tik-tu-s war, müfste seine genaue irische Entsprechung die Lautung *ticht gehabt haben. Hingegen bei der Herkunft des fiz aus urkelt. *til-to- hätte ihm ein alt- und mittelirisches neutrales oder maskulines *techt zu antworten; vgl. die Zusammenstellung von cymr. tiithio, bret. nim ' Futter schwingen, worfeln ' und cymr. (jtcenith Mask., bret. gtviniz '"Weizen' mit iv.necld 'rein' sowie mit gv. vtlxXov tö XÍXVOV und iHxäXixuä Hesych., Vit. n'éhóti 'Getreide durch Schwingen reinigen', die E. Zupitza, Bezz. Beitr. 25, 97 vertritt. Zu seinem techt Fem. besitzt nun fi-eilich das Alt- und Mittel- irische ein gleichlautendes Maskulinum, aber in der abweichenden Bedeutung 'Bote', in den alten Glossen mit 'vas' glossiert; vgl. Zeufs-Ebel, Gramm. 800, "Windisch, Ir. Texte Wörterb. 813b, Atkinson, Passions and Homilies gloss. 915a und Ascoli, Gloss, pal.-hibern. CIV. Die Flexion dieses maskulinen tvcht ist ganz die gleiche wie die des femininen Verbalabstraktums; die belegten Kasus Nom. und Acc. plur. mir. techta 'Boten' weisen im Verein mit dem Nom. sing, techt auch dies Maskulinum mit Sicherheit der (i-Deklination zu, an Identifizierung mit dem bretouischen Maskulin tiz, wenn dies auf *liMu-s beruhen sollte, 27* 420 11. OSTHOFK, ist uiclit ZU (leuken, da alsdann eben, wie gesagt, der Xom. sing, im Irischen *ticlit lauten müfste, anderseits ein o-stämmiges *iil:fo; das man ja in dem bret. tiz auch suchen darf, anzusetzen ginge zwar des Nom. sing. ir. iecht wegen au, fände jedoch dann an jenem techia des Nom. und Acc. plur. ein Hindernis. So bleibt nur die Lösung übrig, die schon As coli a. a. 0. gefunden hat und die völlig befinedigend erscheint, auch von Sarauw, Irske studier §104 S. 92 angenommen wird: das Nomen agentis aii\ mir. techt 'Bote' ist dasselbe Wort mit dem femininen techt 'das Gehen' aus *tildä, jenes die Maskulinisierung des Nomen actionis, der 'Bote' als das personifizierte 'Gehen' vorgestellt; blofs darin kann mau Ascoli und Sarauw nicht folgen, dafs sie tcclit 'legatus', es richtig als „abstr. fem., principio vix a iecht, adventus, diversum" auffassend, „proprie 'legatio'" bedeuten lassen. Es ist dies offenbar ein keltischer Fall von der Art, die Brugmann a. a. 0. 415. 417. 419. 611 mit Nennung griechischer Beispiele wie xQt-T/j-g 'Richter', óíxtij-q 'Empfänger', Víí/í.r//-c 'Zither.spieler', «xför//-.- 'Heilender' zur Sprache bringt, nur dafs das Keltische seinem ''tiJctä nicht das nominativische -s angefügt hat, in dieser Beziehung sich vielmehr wie das Latein mit seinen Maskulina scriba, lixa, scurra, collcya, agricola u. a., das Litauische mit nauvedä und «aMferfi'« 'Bräutigam', rarnycza 'Fuhrmann' u. dgl. verhält. Es findet hier eine Bestätigung, was Stokes, Bezz. Beitr. 11, 79 bemerkt, ..that masc. fT-stems existed in (Gaulish, and it is therefore probable that traces of these stems may be found in Old-Irish"' ; auf die Zeugnisse für gallische maskuline «-Deklination, männliche Personennamen wie Aieiila, Vcrica und die latinisierten Plurale von Völkernamen Belgae, Yolcae, Celtae, kommt Stokes a. a. 0. 154 nach dem Vorgange Pictets zu sprechen. Einen Ausdruck für den Begriff 'Bote' Gesandter' gewann vermittelst eines formativischen Exponenten auf der Basis seines Verbalabstrakts techt das Irische bei der A^'ortschüpfung des air. mir. techtaire. Das alte Nomen actionis air. mir. techt selbst ist im Neu- irischen als teacht doppelgeschlechtig geworden, indem es teils noch als Feminin verbleibt, teils aber daneben auch als Maskulin in denselben Bedeutungen 'act of coming, arrival, approach' usw. auftritt, nach Diuneen, Irish-Engl. diet. 724a; und im Gälischen erscheint ieachd nach Macleod-Dewar, Diet, of the Gaelic language 564 b nur noch als Maskulinum. Der Grund für diesen ZUR KELTISCnEN WORTKTTNDE. 421 Gemisweclisel ist ein led!g:lich durch die äufsere Spracliforni ireg-ebener gewesen: die Kasusbildungen nir. tcachta Geli. sing, und tcachta Xom. plnr. =^ mir. techta sind die regelrechten der ((-l^eklination, der Gen. sing, gemiirs der schon im späteren Alt- iriscli sporadisch sich zeigenden, im Mittelirischen durchdringenden Erscheinung, dal's bei Femininen auf -echt wegen der stark Velaren Natur der Konsonantengrujipe cht siel' der Ausgang -a für älteres -e und -ac einfindet, wofür die Granimatica Celt.^ 242 das Beispiel crxf ,-m-dwyth hervorgehen können. Auch cyd-ym-daith kann, wie das kürzere ym-daith, auf dem es beruht, nur Zusammen- setzung mit dem femininen taith aus "tikta sein, trotz des 422 H. OSTHOFF, maskulinen Gesclilechts der Kompositionsbildung mit cyd-, an dem sich vielleicht Stokes gestofsen hat. Mit dem Maskulimnn bei ajdijmdaith hat es, da das Wort die abg-eleitete Bedeutunfi einer handelnden männlichen Person, den Sinn von 'Reisegefährte', dann 'Gefälirte überhaupt, Genosse, Gesell, Kamerad', angenommen hat, wiederum nur dieselbe Bewandtnis wie mit dem ir. tccld Mask. ' Bote ' = tecld Fem. ' das Gehen ' : der Genuswechsel ist Wirkung und Folge oder Begleiterscheinung des Bedeutungs- wechsels bei der eingetretenen „Yerpersönlichung" des älteren femininen Verbalabstraktums. Dasselbe gilt für das ebenfalls männlichgesclilechtige cj-mr. cymdaith, da es grofsenteils dieselbe konkrete Bedeutung "a companion, a comrade, an associate' hat wie das formenlängere cydymdaith. Beide, sowohl ajm-daith wie ajd-ym-daitli, weisen seltener, das erstere in noch etwas aus- gedehnterem Mafse als das letztere, neben der konkreten auch noch die ältere Abstraktbedeutung "company, society' auf, und diese dann freilich ebenfalls bei maskulinem Genus, was man als eine EiuAvirkung des vorwiegend gewordenen Gebrauchs als Be- zeichnung einer miinnlichen die Gesellschaft jemandes bildenden Person wird betrachten dürfen. Konkretum und Abstraktum scheiden sich dann aber auch durch die differenzierte Plural- bildung von cymdeithion 'companions' einer- und cymdathkm 'companies, societies' in Übereinstimmung mit dem Simplex tciihiau anderseits; für cyd-ym-daith ist bei seinem viel spär- licheren Vorkommen in dem Abstraktsinne der Plural nur in der Form cydymdcithion, mit -ion als der für Benennungen männ- licher Personen verschiedener Art, darunter insbesondere der substantivierten Adjektiva, vorzugsweise gebräuchlichen Plurali- sierung (Rowland, Grammar of the Welsh language ^ § 100 S. 42, Auwyl, Welsh grammar § 95 S. 23), bezeugt. Vgl. Silvan Evans, Geiriadur Cj'mraeg 1023 a f. 1141 b.') ') Neben cydymdaith steht gleichbedeutendes cydymaith, Phir. cyd- ymeitldon, so auch neben dem Oppositum anyhydymdaxth 'Widersacher, (legner' die Variante anyhydymaith; wir werden es mit einer dissimilatorisobeii Veränderung der ersteren Form zu tun haben, der Art, dals aus ihrem Laut- körper das zweite der unmittelbar silbeuanlauteud aufeinander folgenden -d-, das der niolitbaupttontrageuden Silbe, wegfiel. Nach dem also entstandenen cydymaith ist dann auch zu eys-ym-daith 'Begleitung, Kei-sebegleitung' eine Nebenform cysyinaith aufgekommen, und es läl'st sicli denken, dafs dabei auch eine volksetj-mologische Assoziation mit dem seinem Wortsinne nach nicht fern liegenden Adverb ymaith 'hinweg, fort' im Spiele gewesen sei. ZI'R KELTISCHEN WORTKrNDE. 423 Es nuifs nun aber zugegeben werden, dafs ein mehrfaches Schwanken des Geschlechts iiberliaupt bei den cymrischen Kom- posita mit taith im Schlufsgliede, auch indem sie den alten Ab- straktsiun bewahren, stattfindet, und die Würterbücher stimmen in iliren darauf bezüglichen Mitteilungen öfters nicht unter sich überein. Ich verzeichne kurz auch noch die übrigen Zusammen- setzungen, indem ich aufser ihren Bedeutungen das Genus, dies mit Zugrundelegung der lexikalischen Angaben von Silvan Evans, soweit sein Geiriadur erschienen ist (bis zum Buchstaben D ein- schliefslich), von SpurrelP, Owen Pughe^ und Cj^nddelw, Geiriadur Cymreig Cj^mraeg Caernarfon 1868, vermerke. • Durchweg als Feminina werden angegeben: anulaith 'a circuit, journey' (nur von Evans aufgeführt, bei Pughe und Cynddelw und in lolo Morganwgs Geiriadur y Bardd nur als Paraphrase von cylcJ(dailh), ajlclulaith 'a circuitous journey, circuit, orbit', chwyldaith 'a circular course or motion, rotation, revolution, a circuit, orbit ', dattaith ' joiu'ney back ', gorduith ' a great journey ' (nur bei Pughe vorkommend), gonjmdaiih 'a procession, per- ambulation', gtcrthdaith 'a counter march, a retreat' und oesdaith 'course of life'. Von den übrigen sind: attaith 'a journey back, a return journey, a return' Fern, nach Evans und Spurrell, Mask, nach Pughe und Cynddelw, cysym- daith 'accompaniment, a journey together, concomitancy ' Fem. nach Evans und Spurrell, Mask, nach Pughe und Cyn- ddelw, gosymdaith 'provisions, victuals, maintenance' Fem. nach Spurrell, Mask, nach Pughe und Cynddelw, machdaith 'a course of security", 'a dam, an embankment' Fern, nach Spurrell und Pughe, Mask, nach Cynddelw, mordaith 'voyage' Fem. nach Spurrell und Pughe, Mask, nach Cynddelw, morymdaith ■a vo\age or travel by sea' Fem. nach Spurrell und Cynddelw, Mask, nach Pughe, ymdaith 'a journey' Fem. nach Spurrell, Mask, nach Pughe und Cynddelw. Aufserdem begegnen noch einige wenige, deren Genus nicht zu konstatieren ist, da sie sich bei den Lexikographen nur zur Umschreibung des Sinnes einer oder der andern Schwesterbildung dieser Gruppe gebraucht finden und demnach überliaupt momentanem Grammatikerbedürfuis ihr vielleicht nur ephemeres Dasein zu verdanken scheinen, cydgor- daiih bei lolo Morganwg und Cynddelw und cylchymduilh bei Pughe, diese beiden als Erklärung von gorymdaith, amyylchdaith bei Pughe s. v. chivyldaiih. 424 H. OSTHOFF, Diese Zusammenstellung lelu-t uns vornehmlich zweierlei, was beachtenswert ist. Erstlich, dafs solche Komposita mit -daith, die durchgängig und allgemein nur als Maskulina an- gegeben werden, nicht vorkommen mit alleiniger Ausnahme von cijd-ym-daith und C7jm-daith, d. i. eben jener zwei, die die Kon- kretbedeutung des Nomen agentis als die bei ihnen vorwiegende ausgeprägt haben. Und zweitens: die sämtlichen übrigen er- scheinen ausnahmslos mit dem femininen Geschlecht bei Spur r eil, sowie auch bei Evans, soweit dieser mit seinem Würterbuch- torso sich beteiligt zeigen kann, diese beiden Lexikogi-aphen sind aber Südwelsche, ihre Bücher in Caermarthen erschienen, während Pughe und ("}-nddelw in Xordwales zu Hause srnd, das AVerk des einen seinen Erscheinungsort in Denbigh, das des anderen ihn in Caernarfon hat. Wii' dürfen daraus schliel'seu, dais die Sprache von Südwales das alte Genus femininum des Yerbalabstraktums (aith auch in den damit gebildeten Kompositen, sofern eben diese bei der Abstraktbedeutung stehen blieben, treu bewahrte. Im Nordcymrischen dagegen folgte man in weiterem Umfange dem Zuge der Sprache, den auch Zimmer, Kuhns Zeitschr. 34, 193 f. Anm. 3 hervorhebt, nur mit zum Teil wenig glücklich gewählten Beispielen beleuchtet, dafs man nach Mafs- gabe einiger zu besonderer Fruchtbarkeit gelangter Abstrakt- bildungen, die Maskulina oder vielmehr ursprünglich Neutra von alters her waren, das ererbte feminine Geschlecht anderer Ab- strakta, vereinzelt stehender sowohl wie auch gruppenweise vereinigter, mehr und melir durch das Maskulinum verdrängt werden liefs. Ich wende mich nun der speziellen Besprechung einer ein- zelnen unserer Kompositenbildungen mit cj^mr. taith, des mor-daith 'Seefahrt, Seereise', zu, um im Anschlufs daran ein paar andere Komposita des Keltischen, die mit ihm sowohl das Yorderglied gemeinsam haben wie auch in ihrem Schlufsbestandteil etymo- logische Vei'wandtschaft zeigen, aber zurzeit noch nicht liin- reichend aufgehellt erscheinen, in die erforderliche Beleuchtung zu setzen. Den etymologischen Sinn des mor-daith bringen in Ge- gemäfsheit seiner Herkunft aus urkelt. *iiiori-tiJitä die Cymren von heute selbst, nämlich lolo Morganwg a.a.O. 46a und Cynddehv a.a.O. 225b, mit der Erklärung durch ,,tailh ar y mor, morduyud" zum Ausdruck. Ungefähr dieselbe Bedeutung ZUR KELTISCHEN WORTKCNDE. 425 •Reise zur See' hat dann im Cymrisclien das dem mor-dailh um einen Wortbildungsbestandteil vorauskommende mor-ym-duith aufzuweisen, nur dafs eben das Präfix )jm- \on ym-daith die BegrilYsnuance des mehr ziellosen Umherfahrens hinzubringt. Es gelingt nun, glaube ich, auch das cymr. mor-dwy Mask, '^[eerfahrt, Seefahrt' mit seinem besondern Anhang, iiioniwyo \h. 'zur See fahren, segeln', mordwyad M. 'SeemaLn, Matrose", iiior- (?/fi/í(i'//í F. ' Schiffahrt, Seewesen' und »iocifwyoZ Adj. 'seefahrend, zum Seewesen gehörig', so zu deuten, dafs ihm etjTUologischer Zusammenhang seines Schlufsgliedes so\\'ohl wie des vorderen Kompositionsbestandteils mit mor-daith erwächst. Zwanglos würde mor-dwy über die Vorstufe eines urkelt. *mori-ieg-os auf ein grundsprachliches neutrales Yerbalabstraktum, das mit dem Primärsuffix -es-, -os gebildet war und in indogermanischer Ur- form *mori-ieigh-os zu lauten hatte, sich zurückführen. Diesem *-teX(jh-os würde ein gr. "ortly-oi 'das Schi-eiten, Gehen' ent- sprechen, welches sich zu der maskulinen o-Bildung gr. oxoly-o-s; so stellen würde, wie tily-oc N. 'Mauer' neben roly-o-^ M. 'Wand, Mauer', gr. ()£(/)-ocN. 'Strömung, Fliiis' ai. -srav-as- 'Ansflufs von etwas' in Konipp. neben gr. QÓ(f)-o-g m. 'Strom, Strömung, Flufs', aksl. o-strovü M. ('Strömung um sich herum habend') 'Insel', gr. ysv-os lat. gen-iis ai. jdn-ah N. 'Geschlecht' neben gr. -/oj'-o-c M. ' Geburt, Abstammung, Nachkommenschaft ' u. ähnl. mehr. Und das Nebeneinander nun von cymr. *twy, mor-duy imd dem durch cymr. taitli, mor-daith, aii'. mir. techt vertretenen Feminin urkelt. *tik-ta wäre genau das gleiche, wie das von air. mir. du N. ' Ruhm ' ') gr. xXefog xXíoz ai. srdv-ah N. ' Euf, Euhm ' avest. sravü N. 'Wort, Spruch, Leumund' aksl. slovo N. 'Wort' und anderseits cymr. clod Fem. und Mask. 'Gerücht, guter Euf, Preis, Euhm ', corn, dos, abret. dot aus urkelt. '"Jdu-ta (s. o. S. 416), auch von gr. (>é{f)-OQ N., ai. -srav-as- und lit. sni-tä F. ' Mistjauche ' nebst acorn. abret. frot 'Strom' (s.o. S. 418), ai. cct-ah N. 'Er- scheinung, Aussehen', 'Einsicht, Bewufstsein, Sinn, Geist' und avest. dstä- F. 'Erkenntnis, Einsicht' (s. o. S. 417). ') Ich lasse d.is cymr. clyic 'Gehör', das auch noch Bnigmanu, Grund- riis 1=, 125. 2-, 1, 517 und Walde, Lat. etym. Wörterb. 128 als Yertretung; des alten -es-Xeutrums = ir. eíií. gr. x/.io: usw. auffassen, hier beiseite, da W. Foy iu dieser Zeitschrift 3, 271 von ihm einleuchtend zeigt , dafs es nach Be- deutung und Lautform von anderer und jüngerer Wortbildung sein muis. 426 n. osTHOFF, Doch wären auch noch andere Möglichkeiten, den moriiho- logischeu Charakter des Endgliedes von c}'mr. mor-dwy aufzu- fassen, gegeben. Anstatt ein Neutrum auf -os wie gr. rst/o^ seiner Herkunft nach zu sein, könnte -divy auch einem masku- linen o-Stamme, wie das dem rsiyo: verwandte Oskerwort feíhúss Acc, feihúis Abi. plur. und wie got. ivig-s aisl. veg-r ags. ict\^ as. ahd. tveg Mask. 'Weg', entstammen, oder einem neutralen Stamme, der bei Normalstufenablaut der Wurzel durch -o- ge- formt war, also dafs es von der Art des gr. t^yo-v und seines germanischen Ebenbildes ahd. as. tverk ags. tveorc aisl. voJc Neutr. gewesen wäre; vgl. Brugmann Grundrifs 2-, 1, 155 f. Und noch eins wäre möglich, was vielleicht am annehmbarsten erscheinen könnte: wenn wir ein i<-stämmiges idg. "^{sjieighit-s Mask, zugrunde legen, eine Nominalbildung des durch ai. äsu-li M. 'Lebensgeist, Leben', avest. ahn-s M. 'Dasein, Leben', ai. hdndku-li M. 'Verwandtschaft, Verwandter', lat. im-petn-s M., gradu-s M., s2>ccH-s Mask. Fem. u. dgl. vertretenen Typus (Brugmann a.a.O. 180 f.), ergäbe sich nrspriingli('he Identität des cymr. {mor-)divy mit dem aisl. s%-r a.M. stlg Mask. "Steig. Pfad, Weg', &M. üf- siic 'ascensus', niäar-slk 'descensus', ags. s% Fem. 'Pfad', denn dies germanische Nomen dürfte der t<-Deklination angehört haben nach Ausweis des altnordischen Acc. plur. auf -o, -u in eddischeni vd-sUgo und vilU-stigu (vgl. Noreen Altisl. u. altnorw. Gramm.' i< 349, 4 s. 219. § 385 s. 240, Gering, Vollst. Wörterb. zu d. Liedern der Edda 979. 1082. 1147). Mit solcher Annahme eines germ. *sUsn-z würde sich auch am einfachsten die Geuusdifferenz des maskulinen aisl. stig-y aschwed. silgh-cr ahd. .s-/i(/ nihd. stlc und des femininen ags. sti,^ erklären, indem bei derartigen nominalen ((-Bildungen das Schwanken des Genus augenscheinlich ein altes ist, nach Phallen wie lat. spem-s Mask, und Fem., mefii-s Mask, und im alten I^atein auch Fem., ai. isu-h Mask, und Fem. ' Pfeil ' avest. iéii-é Mask., ai. páríu-h Fem. und avest. parjsu-s Mask. 'Rippe', -di. sindliu-h Mask, und Fem. 'Strom, Indus, Indusgebiet' avest. hindu-s apers. hi"du-s Mask. 'Indien' u. ähnl. mehr zu schliefsen. Unser cymr. mor-dwy kommt aber aufser in dem Sinne von 'Seefahrt' noch in einer wesentlich davon abweichenden Be- deutung vor: Davies, Diet. s. v. gibt es nur in dieser letzteren, nämlich als ..aestus maris, fremitus maris" in dem Beleg aus Madog ap Gronw Gethin yn llaicn o fordicy a llif 'voller Meeres- ZrR KELTISCHEN WOllTKUNDE. 427 brandling und Überschwemmung', und nach Owen Pughe, Diet. 2', 343 a ist es zwar in erster Linie so v. a. „a sea course", daneben aber audi „the raging of tlie sea, a storm at sea", dies in dem dort aus iloigans Bibel Ps. 4G, 3 beigebrachten Zitat pe cynnhijrfc ij myuijddoeJd yan ei fordivy cf „though the mountains shake with the swelling thereof". Ich glaube, wir kommen mil dieser anderen Bedeutung des mor-dtvy zurecht, wenn wii- an den Sinn der Wurzel von -dwy. taith und ir. tcdtt. iiayaim denken, den sie in unserem itcigen allgemeingermanisch entwickelt hat und der ihr bei seiner Prägnanz nicht als der letzte von Urzeiten her innegewohnt haben wird : mor-dtvy ist hier nicht ' das Gehen des Schiffers auf oder in See', sondern 'das Meevessteigen, scansio maris', wobei die Brandung des Meeres wohl unter dem Gesichts- pimkt vorgestellt sein mag. dafs bei eintretender Flut die Wogen an das Ufer in aufwärts gehender Bewegung herankommen. Man findet im Griechischen eine Keminiszenz daran, dafs OTii/ßii> „eigtl. steigen, von unten nach oben gehen" bedeutete, in seinem Gebrauch „von der Sonne" Od. ). 17 oi'i/-' öjtox' «r oxtiyyoi jtgoq ovQavov áúTiQÓtvxa, d. i. nach Vofs „nicht wenn empor er [//f'Atoc] steiget zui- Bahn des sternigen Himmels", nach W. Jordan „weder wenn sie den Pfad zum sternigen Himmel emporsteigt", vgl. Pape-Sengebusch, Griech.- deutsch. Hand- wörlerb. 2-*, 933 b; so mag auch im Litauischen gelegentlich diese alte Bedeutung noch hervortreten, wenn hier staigmis 'steil' „z.B. von einer Treppe" gesagt wird (Kurschat, Litt.- deutsch. Wörterb. 432a), sich von seinem Sippenzubehör lit. staiyu 'plötz- lich', staigau-s "ich eile', \e.tt. staigat 'wandeln' begrifflich weiter entfernend, als im Germanischen das Adjektiv ahd. Steigal mhd. steige! spätmhd. uhd. steil, ags. stégel 'acclivis, abruptus' von dem Yerbum ahd. stiyan a.gs. stigan, und das \it. siaigi(-s Adj. 'heftig, schnell aufbrausend' würde immerhin mit dem cymr. mor-diry als „aestus maris" auch die Bedeutungsschattierung der jähen Auf- wärtsbewegung teilen. Es liegt an und für sich nahe, unsere cymr. mor-dtvy und vior-divyad, mordtvyo mit mbret. mordeiff. nbret. mordci und merdei, im Dialekt von Vannes merdeein 'naAÍguer', mbret. mcrdcat nbret. merdcad und mordcud •marin, navigateur' zusammenzubringen. Das tur Davies, Diet. s. v. mordnyo und V. Henry, Lex. etym. du breton mod. 199, indem der letztere Gelehrte zur etymologischen Erklärung sagt, dafs „le premier terme" das Nomen mor "Meer, 428 n. OSTHOFF, See' sei, -Wcälirend ,.le second est peut-étre uns des formes origi- naires de dont ['venir']"; in betreff der bretouisclien Formen ver- gleiche man auch Em an lt. Gloss, moj-en-bret. 425. Mir scheint aber, dai's man darauf verzichten mufs, die Schlufsglieder unter einen Hut zu bringen, zv/ischen mbret. -dciff, -deaf und cj-mr. ■diri/, -du-yad dürfte es kaum eine Brücke, um sie lautlich und formal miteinander zu vermitteln, geben. Dahingegen könnte Henr}' für mbret. -deifí, -dcat wohl den richtigen Weg ihrer Deutung gewiesen haben, indem er die „formes originaires" des Verbums hret. dont 'kommen' heranzog, dessen etj'mologische Verhältnisse von ihm S. 104 dargestellt werden mit besonderer Rücksicht auf die Zugehörigkeit der keltischen Formen wie mbret. deu-aff 'ich komme' = cymr. dcu-af und mir. taiy Imper. 'komm' zu lat. ago gr. cr/m a,i. äjati 'agit' usw. (vgl. auch Zeufs-Ebel S. 579 ff., Xettlau, Revue celt. 9, 73 und Ernault, Eevue celt. 11, 4.59. Gloss, moyen-bret. 153. 192). Es ist aus dem Irischen bekannt, dafs und wie hier das Präverbium to- 'zu, hinzu', wo es in die Stellung vor nach- folgendem Vokal gerät, meist selbst seines Vokals verlustig und zu t- wird, des näheren legt die Erscheinung Thurneysen. Revue celt. 6, 149 ff. dar. Wenn man an ihr dem Brittischen Anteil geben darf, bezw. sie für gemein- und urkeltisch zu halten hat, so ist bei Zusammenfügung des to- mit Wortbildungen aus der Wurzel afj- 'agere' auch hvitt.*t-a(j- zu erwarten, wie es in m\r. t-ui() 2. Sing, und t-agid 2. Plur. imper. 'komm, kommt her' und in dem Nomen verbale mir. i-din ' das Treiben, Forttreiben, Raub' aus *t{oyag-tii-s vorliegt (Thurneysen Keltorom. 32. 34). Aus einem voraussetzbaren Substrat urkelt. ''t{o)-ag-l-m» kann dann aber regelrecht das mbret. *teif]'. das in »mr-deiff 'naviguer' ent- halten ist, gekommen sein'); ingleichen aus einem Nomen agentis ') Den Suffixausatz in obiger Heischeform nrlielt. *t{o)-ag-i-mn mache ich, indem ich der von Eruault in dieser Zeitschrift 2, 3Sfl einleuchtciuUr Weise vorgeschlageneu Erklärung folge, wonach die brittische Infinitivbildung auf abret. -im, mbret. -if ->ff, nbret. und cymr.-/, z.B. in abret. / hepcorim gl. 'cassura", eigentlich 'eu privation de', C3'mr. hcbgori 'beiseite setzen, sparen, erlassen', mbret. digueriff nbret. leon. digcri 'öffnen': ir. cuirim 'ich setze, stelle, lege, schicke', air. cit/nVi, to-chuiriur 'ich ziehe herzu, lade ein", auf den Typus der Wortformatiou lateinischer und griechischer Nomina actionis ■wie l^m-mcn, /u]il/^ici zurückzufiihrcu ist; näheres darüber von mir au anderem Orte. ZUK KKLTISCIIKN WOUTKUNDE. 429 *l{o)-agiato-s das zweite das Kompositum nibret. mer-deat, nbret. nierdead mordcad 'Seemann. Jlatrose' bildende Wortglied. Ich werde in dieser Auffassung der in Kede stehenden bretouischen Wortbildungen dadurch bestärkt, dai's auf demselben Wege auch auf eine isoliert stehende cymrische Verbalform Licht fällt: ym-dä 3. Sing, praes.-fut. 'zieht umher, reist', worüber Owen Pughe, Diet. 2', 584 a b sich aussprici^t, indem er ihren Beleg aus Cato Cymraeg os yrndci gwraig ei hunan „if a woman perambulates by herself" gibt und vermeint, es liege darin wahr- scheinlich die zu dem Verbalnomen ym-daiih 'Eeise, das Eeisen' gehörige alte 3. Sing. fut. vor. Das ist nun, da dies ym-daiih zweifellos = ir. im-thecht ist (s. o. S. 4211), vor dem Eichterstuhl der Lputgesetzlichkeit ebenso unstatthaft, wie die Verknüpfung der Schlufsglieder von mbret. mor-deiff und cymr. mor-duitli und mor-divy sich unangängig erweist. Aber augenscheinlich ist zu- nächst das -ff dieses c3-mr. ym-d-a mit ä 'er geht', der 3. Sing. zu äf 'ich gehe' aus *agami, identisch, das ganze Gebilde ym-d-a die Entwicklung aus einem urkelt. *emhi-i{o)-aget, es entspräche ihm ein bret. *em-d-a und dies könnte dem Verbalsystem eines wie mbret. mor-deiff' gebildeten *em-deiff' ' wandernd sich umher- treiben' einzugliedern sein. Was noch das Verhältnis der im Vorderglied verschieden vokalisierteu mbret. mordeiff' nbret. mordei, nbret. mordead einer- und nbret. tnerdei, mbret. merdeat nbret. merdead anderseits an- betrifft, so werden die letzteren Formen in dem mer- lautgesetz- liche durch das ei der Nachsilbe bewirkte «-Umlautung haben, die P'ormen mit mor-, mordeiff' usw., beruhen dann auf etymo- logischer ^^'iederauffrischung des Vordergliedes. Auch das mcymr. ei in der historischen Ultima, worauf ncymr. ai beruht, ruft solche „infectio" eines o, wie auch eines a, in der Paemütima hervor, eines a z. B. in der 1. und 2. Sing, praet. cefais, cefaist zu cafodd 3. Sing., cerais, ceraist zu caru 'lieben', in dem Plural defaid mcymr. ieueit 'Schaf zu dafad, eines o in celain mcymi-. celein 'Leiche' = a,h: colinn mir. colainn 'Körper, Fleisch' (vgl. E. Zupitza, Kuhns Ztschr. 35, 255 und oben S. 403); so ist denn wohl auch das cymr. mor-doAth nicht als strikt lautgesetzlich in dem Vokalismus seiner ersten Silbe zu betrachten, es wäre statt seiner etwa ein *myr-daith zu erwarten, wofern es richtig ist, dals man in mcymr. Icaer vyrddin ' Caermarthen ' das Myrddin == gall. Moridünum setzt (ZeuTs-Ebel, Gramm. 91). 430 H. OSTHOFK, Auf ein interessantes altgallisches Wort, dem ich zum Schlufs engen Anschlufs an cymr. mor-daith und mor-dwy geben zu sollen glaube, das sich aber bisher, soviel ich weifs. der Be- achtung der Keltologen und Indogermanisten nocli fast ganz ent- zogen hat, macht mich mein Kollege von Domaszewski auf- merksam. Eine in Köln gefundene und zuerst in den Bonner Jahr- büchern 92 (1892) S. 261f. von M. Ihm, jetzt auch in dem durch von Domaszewski herausgegebenen 13. Bande des CIL. sub tit. 8164a veröffentlichte Inschrift lautet: Apollini C. Au- relhis Cl(audrus) Venis negotiator Britannicianus mar it ex d{ono) d{ed.it) l{pcus) d{atus) d{ecurionum) d(ecreio). Man läfst die Inschrift „etwa dem zweiten Jahrhundert angehören". Als einen negotiator Britannicianus bezeichnet sich der Weihende, weil er nacli Britannien Handel treibt, sowie auf einer anderen Inschrift desselben 13. Bandes des CIL. Tit. 8793 (= Orelli Inscr. 2029, Brambach Corp. inscr. Rhen. 43, Wilmanns Exempla inscr. Lat. 2570), deren Fundort Domburg in Zeeland, ein alter Haupthafen- platz für den Handelsverkehr mit Britannien, ist. jemand als negotiator cretarius Britannicianus , dieser seinen Handelsartikel, die jenseits des Kanals geholte Kreide, also mitnennend, sich vorstellt (vgl. Ihm a. a. 0. 262). Mit dem moritex jener ersteren Inschrift wufste Ihm noch nichts anderes anzufangen, als dafs er „ein keltisches Ethnikum" darin suchen zu düi-fen glaubte, was dann auch Holder, Alt-celt. Sprachsch. 2, 636 sich aneignete, sowie nach d'Arbois de Jubainville, ReAiie celt. 15.243 andere ein „cognomen" darin fanden. Dagegen bemerkt der letzte Herausgeber von Domaszewsky zu dem unverständlichen AVort: „officium aliquid esse debet", und auf eine hervorragendere amt- liche Stellung des Mannes, der sich so bezeichnet, dürfte ja wohl die Erwäiinung, dafs ihm von Magistratswegen, dccurionum decreto, die Aufstellung seines Weihgeschenks für den Galliergott Apollo auf Gemeindeboden gestattet worden ist, hindeuten. Es wird mori-tex, mit Länge des Vokals der letzten Silbe, zu lesen sein. Dann bezeichnet sich der Britannienfahrer C. Aurelius Verus damit einfach als 'Meerfahrer'. Gall, -/er, das letztlich auf ein uridg. *-teigh-s mit der Nomeu-agentis-Bedeutung 'gehend, Fahrer', ó azsi/oji; got. sa steigands, zurückginge, hätte den gleichen \\'urzelvokalismus wie im Keltischen das cymr. »ior-f/icy 'Seefahrt' und das irische A'erbum tiagaim 'ich schreite, ZUR KELTISCHEN WORTKÜNDE. 431 gehe', for-tiag 'ich helfe"; wir liätten ein neues Beispiel für das aus dem alten ?'- Diphthong- idg. ex gemeiukeltisch entwickelte und im Altgallischeu neben hier zum Teil erhaltenem ti vor- liegende c, in Bciius 'Rhein': altir. cen liian n- 'sine Rheno', mir. r/an 'Meer', in rcda (daneben racda, vgl. Solmseu Unters. z. griech. Laut- u. Verslehre 279 Fufsu.) 'curriculi genus' Venant. Fortun. und epo-rcdiac 'boni equorum domitor;^s' Plin.: mir. riad 'das Falireu, Reiten', air. dc-riad 'bigae', mir. réid 'befahrbar, frei, glatt, eben', cymr.rhwijdd 'prosper, expeditus, minime im- peditus', eb-rwydd (' rofsschnell ') 'eilfertig, schnell, rasch, ge- schwind', (jo-rwydd 'equus, caballus', in gnW. Devo-gnäta neben .iiiovova: air. diet 'Gott', osk. deivai 'divae', lit. rfe/i'é ' Gespenst ' u. dergl. Über „adjektivische Wurzelnomina als hintere Kompositions- glieder", eine besonders in älterer Zeit unseres Sprachstammes produktiv gewesene Bildungskategorie, unter die sich nun auch das gall, mori-tex einreiht, handelt zuletzt eingehender Brug- mann Grundrifs 2^ 1, 142 if. Mit Fällen wie gr. xarfü-ji/lfi/; • niederschauend ', ßoo-xXtip ' Rinderdieb ', ^ov-jtX?}^ ' Rinderstachel ', ai. dcva-ydj- 'die Götter verehrend' = avest. daeva-yaz- 'die Dämonen anbetend' teilt gall, mori-tex 'Seefahrer' den Ablaut der normalstufigen Wurzel, während manche andere Wortbildungen dieser Art z.B. \&t. judex ('Recht weiser') ».ws *jouz-dic- und osk. med- diss med-dis 'judex', gr. ;ifí'()-j^ít/; 'Handwaschwasser', ai. visva-vid- 'alles kennend' mit gr.vij-ig, -id-og 'unwissend' und urkelt. *(?n<-«id- 'hochweise' in gall. Druides, air. dmi 'Druide' (vgl. Osthoff, Et}-m. parerga 1, 133 f. nebst zit. Litt.), von n- Wurzeln lat. re-dux und prö-dux, gi'. jiQÖg-tpvS, und jtQÓ-r/v§, yivol-OTv^ u. a., dem Wurzelnomen in dieser Stellung den Schwundstufeuablaut geben. Nach der stammabstufenden Flexion des auch hierher gehörigen ai. ved. rrtra-hd 'den Vrtra schlagend', Acc. -hdn-am, Dual. Xom.-Acc. -hdn-ä: vrtra-ghn-dh Gen.-Abl., -ghn-é Dat., -ghn-a Instr. sing., vrtra-hd-hhih Instr. plui*. darf vermutet werden, dafs unser mori-tex ui'sprünglich einmal den Gen. sing. *niori-tig-os, diesen dann im Einklang mit gr. -/iQ-riß-o:, lat. jn-dic-is, ai. visva-vid- ah, gebildet habe oder habe bilden können. Neben dem Nomen agentis idg. *dik- ' weisend, zeigend ', das in \ht. judex, ju-dic-is und in osk. med-diss das zweite Kom- positionsglied abgibt, steht das gleiche Wurzelnomengebilde als selbständiges Wort und die Rolle eines femininen Verbalabstrakts 432 H. OSTHOFF, ZUR KF.LTISCHEN WOKTKUNÜK. spielend in ai. dis- • Richtung, Himmelsgegend " und in dem Über- rest der Flexion eines lat. *dix, den der Terminus tecbuicus der Gerichtsfoi-mel dic-is causa 'um der Form wegen, zum Schein' darbietet (Brugmann, Grundrifs 2', 1,137, Walde, Lat. etym. AVörterb. 175), und so hätte das gall, mori-tex den Doppelgänger seines Schiursgliedes mit demselben Unterschied der begrifflichen Funktion in gr. *öt/s Fem. 'Reihe, Schlachtreihe', Gen. sing. otix-Ó4. Plur. oxiy-ic. Da der C. Aurelius Yerus der Kölner Inschrift schon mit negotiator Britannicianus seinen Beruf angibt, könnte es den Eindruck einer Art Tautologie machen, wenn er dem noch das A\'ort moritex in dem Sinne, welchen wir ihm geben, hinzufügt. Da mag denn aber die von Domaszewskische Vermutung, dafs es sich bei diesem Worte um einen Amtstitel, ein „officium", handle, aushelfen. Unser Britanniensegler dürfte der moritex y.ax' t^oxijr, d. i. etwa der amtliche Vorstand der Kauffahrer- oder Handelsschiffergilde im alten Köln, gewesen sein. In dem der Gottheit des gallischen Apollo geweihten Kultusheiligtum, das unmittelbar am Hafen gelegen sein mochte, könnte, wie unsere Phantasie sich ausmalen darf, der Ort gewesen sein, wo dem in bevorrechteter sozialer Stellung befindlichen Chef der Gilde, dem Haupt- oder Oher-tnoriiex, sein Weihgescheuk anzu- bringen durch Zustimmung der Ratsherren, decurionmn decreto, verstattet war. Ich verweise auf die Analogie des Silvanus- heiligtums der Kaufleute in Aquileja nach von Domaszewski rhilologus 61, 13. Heidelberg. H. Osthoff. IRISCHE ETYMOLOGIEN. 1. Ir. *clag-, deutsch laichen. ]\Ian nhnmt gewöhnlicli an, dafs mlid. leklien 'laicbeu' und mhd. ifeic/ie« 'aufspringen''). A'gl. got. laikan 'springen, hüpfen', aisl. Zc//.a 'spielen', &Q.Jacan 'springen, fliegen, schwimmen', im Grunde identisch sind. Vorsichtig sagt Kluge, Etym. Wb.^ 235, dieser Zusammenhang sei denkbar, während Falk-Torp s. v. Leg II sich gewisser äufsern: ^Leg bruges ogsaa om fiskenes forplantningsakt, idet denne ofte foregaar underlegeude tilnier- melser mellem kjounene'. Diese Erklärung, ein Begattungsspiel sei eigentlich gemeint, klingt ein wenig ad hoc gemacht. Aller- dings wandern einige Fische zur Laichzeit und der Lachs z. B. schnellt sich dabei oft meterhoch empor, aber nur um die ^Vasser- fälle zu über\\inden. Unter 'laichen' versteht man sonst keine derartige Bewegung, sondern das Absetzen der Eier oder des Rogens von Seiten des weiblichen Fisches (des Rogeners), worauf das Männchen (der Milchner) den Samen, die Milch 2) darüber giefst. Auf diesen Prozefs der Abscheidung beziehen sich Aus- drücke wie nhd. dial. schot{t), holl. scliot 'ova piscium' (: schütten, vgl. ne. to shed the spawn), ne. spatvn^) 'Laich' (: afrz. espandre 'expandere'), dän.-norw. rogn-hjehse 'Cyclopterus lumpus' (: dän. lcalcse 'cacare', vgl. Falk-Torp 2, 115), nir. scedthairc 'spawn' ') leich 'versus' ist schon ahd. , vgl. z. b. ahd. Gll. 2, 77, 7 üersibus Uicken. ^) Vgl. Falk-Torp s. Melk, Melke, Milt. In der Bedeutung ' Fisohsame ' ist milch vielleicht eine Übersetzung des Lat. íacíes, doch s. lit. pienai ds. ') rmgekehit stammen nfrz. rogue 'Bogen' und frai (ital. fregolo, span. freza) 'Laich" aus dem Germ. ZeitBchritt f. celt. Philologie VI. 28 434 AV. LEHMANN, (: scathim 'I vomit, spew, eject, spawn, put fortli'), weiterhin aucli gi: ajttQfia (: osTfl^m) u a. IJamit ist wenigstens in Bezug auf die Bedeutung der Boden geebnet für die Annalime, dafs mild, leichen 'laichen' wurzelverwandt sei mit ir. *clag- in nir. daghaire *a fish after shedding its spawn', iasc ar chldgh "fish at spawning'!) (Dinneen). Solange freilich die Vorgeschichte-) des westgerm. Wortes (vgl. auf ndd. Sprachgebiete noch leekel- fiscli 'Gadus Iota') nicht genau bekannt ist, darf diese Ver- mutung wegen der Vokaldifferenz nur als hypothetisch gelten: eine monophthongische Form^) könnte indessen aus Mangel an etjnnol. Zusammenhang erst an leichen 'springen' angeglichen sein. Zu gewagt ist es wol, idg. *korelnó 'Rogen, Froschlaich' = ahd. hrogan, rogo,*) vgl. lit. JiurMe plur. kurkulal russ. hjakü 'Froschlaich' (Zupitza Gutt. 126; Trautmann Germ. Lautgesetze 64)5) als vollere Aulautsdublette mit idg. *reknó 'Eegen' = deutsch regen zu verbinden.«) ') \g\. deutsch áial. kuller-fisch 'ein Fisch, der laicht'. Ich beziehe das Wort auf ahd. kiitlla 'Tasche' (vgl. griech. ti^qcc 'Räuzel" : nr/^ir, nijQlg 'Sauienbeutel, Hodensack'), ähnlich mnl. fcwiie 'Rogen' : ae. coíífí ' Hodensack ', nir. tiachciH 'bag; testicle', dän. puvg u. a.; ndd. poggen-kiüler 'Froschlaich' = nir. mnghar ' fish fry, spawn ' : magairle ' testicles, scrotum '. Nir. glöthack 'animal slime; frog spawn' gehört zu idg. *í;iei-, gloi- 'klebrig sein' (vgl. nir. salnn 'sprat, fry' : sa! 'saliva'; poln. /íí■'•■'. i e. Ill uot TT (Zimmer., A'ennius vindicatus, 200). 442 E. W. B. NICHOLSON, First note tliat this 'interpolated' prophecy is in every MS., though C is defective after ' praesagio '. Next, that 'hoc est dimidio temporis' is pointless on Mr. Anscombe's theory that the 150 years of devastation were to precede the 300 of occup- ation. Clearly there were either to be 300 years of occupation of wliich the fir-st half were to be years of raiding, or else the 300 years Avere to be succeeded by a period of half the length, in which occupation was to cease but occasional raids were to be made. Let me add that the ' temporary overthrow ' of Alfred could hardly be interpreted as the end of the Saxon insessio; that the Welsh had far more to fear from the Danes than from Alfred, from whom they never received injury; and that con- sequently the idea that a AVelshman seized the occasion to interpolate this 'pseudo-prophecy' is not very probable. It would be disingenuous not to notice that there exists a Gallic chronicle (Monumenta Germaniac, Chron. minora 1, 650), ending in 452 and attributed by Mommsen to that date, in which we read under the years 441 — 2 'Brittaniae usque ad hoc tempus varus cladibus eventibusque laceratae in dicionem Saxonum rediguntur', which puts the Saxon conquest, and a fortiori tlie Saxon arrival, before Gildas's and Bede's dating: the MS. authority is said to be of the 9th cent. The reply is that the statement would not have been true even of 541 — 2, and tliat, if the rest of the chronicle be of the date supjiosed, this particular entry can hardly fail to have been added some centuries later. Or did continental rumour exaggerate a first Saxon victory in Kent into a conquest of Koman Britain? It is merely to avoid confusion that I have not yet challenged Mr. Anscombe's statement of Bede's date for the landing as 450. Mi'. Anscombe regards 449, the 1st year of Marcian and Valentinian, as the year given by Bede, and points out that their first year was really 450. His subsequent argu- ment is that, although this is not a Gospel Verity date for Marcian and Valentinian, it is a Gospel Verity date') for the Saxon landing. But, as Mr. Plummer, Bede's latest editor, has said, no exact year is given by Bede. The pa.ssages most directly bearing on tlie date are given by Mr. Anscombe himself (p. 495) and they are these: ') Of 'Gospel verity' ilatiiii;- being invented before the tltli cent, lie {jivea uu evidence. REMARKS ON FIRST SETrLEMENT OF TUE SAXONS IN BRITAIN. 448 a) Anno ab incarnatione Domini CCCCSLVllil. Marcianus cum Valentiniano XLVT. ab Angusto regnum adeptus VIT. annis tennit. Tunc Ánglorum sine Saxonnm gens inuitata a rege praefato [sc. a Vortigerno] Brittauiam tribns longis nauibus adnebitnr (I, sv). b) Anno CCCCXLYini. Marcianus cum Valentiniano imperium sus- cipiens Vn. annis tenuit quorum tempore Angli a Brettouibus accersiti Brittaniam adierunt (V. xsiiii. Eeeapitulatio Chronica u. s.). In a) there is nothing to show that 'Tunc' refers to 449 rather than to the period of 7 years in which Marcian reigned with Valentiniau, and in b) that period is undoubtedly meant. Again, as Mr. Anscombe has himself observed (p. 506), Bede calls A.D. 596 'about the 150th j'ear of the coming of the English \ A. D. 627 ' about the 180th year fi-om the coming of the English', and A.D. 731 'about the 285th year from the coming of the English '. None of these indicate 449 as the year of their coming: they point, indeed, to 446 — 7, a period ante- cedent to JIarcian and Yalentinian's reign, and the natural as- sumption is that Bede, not knowing the exact year, is stating the intervals only approximately by tens and fives. The chronological memoranda on which Mr. Anscombe's entii-e case for the 428 date rests are printed as c. 66 of the Historia Brittonum. But they only occur in two MSS., and iu one of these they are immediately followed by the Annales Cambria. I shall now proceed to show what the Annales Cambri* really are, and what the chronological memoranda prefixed to them really are, and how, when those memoranda are restored to their right order, they give not 428 but 443—4 as their own date for the Saxon landing. TJw Annales Camhrice, I discover, are merely a copy of the marginal entries made on a paschal cycle of Victorius of Aquitaine belonging to the church of Meneu (St. David's), which cycle was apparently written out in 509. A paschal cycle is a table of the changes of Easter. These changes exhaust themselves in 532 years, i. e. the no. of years of a solar cycle (28) multiplied bj* the no. of a lunar cycle (19). A complete paschal table therefore consists of 532 years. These can be reckoned fi-om any date to any other date: year 533 will always agree with year 1 and begin a new cycle. 444 E. W. IÍ. NICHOLSON, Now the Annales are a table of 533 years, i. e. the 532 of a complete paschal cycle jylus the first of the cycle folloAving it, showing that the cycle began over again.') There were two paschal cycles of 532 years. The one Ave noA\' use was published in 525 (Prof. Bury) or 527, by Dionysius Exiguus: it was calculated fi'om A.D. 532 (i.e. for A.D. 532— 1063). The other was the earlier one constructed by Victoriiis of Aquitaine, composed in A. D. 457 (the consulship of Con- stantine and Eufus) and 'he began it with the year of the Crucifixion, which he placed on the 26th March in the consulship of the two Gemini ' (Smith & Wace's Did. of Christian biography. IV, 1139). Now the chronological memorauda prefixed to the Annales in their oldest MS., and printed as c. 66 of the Historia Brittonum, begin (see above p. 440) with a calculation of the no. of years from the Creation to the consulship of Constantine and liufus, which is immediately followed by a calculation from Ihe cotisul- ship of the tivo Geniini\ Indeed these two calculations are fi'om Victorius himself (see Mommsen's notes). The cycle of Aäctorius was constructed in columns, of which the first contained the names of the consuls. It is from that column that the names of consuls have been inserted in these memoranda. But the memoranda have first had the order of two of the events transposed, and have then been interpolated with statements based on this erroneous order. In their original form they ran somewhat thus: "Also from the two Gemini, Kufus and Eubellius. until Stilicho consul are CCCLXXITl years' (up to A. D. 400). 'Also thence until Felix and Taurus consuls and the discord of Vitalinus and Ambrosius XX VIII years* (up to A. D. á2S). Also thence until Valentinianus son of Placid a V (?'. e. 5th time consul) 'and the reign of Vortigernus, in whose 4th year the Saxons came to Britain. XII years' (up to A.D. 440 and 443 — 4). ') Or the 5.'!3r(l year inav be an accidental addition by tlie scribe of the llarleian MS. REMARKS ON FIRST SETTLEMENT OF THE SAXONS IN liRlTAIN. 445 •Also thence until Decius [and Valerianus] LXIX years ' {up to Ä. D. 009). Here we discover why the Annales apparent!}' begin with 444: the Victorian cycle from which they are taken, and which was doubtless written in 509, was carried back to the year of the Saxon landing as a notable date wherewith to commence. Here also we discover a Decius consul 60 years after the last date calculated. He was Importunus Decius, consul in the ^\'est in 509, and there may liave been a Valerianus consul in the East whose name has escaped the annalists. The reader will say: 'This is certainly very plausible, and, if the entries relating to Guitolinus and Guorthigirnus have been transposed, it is undoubtedly correct: but what is your evidence for that transposition?' It is very short and conclusive. (1) The only Guitolinus known to historj' was Vortigern's grandfather, and it is im- possible to believe that he was engaged in a serious political ([uarrel 12 years after his grandson's accession. (2) Surely the first 12 years of Vortigern's reign were not 'empty of war', and, even if 'catguoloph' is an erroneous gloss and the word 'guo- loppum' simply means that the throne was empty, that would be obviously untrue. If any further evidence is needed that the Guitolinus entry should precede the reign of Vortigern, it is supplied by the Breton tradition embodied in Geoffrey of Monmouth. According to that, after the departure of the Romans, Guithelinus arch- bishop of London took the temporary lead in affairs, and went to Brittany to offer the diadem to its king Androenus, who refused it for himself but accepted it for his brother Cunstantine, with whom he sent 2000 soldiers. Constantine married a noble Eoman ward of Guilhelinus's and had 3 sous, Constans, Aurelius Amhrosius, and Uther Pendragon, of whom the two latter were brought up by Guithelinus. After 10 years Constantine was assassinated by a Pict and Constans was eventually put on the throne by Vortigern, Guithelinus being then dead^) (VI §6). It ' If I am told that the Breton story allows no room for any 'discord of Guitolinus and Ambrosius', I reply that the Ambrosius of the discord may have been the grandfather or uncle of the boy Ambrosius. There may have leen a Eomau faction headed by an elder Ambrosius, and a nationalist 446 E. W. 15. NICHOLSON. was not of course, till later that (Constans having been put out of the way) Vortigern himself succeeded. The transposition may have been made either by accident or by design. One of the two paragraphs may have been omitted by an oversight and then marked for insertion in the wrong place. Or the person to whom we owe the present form of these memoranda may have argued that, since Ambrosius is mentioned by Gildas as winning a victory over the Saxons, he cannot have preceded Yortigern, but must have been of later date. One error he certainly fell into on his own account: he supposed that the 69 years were calculated from Yortigern's 4th instead of his 1st year, and expanded the text accordingly. This calculation of 69 years indicates that 509 was the date when the memoranda were written. Otherwise what is there to account for it? And it is morally certain that the writer lived not long after the events he mentions. He speaks of the discord of Guitolinus and Ambrosius without explanation, as if it were well known, and j^et we know of it only from Mm: indeed Guitolinus died out of British history so quickly that he is not in Gildas or Bede, and in the Historia Brittonum (§ 49) is merely named as the grandfather of Yortigern (in a pedigree written 11 generations after Yortigern's own time). The connexion of the table with St. David's is so obvious (see the entries under 601, 606, 645, 810, 831, 840, 873 [Nobis], 906, 908, 944, 946) that I need not spend time in proving it. But the pi-esence of a cycle of Vidoriiis at this place reijuires explanation; for the British church never used that cycle, but adhered to the earlier 84-year cycle till North Wales adopted the 532-year cycle of Dionysms in 768, while St. David's did not conform before 777. And the almost certain explanation is that it was brought from Gaul by one of the Armorican im- migrants. Any table so brouglit, and written not later than 509, would of course start fi'om the year of the two Gemini, and the cycle would be near its expiration. From it were copied in Wales itself the preliminary memoranda, and the j-ears from faction headed hy Vitaliuus. The latter wins, but piudeutly marries the king of his selection to the daughter or sister of his autagouist. after whom her second son is named. REMAKKS ON FIKST SETTI.KMKNT OF I'llK SAXONS IN UUITAIN. 447 444 onwards, with the additioual number required to complete tlie cycle. Whither was tlie cycle brought from Gaul? I believe, either to Old Menyw (Hen Fenyw) in Cardiganshire or to one of the Llanbadarns. and wiiat I have to say will solve a stand- ing puzzle in the Annales and throw new light on the history of St. David. Prof. Anwyl contributed to my Keltic researches (p. 172) the following remarks: 'There is a Henfj'nyw called locally • Hen Fenyw ' close to Aberaeron in Cardiganshire. As St. David is represented as the son of Non (cf. Llannon about 4 miles from Henfyuyw) and the grandson of Ceredig, I have sometimes thought that there has been a transference to the present St. David's of the name M}niyw and of the leading shrine of St. David.' Fii'st note that old Meneu is within a mile of the important river Aeron, and close to its mouth. And now turn to this entry') in the Annales under the year corresponding to 601: 'Dauid e\Áscopus moni iu-deorii.' Everyone agrees that ' moni ' is a name related to Meneu, Miniu, Mynyw — now St. David's: but why on earth is it called 'of the Jews', or whatever people may be meant by "iu-deoru"? My answer is that this is a misreading which conceals the name of the river Aeron. The original may have had 'moniudero' i.e. Moniu Aeron, and a tall-necked 'a' may have been misread as a 'd', the resultant 'moniudero' being emended into 'moni iudeorü'. A similar use of a river-name is given me by Prof. Anwyl — Khuddlan Teifi, thus distinguished from Rhuddlan Tegeingyl: compare our Thames Ditton. But it is better still to suppose that the original had ' moniudiaero ' i.e. 'Moniu di Aeron', Moniu at Aeron. In either case it is pretty clear that David hailed fi-om Old Meneu in Cardiganshire-), which is called Moniu (di) Aeron, 'Moniu at Aeron', to distinguish it from the southern Meneu. ') In the original the i's have no dots or strokes, and the hyphen comes at the end of a line. -) In some at least of his lives he is said to have been born at a place similarly named, but this is usually supposed to have been close to St. David's, and W Owen's map reproduced in Rhys and Jones's The Welsh people gives such a place within 3 miles E. of it. 448 E. W. B. NICHOLSON, A strong confirmation of Moniu di Aero is that Menevia (St. Davids), or Owen's alleged Old Mynyw close to it, was called (I discover) Miniu di Lauerc(li) Beudi. In tlie Utrecht life printed in the Acta Sanctorum for Mar. 1 it is stated (p. 42) that David, going- from Old Meneu, Taulinum, S. Germani dis- cipulum, adiit Doctorem, qui in insula nomine Dilamgerbendi gratani Deo vitam ducebat'. Dr. Hemy Bradlej^ in the Bid. of Nat. Biogr., says 'The MS. itself, however, is said to read Minindi Lancrgbendi (Llanerchbeudy?)'. The original text beyond question represented Miniu di Lanerc Bendi.') There are various places in AYales called Llanerch (i. e. fiat place), though I do not find any now called Llanerch Beudi, but the locality of this one is shown by Caer Bwdy bay and Caer Bwdy mill, close to St. Da\'id's, the caer itself being on a promontory. And it is pretty obvious that the two Meneu's were dis- tinguished by the epithets di Aeron and di Lanerch Beudi, di being the Old Welsh preposition =:Lat. ad. Beudi means 'cow- house', but I hold that in the present case it denotes the Irish bisliop (who died about 521) named Beode, Latinized as Boethius. In the extract from Boethius's life printed at p. 410 of Skene's Chronicles of the Picts and Scots it is said that he left his native soil by ship, and reacliing Italia entered the monastery of the holy father Tyliauus. That in the 3üth year of his peregrination he returned, and that they put to land 'in Pic- torum finibus'. That Nectan the king of that land was just dead and lying in a church awaiting buiial, that at Boethius's prayer he Avas restored to life, and ' castrum illud in quo factum miraculum cum omni sua possessioue, beato Boecio contulit, quo ipse iu cellam consecrato, quendam suoruni in custodem reliquit". Here 'Ytaliam' is corrupted from 'waliam' or 'gualiani'. for Tyliauus is clearly St. Teilo, who appears as Teilyau, Teliavus. Telianus, was born at Tenby, and in the Llan Dav life of him is said to have been a pupil of Paulinus and as such to have associated David with himself. And the Paulinus- connexion brings Teilo close to Miniu di Lanerch Beudi. Next, note that ') The g having heeu miscopied to c from a MS. in which the proper names were in capitals, and the two it's liaving been luiscopied into Ji (if they really are us) from a MS. not earlier than the 12th cent. For final c = ch see the Gram. Celt. 125. REMARKS ON FIRST SETTI.EMENl' OF THE SAXONS IX KRITAIN. 4-19 in the same life Jliuiu is said to have been occupied at the time by a Pictish invader. Lastly, observe that in the Old ^^'elsh genealoijies of the same Harleian 5IS. wliich contains the Annates the Pictish name Necton occurs thrice in the form Neithon: in one case the same pedigree contains the pronouncedly Pictish names Elfin and Cinuit, besides (twice) Dumnagual (Donald) and (twice) Eugein — in fact we obviously have before us a djiiasty wholly or in great part Pictisii. J maintain, then, that Caer Bwdy close to St. David's is the Castrum of Saint 'Boethius', and that Lanerch Beudi was the adjoining flat land, the 'omnis possessio' of the castntni, which was also given to the saint. 'Insula' in this case, I presume, is not literally 'isle', but 'an isolated dwelling', and I suspect that ignorance or furget- fulness of this meaning has led to many misinterpretations m hagiogi'aph}'. At the same time, if anyone insists on rendering it 'isle', there is an abundance of isles off the coast for him to choose from. The original cycle may have been brought by Paternus. fi'om whom the Llanbadarn churches take their name, and who is said to have been an immigrant Breton: Ussher puts his arrival at 516, but there seems nothing to prove this — notliing to prevent his having come over before .509. He is said to have accompanied DaAid and Teilo to Palestine. Note that David is said to have been succeeded as bishop of Meueu by Ciuauc') bishop of Llanbadarn, and the bishopric of Llan- badarn to have been sooner or later merged in that of Meneu: so that a transference of the original cycle fi-om Paternns's church to David's is easily explained. Or Paternus himself may have begun his Welsh career at Old Meneu. ') Whether Paternus or David or Kinauc were anything more than bishops of a particular monastery; whether the territorial bishopric of ' St. David's ' did not originate at the later Meneu and not at ' Old Meneu ' ; whether the 'bishopric' of Llanbadarn, supposed to have been at Llanbadarn Fawr near AberystvN'yth , was not really at Llanbadarn Tref Eglwys (a singularly distinctive name) which lies only some 5milesX. W. ofOldileueu; whether neighbouring or related monasteries did not sometimes share the same bishop; and whether this practice was a factor in the origin of the territorial bishoprics of Wales — all these are questions which suggest them- selves to me and which I suggest to others. But anyone desiring to approach them should know what has been written by Mr. J. W. Willis Bund in lus Celtic Church iji Wales. Zeiucbiift f. cell. Philologie VI. 29 450 E. W. B. NICHOLSON, Let me add something on 'Guoloppum' and ' Catguoloph '. Sir J. Rliys has eiiuated these with Middle Irish falum, modern folamh: 'compare Welsh gweili, 'empty', Breton (joidlu, tjuJiu\ Meneu means a Menapian settlement; tlie Menapiaus spoke Goidelic (see my Keltic researches); and it looks to me as if we have in 'Guoloppum' and 'Catguoloph' not Welsh words at all, but Irish words which, like proper names, had theii- r changed to gu by the Welsh scribe. Ap])arently tlie first reading was 'quod est volum'. When the final m had become aspirated, the later pronunciation was expressed by writing opp {^= oph) above the line — thus indicating volopp. The subsequent Welsh scribe misunderstood this as voloppum, and altering v to gu gave us Guoloppum. In 'Catguoloph' we have a still later sub- stitution of i)h: the gloss is clearly not part of the original text, but still, as I hold, is not Welsh, but represents a Goidelic catvoloph. And from these forms it appears to me that the local Menapian dialect mutated final vi into the sound not of Englisli IV or V, but our /'. When we turn to modern Menapian (iManx) we find that in its earliest document (1610) f is abundantly used for the aspiration of both m and h, where current pi-onunciation has r. Sir J. Rhj's {Manx phonology, 169) thinks that v was pronounced as f, with which indeed it is interchanged in the same document. My suggestion is that even so the f spellings may be relics of a time when at least m was mutated into f (and not into r), and that the y- mutation of m in Manx may be due to the influence of Irish and Highland Gaelic. Mr. Phillimore has suggested that in the entry against 453 'Pafca coniííívtatur fupc^- di-em dowímicu)« cum papa leoue epif- copo rome.' 'cum' is 'apparently mis-translated from Old -Welsh cant "by or with", now gan.' I find that Prof. Bury has anti- cipated me in taking it to be merely an accidental repetition of the ending of the previous word.') And Prof. Bury has so far anticipated me in proving the origin of the Annales as to conjectui-e {Life of St. Patrick, 285) that 'the original basis of the Cambrian Annals was a Paschal ') He also thinks it 'has ousted a". This is possible, but the cou- structiou may have been by ablative absolute. REMAKKi» OK KIKST SKTTLKMENT OK THE SAXONS IX »KITAIN. 451 Table'. Had he noticed that the number of years was 533, he would have anticipated me altogether. But the fact of their commencing with 444 led liim to conjecture that the Paschal Table was brought over by Germanus at his second visit. In tliat case it could only have been the extension of an 84-year cycle, the 532-year cycle not having then been invented. I also had never noticed the number cf years in the Annales, or the solution would have come to me previously. Perhaps I never should have noticed it but for Prof. Bury's conjecture, which set me to look. So that "honours are easy '. And now, finally, let me prove the real year of David's death — a point on which the latest authorities have erred to the serious extent of 57 years by relying on the entry in the Annales under 601 which I have quoted above. As that entry stands, it only seems to say that David became bishop of Moniu di Aeron in 601; but the enormous balance of probability is that (as Mr. Phillimore suggests), an ct has dropped out before David's name, and that the entry records the death of a bishop David, presumably the saint. Now William of Malmesbury dates David's death in 546. Geoffrey of llonmouth puts it in the period 542-4. David's life by Eicemarchus, bishop of St. David's about 1090, expressly states that David died on Tuesday, March 1, having fallen ill dui'ing public service on the preceding Sunday. Well, in 601 and 546 March 1 was not a Tuesday, but it was in 544,') which is within the period indicated by Geoffrej'. Early annals, however, habituall}- vary to a few years in their dates, and the date at the back of the erroneous 601 is not 544 but 547 {uu for mi'i). It is also at the back of the tradition that David died at 147. How, I will show. The letters in a marginal note which come up to the margin are apt to be rubbed away, or darkened beyond re- cognition, by continual thumbing of the edge in turning over the leaves. That this happened in the Meneu paschal table is indicated by the entry ') It is only after writing the above that I find from Ussher {Brit, eccl. ant. 274) that he himself (as early as 1639) fixes David's death at 544 on the same ground. 29* 452 E. W. B. NICHOLSON, Aguftiiiiis mellit«s anglos adxpm cuertit. in the Harleian MS. It is clear that the original had (ap- proximately) AgustHiMs et melhtMS anglos adxpm cuertüt — that the obliteration of et and nt caused Mellitus lu be mis- taken for a surname of Augustine. The original entry of David's death ran (approximately) Obut Dauid epis moniu di aero anno 9x Ivu First, part of the 8 was obliterated, leaving exlvii. This was mistaken by readers for the year of the saint's age. Then x was obliterated, leaving clvii. This was mistaken b,y a scribe for the year of the Paschal cj^cle in which the saint died: so he entered it under the 157th year, ivhich is (JOl. The result is one more proof of the necessity of taking into account the evidence of Geoffrey of Monmouth. He adds a very singular statement, that David died ' in Meuevia civitate, intra abbatiam suam' and was 'jubente Malgone Veuedotorum rege in eadem ecclesia sepultus'. Now Maelgwii, according to Geoffrey's own history, had not yet become Chief King, and at first one is tempted to say 'What power of interference had the king of Gwynedd in Pembrokeshire?' Maelgwn. however, was the political head of the Cunedag family, to which David belonged — David being apparently the son') of Ceretic, and the grandson of Cunedag, and the first-cousin-once-removed of Maelgwn. Moreover, it is clear fi'om the Annales that David either died at Moniu di Aeron or was bislioji of it, and Moniu di Aeron was not in Pembrokeshire but in the territory of the ') See my paper 'The ruin of history' in The Celtic Revieic for Ap. 190Ü: according to the pedigrees (which seem to coutaiu either oue or two bogus uauics) he would be Ceretic's (great-)graudsou. REMARKS ON FIRST SETTLEMKNT OF THE SAXONS IN IIRITAIN. 453 Cunedag- family.') So that it is by no means impossible that the place of David's burial may have been determined by Maelgwu. ') In Cereticiaiin, oivr Cardigan(sliire), i. e. the portion of Ceretic. What may have been the political position of this region in relation to ^laelgwu in 547 I am unable to say. Oxford, Mav 1906. E. W. B. NicnoLSON. P. S. Skene's text of Beode's departiu-e should be corrected approximately as follows: italicized letters are added by me, and I have slightly improved the punctuation. 'Transactis vero aliquot «T/idem annis, divino oraculo ad- monitus est repatriare. Accepta igitur benedicdone atque licencia sancti (Skene. Sancti) patris Tyliani. et misso (Skene, missus) cum eo ijiso sancto (Skene, Sancto) seniore Codro, qui sententias eins in malignant es temperaret, datisque eis sacris voluminibus ae uestibus, nee non et seorum (Skene, sodorum) reliqui/s, XXX^'. peregrinacionis sue anno iterum regressus est. Fama vero eius in itinere deuulgata (Skene, demulgata) iimxerunt se ei quidam viri sancti de S. Germani mouerio (Skene, Germania), uumero Ix — quorum decern fuerunt S. Germani (Skene, germani) fratres — et x virgines. Pervenientes itaque ad mare navem ascendunt, et prospero navigio in Pictoruni finibus applicuerunt.' So that Beode was accompanied by a large body of devout persons — not from Germany but — from a monastery i) of S. Germanus. probably Llancarfan; and I presume they put in near Meneu on the fii'St day's sail. ') 'moBerio' got passed over by a scribe owing to its general resem- blance to the following word 'nuniero'; after which a later hand 'emended' ^ (iennani to Gennatiia'. zu DP:X WÜRZBURGER GLOSSEX. Im Wintersemester 1879 80 fafste ich als Berlint-r Privat- dozent den Entschlufs, die Grundlage von C. Zeufs' Darstellung der altirisclien Grammatik, die irischen Glossen der Würzburger Hs. der Paulinischen Briefe, herauszugeben. ^lein Schreck war nicht gering, als ich im Frühjahr 1880 die durch des verstorbenen Kerler verständnisvolles ^^'ohhvollen auf sechs Monate auf die Berliner Universitätsbibliothek überlassene Hs. zum ersten Male öffnete. Aus den Worten von Zeufs 'Sunt etiam aeque fere copiosae intermixtae glossae mere latinae ' (ZE. S. XVI) wufste ich ja, dais es sich nicht blofs um sogenannte irische Glossen handelte, aber das hatte ich nicht geahnt, dafs der lateinische Text der Paulinischen Briefe seitenweise mit einem Ränder und Zwischen- räume bedeckenden Gestrüpp lateinischer Kommentare überzogen war, in dem C. Zeufs die in der Grammatica Celtica präsentierten keltischen Blumen gepflückt hatte. Mir war bald klar, dafs ich das gesamte Glossenmaterial — lateinisch und irisch — ab- schreiben müsse, um stärkere Auslassungen bei der Herausgabe des irischen Materials zu vermeiden. Diese Abschrift des ge- samten Glossenmaterials nahm ich im Sommer 1880,*) und darauf ') Es wäre für micli natürlicli eine grofse Erleichterung gewesen, wenn ich gewnfst hätte, dafs C. Zeufs' .\bsclivift der irischen Glossen von Wh. in der Münchener Bihliothek noch vorhanden sei nnd sie hätte henutzeu kiimicn. 8o konnte ich bei meiner Ahschrift nur den veröffentlichten kleineu Teil be- nutzen; es sind dies fol. 26 c bis 32 a der Hs., welche die Briefe an Colosseri Timothens, Titus und Philenion enthalten und in der (Tranimatica Celtica, 1. .•Vufl., S. 1038—1(103 (ZE. 1026-1042), gedruckt sind. Diese Blätter bilden ja. schon wegen des relativ geringfügigen, namentlich lateinischen Glossen- materials, den leichtesten Teil der Hs. ; sie nahm ich mit Zurhilfenahme von Zeufs zuerst zur Hand und habe mich dann selbständig an die schwierigen Partien der Hs. "emacht. n. ZIMMKK, ZÜ DEN WlltZBURGER GLOSSEN. 4.);.) ist meine im Frühsommer 1881 erschienene Ausgabe der Würz- burger Glossen (Glossae Hibernicae S. 1 — 198) begründet, während die gleichzeitig der Ausgabe beigegebenen 'Addenda et Corrigenda' (a. 0. S. 286—288) auf einer neuen Kollation meines gedi-uckten Textes mit der zum zweiten Male nach Berlin überlassenen Hs. selbst meistenteils beruhen.)) Stokes Kritik meiner Ausgabe (Litterarisches Centralblatt 1883, Nr. 48, Sp. 1C72 ff.) veranlafste mich, den Kodex mir im .Tahre 1885 zum dritten Male (nach Greifswald) kommen zu lassen und zu vergleichen; das Ergebnis dieser Yergleichung, bei der mir in allen schwierigen Stellen der damals in Greifswald weilende Dr. Bruno Güterbock mitratend ') Nach einer Bemerkung von Wh. Stones in seiner Rezension meiner Aiisgabe (Litter. Centralbl. 1883, Sp. 1672) mufs der Femerstehende annehmen, dafs mir bei meiner Ausgabe die 'Indices Glossarum et vocabulorum Hiberni- corum quae in Grammaticae Celticae editione altera esplanantur" von Güter- bock und Thurneyseu (Leipzig 1881) vorgelegen haben: aucli Atkinson steht in seiner Introductory Lecture on Irish Lexicography S. 8 offenkundig unter demselben Eindruck. Wäre dies der Fall, dann hätte ich diuch die in den Indices S. 40 — 77 gegebene wohlgeordnete Zusammenstellung bei der Abschrift der Hs. und der Ausgabe eine wertvolle Hilfe besessen, deren Verschweigen in meiner Torrede nicht schön wäre. Xun aber weifst schon der Umstand, dals die Torrede zu den Glossae Hibernicae von 'Calendis Februariis 1881' datiert ist und die von den Indices Glossarum von 'Mense lulio 1881', auf den wahren Sachverhalt; sodann mufs sich jeder Sachkundige bei einigem Nachdenken sagen, dafs die Anordnung der von C. Zenfs zitierten Wh. Glossen, wie sie sich in den Indices Glossarum S. 40— 77 findet, nur mit Hilfe meiner .Ausgabe möglich war, da ja sämtliche Glossen einer jeden Spalte von Wb. für die Verfertiger der Indices eine ungeordnete und nicht zu ordnende Masse bildeten ohne meine .Ausgabe. So hat denn auch Thnmeysen tatsächlich im Winter 1880;81 von mir die Korrekturbogen meiner Ausgabe bezogen, um die Ordnung der Indices vorzunehmen. In dem Zusammenhang sei auch noch darauf hingewiesen, dafs die in meiner Ausgabe von Wb. den einzelnen Glossen beigegebenen Hinweise auf die Grammatica Celtica, wo die Sätze oder einzelne Teile behandelt sind, ebenfalls nicht aus den Indices Glossarum stammen und nicht daher stammen können: ich habe alle diese Stellen mit Hilfe meines eigenen handschriftlichen Index zur Grammatica Celtica bei der Fertigstellung meines Druckmanuskriptes mühsam zusammengesucht : • L't breviter com- monstraremus, ■ quae sii codicibus adhnc nondnm editis (Wirziburgensi et Carolisruhensibns) opera navata, locos ex altera Grammaticae Celticae editione, in quibus voculae et partes sententiarum Hibemicarum in sermonem Latinum vertuntur vel expücantur, adposuimus' heilst es in meiner Torrede. Bei dem '20jährigen Bestreben von Stokes, meine Ausgabe der Würzburger Glossen zu diskreditieren, möge man mir diese Feststellung von Tatsachen nicht übel deuten: .'seines Fleifses und seiner Selbständigkeit darf sich jeder rühmen', sagt Lessing. 456 H. ZBIMEK, zur Seite stand, liegt in dem ' Glopsarum Hibernicanim Supple- mentunr (Berlin 1886) S. 6— 10 vor. Ein Jahr später erschien von Wh. Stokes 'The old-irish Glosses at "NMiizburg and Carlsruhe. Part I. The Glosses and translation' (London und Cambridge 1887), woselbst S. 1—194 ein Neudruck der Würzburger Glossen sich findet. Dieser Neu- di-uck ist veranstaltet auf Grund einer von Stokes 1883 ge- machten Kollation meiner Ausgabe mit der Hs. selbst und war, soweit, der Text der Glossen in Betracht kommt, fertig gedrackt, ehe mein Supplement in die Hände von Stokes kam (s. Prefatory ísote S. Yiri). Stokes nimmt aufser in der Torrede noch S. 352 am Schlufs seiner Corrigenda von dem Supplementum Notiz, in- dem er sich mit fünf Lesungen desselben auseinander setzt. Jeder Unbefangene sieht sich darnach zu zwei möglichen Annahmen gedrängt: entweder stimmen nun meine Ausgabe von 1886 — d. h. der Text in den Glossae Hibernicae S. 1 — 198 berichtigt dui'ch die Corrigenda ebendaselbst S. 286—288 und das Supple- mentum S. 6 — 10 ') — und der Text von Stokes Ausgabe aus dem Jahre 1887 in allem Übrigen bis auf nicht nennenswerte Kleinigkeiten überein, oder aber Stokes hält, wo sich gröfsere oder geringere Unterschiede in den beiden Ausgaben zeigen, seine Angaben stillschweigend gegenüber meinem Text aufrecht. Dafs die erstere Annahme nicht zutrifft, d. h. dafs meine und Stokes Ausgabe in .sehr ■vielen Einzelheiten nicht übereinstimmen, mufste jeder beim Gebrauch beider Ausgaben nebeneinander sehen; es blieb also nur die zweite Möglichkeit. An sich hätte jeder aufmerksame Benutzer beider Ausgaben, auch ohne Einsicht in die Hs.. mancherlei sehen können, das ihn an der durch- gängigen Überlegenheit der Ausgabe von Stokes irre machen konnte: wenn er z. B. bei mir im Supplement S. 6 unter neuen Glossen auf fol. 7 b ' p{ro)umthc a prima manu in margine additum" zu dem 'probunr in Kömer 16,10 (S. 43,32 meiner Ausgabe) nachgetragen fand und diese Glosse bei Stokes S. 38 fehlt, dann •) Zweifaclie Addenda und Coi-rigeuda sind ja nicht scliöu. aber im Vergleich zu dem, was sich Stokes und Windisch in derartigem leisten, sehr bescheiden: so bietet Stokes zu seiner Ausgabe von Cormac's Glossary, über- setzt durch 0' Donovan, auf S. V— XII zueret 'Corrigenda' (S. V. VI), dann '.'Vddenda' (S.VIT), 'Further Corrigenda" (S. E), 'Further Addenda" (S. IX bis XII), und Windisch hat in der Tiiinausgabe auf S. 1105—1120 unter fünf Rubriken 32 Spalten -Nachträge und Berichtigungen". Zr DEN WÜEZBUKGER GLOSSEN. 457 mufste er, sofern er mich nicht für einen Fälscher hielt, erkennen, dafs Stokes Ausgabe doch nicht in allem der meinigen vorzu- ziehen sei.') Je öfter ich im Verlaufe die Würzburger Glossen in akademischen Übungen interpretierte — es war zwischen 1S87 und 1900 wolil ein halb Dutzend mal — , um so klarer wiu-de mir bei Benutzung der beiden Ausgaben, dafs in \aelen Einzelheiten Stokes' Ausgabe von 1887 ein Rückschritt gegen meine Ausgabe von 1881/86 war, soweit eine getreue Wiedergabe der Überlieferung in Betracht kommt. Unter zwei allgemeineren Gesichtspunkten liefsen sich manche dieser Einzelheiten zusammen fassen; sie betrafen 1. die handschriftliche Überlieferung in Bezug auf Zusammenschreibung oder Trennung der vortonigen und nachtcnieen kleinen Wörter, 2. die Aufeinanderfolge der irischen Glossen und ihre Beziehungen zu dem lateinischen Text der paulinischen Briefe. Namentlich der letztere Punkt ist stark auffallend. In mehreren Dutzend Stellen hat Stokes Änderungen gegenüber meiner Ausgabe eingeführt, wo eine genauere Be- achtung des Sinnes der irischen Erklärungen darauf hinweist, dafs diese seine Änderungen kaum der Überlieferung entsprechen, sofern sie in Ordnung ist; sodann liefs die noch in meinem Be- sitze befindliche Abschrift des Kodex, die an vielen Stellen eine zeilengetreue Abschrift war, mir keinen Zweifel darüber auf- kommen, dafs die Aufeinanderfolge und Beziehung der irischen Glossen zum Text bei mir getreuer war als in der Ausgabe von Stokes. Subjektiv hegte ich ja nach öfterer Benutzung der letzteren keinen Zweifel, dafs manche herzlich gleichgültige Ab- weichungen von meiner Ausgabe bewufst oder unbewufst dem Bestreben von Stokes entsprangen, eben durch möglichst viele Abweichungen zu zeigen, dafs 'a revised edition desirable' (Stokes, The Irish Glosses at Würzburg, S. VII) gewesen sei; aber aus Achtung vor Stokes konnte ich mich doch nicht über- ') Lehrreich im Zusammenhang mit obigem Beispiel ist folgendes. Im Supplementum S. 6 trage ich auf fol. 11 b zu S. 68, 26 meiner Ausgabe nach 'itaque qui sé existimat stare videat ne cadat: fomnar; prima manus'. In Stokes Ausgabe fehlt diese Glosse, er hat aber S. 352 in den Addenda — also auf derselben Seite, wo er sich mit fünf Lesungen des Supplements auseinander setzt — zu S. 62 seiner Ausgabe meinen Nachtrag, ohne seine Quelle zu nennen; denn dafs mein Supplementum die Quelle für dies Addendum von Stokes war, geht jetzt aus Strachans Bemerkung im Thesaur. Palaeobili. 1,567 hervor, wo es Note c zu der Glosse 1 a fomnar heilst: 'So Zimmer. W. S. did not see this gloss, which should be fumnad.' 458 H. ZIMMER. reden, dafs er die zahlreichen Abweichungen seiner Ausgabe in Aufeinanderfolge und Beziehung der Glossen aus diesem Be- streben gegen die klare Überlieferung vorgenommen habe. Die Sache blieb mir ein Rätsel, und ehe ich mit einer Vermutung herausrückte, wollte ich mir durch eine nochmalige Prüfung der Hs. über den absolut sicheren Tatbestand Gewifsheit ver- schaffen. Zu dieser Prüfung kam icli in den ersten Jahren nach dem Erscheinen von Stokes Ausgabe (1887) wegen anderer Arbeiten nicht, und dann verlor ich die Frage zeitweilig aus dem Sinn. Als ich jedoch 1899 1900 bei der Ausarbeitung meiner Schrift 'Pelagius in Irland' (Berlin 1901) das Bedürfnis empfand, das dort S. 40 — 112 aus Wb. nach meiner Abschrift von 1880 ge- gebene Material vor dem Druck neu zu prüfen, und zu dem Zwecke die Hs. mir nach Greifswald kommen liefs, da war mein Nebenzweck Erledigung aller Fragen in Bezug auf das irische Glossenmaterial. In den Sommermonaten Juli bis Oktober 1900 habe ich auf der Greifswalder Universitätsbibliothek bei denkbar günstigstem Licht die Hs. zum vierten Male durchgearbeitet. Hierbei legte ich mir mancherlei Collektanea an: so ein Ver- zeichnis von irischen Glossen, die sowohl von mir 1880/86 als von Stokes in seiner Ausgabe 1887 übersehen sind; ein Ver- zeichnis der Stellen, wo Stokes in Trennung vortoniger und nachtoniger kleiner Wörter ohne Grund von meiner Ausgabe abweicht; ein Verzeichnis der Stellen, in denen Stokes in An- oi'dnung und Beziehung der irischen Glossen gegen die klare t'l)erlieferung von mir abweicht; ein Verzeichnis von Stellen, wo Stokes und ich der Überlieferung nicht ganz gerecht werden, und ähnliches mehr. Meine Absicht war, diese Sammlungen nach dem Erscheinen des 'Pelagius in Irland' in einem .\ufsatz zu verwerten. Zwei Dinge kamen fast gleichzeitig dazwi-schen. Der im Spätherbst 1901 erscheinende Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus brachte 1,499 — 712 eine Neuausgabe der irischen (ilossen von Wb.. und es war natürlich unbedingt erforderlich zu prüfen, wie weit meine Notizen aus meiner Prüfung der Hs. im Sommer 1900 überflüssig geworden waren. Ehe ich diese Arbeit auch nur halb- wegs ausgeführt hatte, überfiel mich eine schwere Neurasthenie, die mich an jeder Arbeit hinderte, und während ich zur Erholung ferne weilte, suchte ein grofses Schadenfeuer meine Wohnung Zr DEX WÜRZBURGER GLOSSEN. 450 heim: meine ganze Bibliothek wurde bis auf ein Dutzend staik angebrannter Bücher ein Raub der Flammen; meine handschrift- lichen Sammlungen, Manuskripte, sowie eine Reihe von Büchern, die stark durchschossen und mit Sammlungen aus 2.") jähriger Lektüre angefüllt waren ((Trammatica Celtica, Wörterbücher zu Windischs 'Irische Texte' (1880) und Atkinsons Homilies, O'Reillj'S Wtb., Le Gonidec, mein Handexemplar der Glossae Hibernicae und anderes), befanden sich in einem dauerhaften Tisch, der ebenfalls verbrannte, aber vorher soweit Widerstand leistete, dafs sorgsame Freunde später aus dem durch Feuer und Wasser beschädigten Trünimerhanfen einiges retten konnten. Als ich im Verlauf bei fortschreitender Erholung diese Trümmer meines einstigen Besitzes vornahm, stellte sich heraus, dafs auch von den in dem Tisch aufbewahrten Sachen einiges wie die Gramma- tica Celtica bis auf wenige Blätter ganz vernichtet, nichts ganz erhalten ist: einzelne Lagen, mehrere zusammengehörige Blätter angekohlt, durch Wasser beschädigt und beim Aufräumen an- gerissen. In diesem Zustand befindet sich auch mein Hand- exemplar der Glossae Hibernicae und die oben erwähnten Collektanea; von letzteren sind nur ganz vollständig die vier Blätter mit den Notizen über irische Glossen, die in meiner Ausgabe 1880 8G und Stokes Ausgabe 1887 fehlen. Diese neuen Glossen und was vou den übrigen erhalteneu CoUektaueen meiner Kollation aus dem Jahre 1900 mir beachteuswert dünkt, will ich im folgenden geben und zwar zunächst ohne Rücksichtnahme auf die Xeuausgabe der Würzburger Glossen im Thesaurus Palaeohiberniciis; die, wie ich hoffe, sehr einleuchtenden Gründe für dies Vorgehen sollen zum SchluTs jedes Abschnittes gegeben werden. l. Altirische Glossen in Wh.. die sowohl in den 'Glossae Hihernicae" (1881) riehst 'Suppleineutiim' (1886) als in Stokes' 'The Old-Irish Glosses at AVürzburg' (1887) fehlen. 1. fol. Id unten. Zu Rom. 2,27 'Et iudicabit té quod ex natura es6 praeputium, legem consumans té qui per literam et circumcisionem praeuaricator legis es' steht über den hervor- gehobenen Worten ".i. literalem secundum istoriam inplisti et 460 H. ZIMMEE, VI scrúti (ísahM sed non im- putabatur'. Sie kommt vor 3a, 1 bei Stokes. 5. fol. 3c. Zu Römer G, 23 'gratia autem uita seterna in Christo Jesu Domino nostro" steht links auf dem Rande: 'hl. (Hilarius) uita »terna in Christo quia im{)iorum in futuro uita eterna erit sed non in Christo Jesu, ishiun hie gratia et vita aeterna. PI. (Pelagius) si(cut) grati si(cut) uita'. Die Glosse steht vor 3 c, 2 bei Stokes, also 3 c, la. 6. fol. 3 c. Zu Römer 7, 2 ' Nam quae sub viro est mulier vivente viro alligata est legi; si autem mortuus fuerit vir ejus soluta est a lege viri' stand auf dem stark mitgenommenen linken Rande in sechs kurzen Zeilen eine Glosse, von der ich mit einiger Sicherheit glaubte lesen zu können: '.i. isinunn ciu I ... et lex et I . . . tum ist \ . . . da. mu i Her et homo et | plebs vel populus'; den Schlufs von Zeile 3 und Anfang von Zeile 4 dachte ich, da das a in da ein Abkürzungszeichen trägt, zu isinunn dcrno zu ergänzen, glaubte auch zuweilen — wobei der A\'unsch die Sehkraft mag gestärkt haben — so lesen zu können.') Die Glosse wüi-de als (Ja nach Stokes Zählung zu bezeichnen sein. 7. fol. 4 c. Zu Römer 9, 13 steht zu 'sicut scriptum" von Prima manus hinzugefügt: 'vMelachia', d. h. im Propheten ') Stern scheint mir die Aufiinge von Zeile '2 und ;> glücklich durch 'itas' und 'luauda' zu ergänzen, so dal's die Glosse wäre: '.i. isinunn civitas et lex et luandatum, isinunn dano raulier et homo et plebs vel popnlus'. zu OKN WÜRZBURGER (iLOSSlCN. 465 Malachias 1.2. Die Glosse gehört zwischen 4 c. 14 und 15 bei Stokes, also 14 a.') 8. fül. 5b. Zu Römer 11. 11 'ut illos emulentui-' steht über 'emulentur' vom gewöhnlichen Glossator ".i. geint i 1. iudei'. Es ist der in Wb. mehr als 25 mal vorkommende irische Plui-al des lateinischen Lehnwortes, so gleich in der direkt vorhergehenden Glosse 5 b, 12; also 5 b, 12 a. 9. fol. 5 b. Zu Römer 11, 15 stehen neben den einen Zeilen- schluls bildenden Worten 'quae adsumptio est' über 'tio' be- ginnend auf dem rechten Rand zwei in den Endbuchstaben mir unleserliche Zeilen einer lateinisch-irischen Glosse: '.i. quid aliud incutet .i. . . . I ni manucretitis h . . . \ Ii '.-) Hier ist manucretitis (si crederent) in seinen Teilen klar; die Glosse kommt vor 5b, 22 bei Stokes' Zählung. 10. fol. 11 d. Zu 1. Corinther 11.26 ' Quotie-scunque enim manducabitis panem hunc et calicem bibetis. mortem domini adnuntiabitis, donec veniat ' steht über • adnuntiabitis ' die Glosse '.1. exemplum praedicationis oc oif (riund.)' d. h. diese Worte sind ') Die Stelle enthält einen der Dutzenden im Verlauf noch zur Sprache kommenden Belege dafür, dal's Stokes" 'revised edition' von 1887 ein Rück- schritt war gegen meine Ausgabe von 1881. Stokes bietet (S. 20) im Text 'Quia maior seniiet minori, sicut scriptum est: '*'. Xach der ganzen Anlage von Stokes' An! 14a, 16; dohar \\ nanamchairtih 14a, 32;^) ar\\fochidi 14 c, 2; is\\fírion 14c, 29; indor\\sa 14d, 28; nad\\robe 14d, 29; cenon- molid cenon || airid 16 a, 1;^) annad \\ denamni 16 a, 24; jnd j| ruch- retesinsi,l3;cona || bad 18 &, 18 -jfarserc ]\ si 18h,21;^) for || comairli 18 c, 6: fora\\sernte 18 c, 8; fo\\ recht 19d, 11; ar || mí'ccc 21 a, 6; ind II wóíT; 21 a, 15; óen \\ dán 21 a, 16; inna jj idbairtesin 22 b, 13; /« [| wac 23 a, 6; do || fesin 23 c, 13; /b || barmbídsi 23 d, 11 ; condid || iciuntur; fortasse legendum cnii 'est ad eorum castigationem ipsorum" (S. 36 Anm. 2). Stokes hat in der Übersetzung seiner revised edition zu der Stelle die Anmerkung 'I take imortun to be a clerical error for immorcuin ' (S. 254, Anm. 2). Das nennt man, elegant jemand ausschreiben, ohne sich vor den Dummen zu verraten. fol. 6 a, 28. 29. Der Text (Rom. 13, 12) bei Stokes 'induanmr arma-* lucis-'J", die Glossen: '28. .i. irgala. 29. .i. cid fognim cid focht'sath dotiagar' und die letzte ist S. 255 übersetzt • whether one goes into action or into suffering', was ebenso absurd ist wie die ganze Änderung. In der Hs. schliefst die eine Textzeile mit 'et induamus' und darüber steht die sogenannte Glosse 29, die einfach aussagt, dafs induamus sowohl aktive fognim als passive (foclirsath) Bedeutung hat. In der folgenden Textzeile stehen im Anfang die Worte 'arma lucis': über -arma' steht '.i. irgala' und über 'lucis' steht '.i. scientiie'. fol. 6 a, 30. 31. Der Text (Rom. 13,13) Sicut in die honeste ambulemus"' ... non in cubilibus^i'; dazu die Glossen und vor der Glosse 31 der Zusatz '[marg. sup.]'. Mau überlege einmal, die letzte Glosse von fol. 6a soll auf 'marg. sup." stehen, welcher? zu 6a? 6b? beides ist doch Unsinn. Die würde doch fol. 6a unterer Rand stehen, wo noch Raum für 6—8 Zeilen ist, aber von der angegebenen Glosse nichts zu sehen ist. Auch die von Stokes in den Addenda S. 351 aus meinem Supplementum S. 8, zu DEN wCRZBÜHGER GLOSSEN. 507 Zeile 6 7 ohne Quellenangabe (s. oben S. 457) abgeschriebenen Textesworte 'nou in cubilibus' stehen nicht fol. 6a, sondern fol. 6b schliefst die erste Textzeile mit 'non in' j] und die zweite beginnt mit 'cubilibus": über 'non in" d. h. auf dem stark ge- schwärzten oberen Rand von 6b steht als Teil einer Glosse lesbar '.i. Iiicobligib .1. pen . . .' Alle diese Dinge sind in meiner editio princeps (1880) mit Supplement (1886) klar zu sehen: Die Glosse 6a, 31 bei Stokes wird richtig als erste auf 6b au- gegeben und dazu findet sich die Anmerkuug (S. 37 Aum. 3) 'Sunt haec vestigia amplioris glossae hibernicae, ([uae in superiore margine — natürlich fol. 6bl ^ nunc prorsus pullo perspiciuntur ". A\'enn man diese Verbesserung von Stokes in der revised edition, die auch in den monumentalen Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus über- gegangeu ist und woduicli mutwilligerweise die Zählung der Glossen für zwei Foliospalten in Unordnung gebracht wird — weuu man diese A'erbesserung ueben der Hs. sieht, dann kommt die vorhin zu fol. 6 a, 5. 6 erwähnte Stimmung. fol. 7b. 5. Text bei Stokes (Römer 16, 4) -Qui pro anima niea suas cervices subpossuerunt * " und dazu Glosse : 5. '.i. forntsuidigseiar .i .in persecutionibus .i. rohtar irlim dothecht martre darnichetm'. In der Hs. steht der Text in zwei Zeilen, von deneu die erste 'adiutores meos in Christo Jesu qui pro anima mea" lautet; der Rest in der folgenden Zeile. Es steht nun am Ende der ersten Zeile über den Worten 'qui pro anima mea' die Erklärung '.i. robtar irlim dothecht maitre darmchenn' als besondere Glosse, wie bei mir zu sehen ist; über den ^^ 'orten ' subpossueruut ' in folgender Zeile steht dann die von Stokes als Anfang seiner Glosse 5 gegebene Erklärung '.i. forrusuidigsctar .1. in persecutionibus'. fol. 20 d. 5. 6. Text (Galater 6, 17) bei Stokes : 'Ego enim Stigmata'' in corpore meo porto"' und die Glossen: 5. indá crrend .i. turmenta flagillorum. 6. .i. mind nahstalade .i. conicimm digail et cosc neich'. In der Hs. beginnt mit 'stigmata' eine neue Zeile und darüber die von Stokes als 6 zu 'porto', wo gar keine Glosse steht, gegebene Glosse. Stokes Glosse 5 steht von 'prima manus' auf dem Rand daneben. Was soll die Um- stellung und Änderung gegen meine Ausgabe? fol. 21 a, 4. 5. Der Text (Epheser 1, 13) bei Stokes: 'Signati* estis spiritu promissionis sancto » ' und die Glossen: -4. [in marg.] siglitki 5. .i. atdcomarde fuirib .i. Spiritus sanetus'. Ebenso 508 II. ZIMMER. töricht gegen meine Ausgabe geändert wie unter 20d,5. 6. Es beginnt die Textzeile in der Hs.: 'signati estis spiritu promisionis sancto'; über 'signati estis' steht als Glosse, was Stokes als 6 gibt: '.i. atdcomarde fidrib .i. Spiritus sanctus' und neben 'signati' auf dem Band von prima manus findet sich siglithi; über ' promissionis ' steht '.i. in semine tuo rl.' und über 'sancto', zu dem Stokes seine Glosse verweist, findet sich •.i. A brache'. fol. 23 c, 19. Der Text (Philipper 2, 9) nach Stokes : 'Deus . . . donavit illi nomen quod est super omne nomen"' und die Glosse •.i. cfarcnc quod est super omne nomen .i. indochdl patri '. In der Handschrift steht in einer Textzeile 'nomen quod est super omne nomen'; über dem ersten 'nomen' findet sich die Glosse .i. etarcne und rechts von ihr über dem Text 'est super omne' die Glosse '.i. indochal patri'. Darüber- kann man billigerweise zweifeln, ob '.i. indochal patri ' einfach Fortsetzung zu '.i. etarcne ist, wie ich in meiner Ausgabe habe, oder ob es als besondere Glosse zu 'quod est super omne' gedacht; nicht zweifeln kann man, dafs, was Stokes in revised edition und Thesaurus als Besserung gibt, Unsinn ist. fol. 24 a, 17. Die Glosse steht auf dem Rande neben Philipper 3, 11 — 13. Da nun Philipper 3, 13 beginnt mit 'Fratres, ego me non' und die Glosse ebenfalls mit 'Fratres ego rl. cosnmüiits' etc. beginnt, so ist doch sonnenklar, dafs der Glossator durch den Beginn andeuten wollte, dafs die auf dem Eande stehende Glosse zu dem mit 'Fatres ego' beginnenden Vers 13 gehören soll, was auch der Sinn ausweist. Trotzdem stellt sie Stokes an das Ende von Vers 14, zu 'in Christo Jesu'. Die Glosse wird also weggerissen von dem Ort 1. wo sie steht, 2. wo sie hingehört und 3. wo ich sie habe, blos um die richtige Reihenfolge der Glossen, wie ich sie habe, in Un- ordnung zu bringen. fol. 25 c, 15 ist wegen seiner Einfachheil lehrreich für das Stokes in der revised edition beherrschende Bestreben, um jeden Preis von der editio princeps abzuweichen, selbst auf die Gefahr hin sich zu blamieren. In der Hs. steht (1. Thessalonicher 4, 12) 'et praesunt vobis in Domino' und über 'praesunt' die Glosse '.i. remitaat', was doch eine wörtliche t'bersetzung von 'praesunt' ist. In meiner Ausgabe ist alles richtig. Stokes stellt '.i. rcmituut' zu 'in Domino"! Vergleiche oben (S. 50(3) meine ZCT DEN WÜRZBURGER GLOSSEN. 509 Bemerkung- zu fol. 6 a. 5. 6. In dem Neudruck im Thesaurus ist Kückkehr zur editio princeps! fol. 26 a, 33. 34. Der Text (2. Thessalonicher 3, 1) bei Stokes: ■ut sermo Dei ciu'rat'" et clarificetur -^* ' ; dazu die Glossen: '33. .i. icride cdich. 34. nigessid naaill ad budid precepie'. In der Hs. steht über 'currat* .i. aide cdich und über diesen irischen Worten fährt der Schreiber fort nigessid naaill act budid prccepte. t^ber das abstehende ' clKrificetur ' ist die lateinische Glosse '.i. dominus' übergeschrieben. fol. 28 a, 19. Der Text (1. Timotheus 1, 18. 19) *ut milites in illis bonam militiam'«, habens fidem et bonam conscientiam ' und dazu die Glosse: '19. habens fidem .1. isamlid hid maith domilte'. Die Sache verhält sich so: Über 'bonam militiam' steht die lateinische Glosse 'vigelat malam' und über den Text- worten 'habens fidem' steht, wie in meiner Ausgabe zu sehen, die Glosse '.i. isamlid hid maith domilte. woraus Stokes den Un- sinn macht, als angebliche Besserung! fol. 28 d, 30. Der Text (1. Timotheus 5, 10): ' si tribulationem patientibus ministraAät '" ' und Glosse: '30. madudrimthirid óis carcre ministravit .i. cibo et vestae'. In der Hs. einfach so: über "si tribulationem patientibus' steht '.i. madudrimthirid óis carcre' und über den Textworteu 'ministravit' '.1. cibo et vestae'. Ob man letzteres einfach als Fortsetzung des Irischen auffassen will, wie Zeufs (ZE. 1034) und ich (S. 175 meiner Ausgabe) ge- tan, oder als besondere Glosse, darüber kann man angesichts der Hs. zweifeln; nicht zweifeln kann man aber, dafs Stokes' Besserung gegenüber Zeufs und mir Unsinn ist, der durch Auf- nahme in den Thesaurus sogar monumental geworden ist. fol. 29 c, 9. 10. 11. Der Text (1. Timotheus 6, 20) bei Stokes so: 'depositum cus[to]di, di^itans profanas vocum novitates,^- " et oppossitiones falsi nomiuis scientiae'i', und dazu die Glossen: '9. .i. issumlid achomeit. 10. .i. etarcert diphecthib et cohre domundc. 11. .i. imchcsti anfoirhthi'. Die Beziehungen der Glossen 9 und 11 sind falsch angegeben. Über 'dintans' steht Glosse 9 issamlid achomeit 'so ist sein Bewahren (custodire)', indem Du vermeidest (divitans); über 'vocum novitates' steht Glosse 10; über oppossitiones steht Glosse 11. Das alles ist ganz richtig bei Zeufs (ZE. 1035) und in meiner Ausgabe (S. 178). Grund genug für Stokes in der revised edition und im Thesaurus die Dinge nach Kräften zu verwirren. 510 H. ZIMMER. Nachdem so Stokes' bessernde Tätigkeit an einer Keibe von Beispielen vollkommen klar gemacht ist, will ich, bevor ich mich dem Problem zuwende, wie solche Änderungen von Stokes gegen Überlieferung, Sinn und meine Ausgabe zu verstehen sind, die noch übrigen Fälle — natürlich mit der S. 500 erklärten Einschränkung — in Kürze vorführen. Ich behalte Stokes' Zählung bei, gebe aber immer die richtige Reihenfolge der Glossen und setze in Klammer das Stichwort des Textes, über dem in der Hs. die Glosse steht oder beginnt , also z.B. '2 d, 7 (reputabitur). 6 (eum)' bedeutet, dafs die Glossen in der Reihen- folge 7. 6 in der Hs. stehen, 7 über 'reputabitur' und 6 über ' eum ' beginnt (s. Seite 503). fol. 3 a, 9 (regnet; über 'vitam aeternam' steht die Glosse '.i. non in mortem)'. — fol. 3b, 9. 10 (eine Glosse, ut oboediatis). — fol. 3c, 21 (mit 'dicit' ist die Glosse zu Ende; das folgende 'Pelagius peccatum' etc. steht in der nächsten Zeile über ' concuiiiscentiam ', wozu es auch der als Pseudohieronj'mus ab- gedruckte Pelagiuskommentar bei Migne hat). — fol. 3 c, 25 (peccatum per). 24. — fol. 3c, 33. 82 (factum est): Die Glossen stehen übereinander und zwar die zum Ganzen (Quod ergo bis mors) gehörige 33 oben, darunter 32 über dem Wort, das erklärt wird (est). — fol. 3d, 16 (Infelex; das 'gratia dei', wozu Stokes bezieht, steht in ganz anderer Textzeile und hat die lateinische Glosse 'PI. quem lex non potuit liberare. Über est per gratiam)'. — fol. 3d. 17 (dampnationis). 18 (hiis qui). — 3d, 30 (nam prudentia). — fol. 4 3,1.2 ist eine Glosse ohne .i. zwischen 'romani' und fohrsad. — fol. 4 a, 6 (Si Christus in vobis). 5 (propter peccatum); das 'iustificationem', wozu nach Stokes Glosse 0 steht, findet sich zwei Textzeilen weiter und hat die lateinische Pelagiusglosse '.i. ut iustitiam operetur'. — fol. 4 a, 10 (Ergo fi'atres debitores). 8 (non carni). 9 (ut .secundum carnem)'; es steht Glosse 10 über einer ganz anderen Textzeile als 8 und 9. — fol. 4b, 8 (praedestinavit); man beachte: 1. die irische Glosse übersetzt 'praedestinavit', 2. sie steht in der Hs. über pr., 3. ich gebe sie in meiner Ausgabe zu pr., 4. 'Filii sui', wozu Stokes sie setzt, hat die lateinische Glosse '.i. proprii'. Sicher eine Besserung der 'revised edition', die sich sehen lassen kann; die Neuausgabe (1901) kehrt in diesem Fall zur editio princeps zurück! — fol. 4 b, 26 (Veritatem bis Christo Jesu). — fol. 4 b, 30 (anathema; die \\'orte 'fratribus meis', wozu Stokes setzt, stehen ZIT DEN WÜEZBTJKGER GLOSSEN. Til 1 in anderer Zeile und haben selbst eine Glosse '.i. proximi aniore ut plnres inveniret Deo vel pro amore Christi). — fol. 4 c, 14 s. 8. 4ti5 Anmerkung. — fol. 4 c, 18 (miserebor). — fol. 4 c, 20 (Igitur nou uolentis, auf dem Rande). 19. — fol. 4c, 34 (volens). — fol. 4 d, 18 (obsecratio; über 'in illis' steht eine lateinische Glosse '.i. iudeis'. — fol. 4d, 20 (Testimonium enim; es steht 'secundum scientiam' in der folgenden Zeile und hat eine gröfsere Pelagius- glosse beginnend 'PI. non intelligunt' etc.). — fol. 4d, 21 (ad iustitiam; es hat 'omni credenti' die lateinische Glosse '.i. iudeo et gi'eco '). — fol. 4 d, 29 (prope est ; über ' in corde tuo ' steht die lateinische Glosse '.i. in corde creden.'). — fol. 5 c, 11 (Dico ergo). 10 (caderent). — fol. 5 b, 18 (quomodo). — fol. 5 b, 42 (Nam si tu; olibam steht am Ende der folgenden Zeile und hat die lateinische Glosse '.i. credulitas fidei'). — fol. 5 d, 39 (sed vince; malum, wozu Stokes, hat die lateinische Glosse '.i. malum opus iniuriae illius', wie jeder aus der meiner Ausgabe beigegebenen Photographie von fol. 5 c d sehen kann). — fol. 6 a, 9 (Nam principes). 7.8. — fol. 6b, 21 (in hoc Christus mortuus est; das ' dominetur ' stellt am Ende einer anderen Zeile und hat eine Glosse ans Origines). — fol. 6 c, 19 (qui non iudicat). 18. — fol. 6d, 5 (ministrum). — fol. 6 d, 8 (scriptum est; die Worte 'in gentibus' stehen in ganz anderer Zeile). — fol. 6d, 9 (magniflcate). — fol. 7 a, 1 (alenum funda). — fol. 7 a, 3 (Cupio hautem venire; es steht praecedentibus annis in ganz anderer Zeile). — fol. 7 a, 7: die■\^'orte túercómlassat cómtinól sind von prima manus auf den Rand geschrieben, standen also da, ehe der erste Teil von Stokes Glosse 7 über den Text geschrieben wurde; wie können diese Worte der prima manus nun Fortsetzung sein? — fol. 7 b, 8 (domestica). 9 (eorum). — fol. 7b, 10. 11 ist eine zu 'primitius' gehörige Glosse; es steht, was Stokes Glosse 11 nennt, auf dem Rande, ist aber Fortsetzung zu 10 nach dem klaren Inhalt, der 'primitius' erklärt und mit 'in Christo' gar nichts zu tun hat; auch das ist be- weisend, dafs über 'primitius' steht '1. a principio', was ja gerade in der angeblichen Glosse 11 aufgenommen wird. fol. 19 b, 4 (0) 3 (insensati). — fol. 19 b, 17 (manifestum est), fol. 19 c, 3 (facta est lex). — fol. 19 c, 14 (custodiebamur). 13 (con- clusi in eam iidem; zu 'revelanda erat', wohin Stokes 14 stellt, gehört die Glosse '.i. quando uatus esset Christus'). — fol. 20b, 14 (Dico hautem). — fol. 20 b, 22 (s. oben S. 466, Anmerkung. — fol. 21a, 17 (essetis; das *vestris' wozu Stokes die Glosse stellt. 512 n. ZIMMER. is;t in ganz anderer Spalte, 21b oben!) — fol. 21b, 2 (Spiritus iiui nunc operatur). 1 (diffidentiae. — fol. 21b, 9 (praeparavit).») — fol. 22 a, 21 (propter). — fol. 22 a, 22 (disperantes): die Textworte, zu denen nach Stokes die Glossen 22 a, 21 und 22 stehen sollen, stehen in ganz anderen Zeilen als die Glossen, die zu ihnen nach Stokes Machtspruch gehören sollen. — fol. 22 a, 29 (iustitia). — fol. 22 c, 10 (die Glosse steht links hoch auf dem Rande und zwischen den Zeilen von Ephes. 5, 21; sie ist sicher Einleituug zu Ephes. 5, 22 "Mulieres viris suis subditae sint sicut Domino', wo über deu Aufangsworten die Glosse '.i. ut dicitsojM infirmus f actus sum infii-mis' und über den Schlufsworten die von Stokes als 9 gezählte Glosse: also 10, dann neue Glosse, dann 9). — fol. 22 d, 11 (induite). 10 (armaturam). — fol. 22 d, 20 (et obsccrationem). 22 (instantia, woneben von prima manus 23). — fol. 23 b, 9 (in Christo in omni prae ] ; die folgende Zeile beginnt mit 'torio' und daneben von prima manus, was Stokes als Glosse 8 bezeichnet). — fol. 23 b, 22 und 24 stehen über ' dum omni modo' und zwar 22 von prima manus und darüber Glosse 24 vom gewöhnlichen Schreiber. — fol. 23 c, 20. 21 sind, wie ich gebe, unzweifelhaft als eine Glosse über 'et omnis lingua coufiteatur' geschrieben. — fol. 24 b, 5 (Et pax Christi). 4 (omnem sensum). — fol. 24 b, 23 (Thessalonicam). 22 (semel et bis). — fol. 24 d, 16 (praedicavimus). 15 (in vobis). — fol. 24 d, 25 (ut inpleant; es steht 'peccata sua' in anderer Zeile). — fol. 25b, 9 (Roganius autem). 8 (magis). — fol. 25 b, 21 (et mortui). 20 (primi). — fol. 25b. 27 (De temporibus autem). 26 (momentis). — fol. 25c, 21. 22 ist .sonnenklar eine Glosse in der Hs., wie auch der Sinn {ar im Beginn von 22) ausweist. — fol. 26 a, 5 (nisi veuerit discessiü). — fol. 26 a, 6 (extollitur). 8 (über Zeile 'quod dicitur deus' bis 'in templo Dei se' jj ). 7 (tamquam sit deus). — fol. 26 a, 11 (nunc quid detineat scitis). 10 (suo tempore). — fol. 26 a, 20 (virtute et signis). 19 (meudacibus). — fol. 26 b, 21 ') Stokes liest in der Glosse für mein codosgnemi einfach codos gnern und bemerkt 'The third downstroke of the m has a tail, as in dorn 21c, 9; but there i.s no iinal i'. Der Unterschied besteht darin, dais in dorn 21c, 9 der Schreiber den 'tail' am »i gebessert hat durch einen Strich zum Zeichen, dafs m gemeint ist und nicht mi, wie zuerst geschrieben war; diese Besserung fehlt in codosynem mit dem 'tail', und man wird daher — trotz Stokes Besserwisserei — codosgnemi lesen müssen, wie Zeul's (ZE. 333) uud ich getan haben. zu DEN WLKZRURGER Gi.OSSEN. 513 (quoiiiam si quis non vult). ') 20 (iiec manducet). — fol. 26 b, 23 (Audinmus). 22 (inquiete). — fol. 26 b, 25 (silentio operantes). — 27 b, 11 (deponite vos). 10 (turpem sermonem).^) — 27 b, 13 (seciuidum iuiaginem eins). — 27 b, 14 (ubi non est gentilis). — 27 c. ö (aniari). — fol. 27 c, 14 (qui enim injuriani facit). 13 (id quod iiiique g-essit). — fol. 28 e, 14 (quia in novissimis). 13 (discendent). fol. 28 c, 17 (cautenatam). — fol. 28 d, 22 (si quis autem). 21 (do- mesticoi'um). — fol. 29a, 1 (luxoriatae; mit 'nubere volunt', wozu Stokes die Glosse stellt, hat sie absolut nichts zu tun, und hierüber steht zudem eine lateinische Glosse!) — fol. 29a, 2 (habentes dampuationeni; •inritam fecerunt', wozu Stokes die Glosse stellt, steht in ganz anderer Zeile und hat eine lateinische Glosse). — fol. 29b, 21 (inutilia; die Textworte 'et perditiouem ', wozu Stokes bezieht, stehen ein und eine halbe Zeile Aveiter und haben eine lateinische Glosse). — fol. 29 b, 23 (inseruerunt). — 29 c, 8 (fundamentum bonum in futuro; die Worte 'prehendaut veram vitam ' stehen in anderer Zeile und haben eine lateinische Glosse). — fol. 29 d, 7 (sine intermissione). — fol. 29 d, 13 (ejus fidei quae est in te non ficta). 11 (avia tua). 12 (Loidae). Die AVorte 'tua Eunicha?', wozu Stokes Glosse 13 bezieht, stehen zwei Textzeilen weiter und haben eine lateinische Glosse. — fül. 29d, 25 (praedicator). — fol. 80 a, 2 (sanorum verborum). — fol. 30 a, 16 (placeat; zu 'probavit', wohin Stokes es setzt, findet sich eine lateinische Glosse). — fol. 30 b, 13 (ut cancer; die Worte 'ex quibus' bis 'Philetus' stehen in anderer Zeile und haben lateinische Glossen). — fol. 30 b, 28 (docebilem ; über patientem steht die lateinische Glosse '.i. in tribulationibus'). — fol. 30 b, 30 (ut resipiscant). — fol. 30 d, 8 (coacervabuut sibi magistros; es steht 'prurientes auribus' in anderer Zeile und hat eine lateinische eiithiilt den Schlufssatz: 'We have, lastly, to express our surprise and regret that the statement in the preface to our first volume, as to the lack of scientific accuracy in some editions of Old-Irish glosses, should have been taken to applj^ to the publications of Professor Ascoli and Count Nigra. For the work of those distinguished scholars we have now, as we have had always, high admiration and sincere gratitude'. Damit erwies sich ja meine Ascoli gegenüber geänfserte ^'ermutnng zum Teil als richtig; leider — d. h. leider für Stokes — steht es nicht ganz so mit ihrem anderen Teile. Im Wintersemester 1005 6 nahm ich aus Anlafs der Erklärung der Würzburger Glossen in Übungen den genauen Vergleich der Neuausgabe von Wb. im l. Band des Thesaurus mit der revised edition von 1887 vor: soweit die bei- gefügte 'translation' geht, bei der hauptScächlich Strachans Tätigkeit in Frage kommt, ist die Neuausgabe ein erfreulicher Fortschritt über die 'erroneous translations' hinaus in der revised edition; ganz anders steht es mit Stokes Anteil, der Herausgabe des Textes. Das für ihn wenig schmeichelhafte Ergebnis der Yer- gleichung habe ich S.459 — 514 am Schlüsse jedes Abschnittes fest- gestellt und S. 522 kurz zusammengefafst. Darnach hat Stokes bei der Neuausgabe nicht die ihm von mir zugetraute Selbst- erkenntnis von dem Wert seiner revised edition besessen, soweit die Ausgabe der Glossen in Betracht kommt; er kann daher auch bei den Insinuationen in der Preface zum ersten Band des Thesaurus über die nicht 'trustworthy materials' der Vorgänger nicht an sich gedacht haben, wie ich annahm. Da nun nach dem Geständnis in der Preface zum 2. Band Ascoli und Nigra nicht gemeint sind, so bleibe ich nur übrig als derjenige der getroffen werden sollte, sofern sich Stokes überhaupt etwas Be- stimmtes bei seinen Insinuationen gegen die Vorgänger gedacht hat. Ich habe mich bei dem schon in dem Schreiben an Ascoli betonten Umstand, dafs Stokes durch seine 'revised edition' der Würzburger Glossen seit 1887 meine Ausgabe fast vollständig verdrängt hat, hin und her gefragt, woher diese Wut von Stokes, den anscheinend toten noch toter zu schlagen; ich habe mich gefiagt, woher der Antrieb zu diesem kostspieligen Unter- nehmen, das — von den Würzburger Glossen ganz abgesehen — zu zwei vollen Dritteln um- Material bringt, das — wie Stokes selbst zugesteht — in mustergültigen und allgemein zugänglichen Ausgaben Ascoli's vorliegt, und zudem so bringt, dafs jeder 526 n. ZIMMER, Forscher auch nach dem Erscheinen von Stokes' Neuausgabe die Ausgaben Ascoli's nicht eutbeliren kann. Ich bin bei längerem Nachdenken zu einer bestimmten An- nahme gedrängt: Meine Glossae Hibeniicae (1S81) mit dem Supplementum (1886) enthalten aufser den Wiüzburger Glossen (S. 3 — 107) eine damals ziemlich vollständige Sammlung aller kleinen altirischen Denkmäler, namentlich so weit sie auf dem Kontinent sich befinden, und boten so mit Ascoli's Ml. und Pr. Sg. zusammen eine Art Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus. Meine in den Glossae Hibernicae gebotene Ausgabe der "Würzburger Glossen enthielt allein die Angaben über den Anteil der Prima manus, wofür Stokes 1886,87 noch so wenig Verständnis hatte, dafs er in seiner revised edition diese meine Angaben einfach wegläist; der Wert dieser Angaben war aber seitdem so in helles Licht gesetzt worden, dafs er auch Stokes einleuchtete. Meine Glossae Hibernicae boten in den LIX Seiten Prolegomena in zwei Kapiteln vieles für ernste Forschung wissenswerte, was sonst nirgends zu finden war. So sehr nun auch Stokes' Ausgabe der 'Würz- burger Glossen in der revised edition mehr und mehr anfing Standard- Ausgabe hierfür zu werden, so konnte doch die revised edition meine editio princeps mit dem Supplement nicht völlig verdrängen aus den angeführten Momenten; und die Annahme, zu der ich mich nach sorgfältiger und gewissenhafter IJber- legung aller Umstände gedrängt sah, ist dafs, um die völlige Verdrängung meiner Glossae Hibernicae zu erreichen, Stokes den Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus geplant und ins Werk gesetzt hat. Damit wurden zugleich die Stokes stets als unangenehme Mahner erscheinenden erroneous translations seiner revised edition unbemerkt beseitigt, indem er durch den neuen Thesaurus tat- sächlich seiner revised edition das Schicksal bereitete, das den Glossae Hibernicae zugedacht war. Unter dieser Annahme kommt in die 'Worte und Handlungen von Stokes einiger- niafsen Sinn. Meine Ausgabe der Würzburger Glossen in den Glossae Hibernicae (1881) und dem Supplementum (1886) ist nicht die, wie ich sie mir jetzt wünschte und seit vielen Jahren gewünscht habe: ich war Anfänger als ich sie machte; die Schwierigkeiten waren selbst für ältere Forscher gröfser als manch einer denkt, der mit meiner Ausgabe und dem mit Hilfe meiner Ausgabe schön geoidneten Material in der Grammatica Celtica in situ zu DEN Wi'RZmiROER P.T.OSSEK. 527 die Hs. kollationiert;') in untergeordneten Punkten habe ich auch nicht immer die nötige Sorgfalt auf die Ausgabe verwendet. Zwei Dinge aber darf ich getrost behaupten: 1) ^^'eun Stokes an meiner Stelle die editio priuceps gemacht hätte und ich Aväre in die beiiueme Lage versetzt gewesen, in der er seit 1883 sich befand, dann würde eine von mir veranstaltete Kollation nüt der Hs. und darauf gegründete revised edition (1887) sowie eine weitere Neuausgabe (1901) doch ganz anders ausgesehen haben als die Arbeiten von Stokes; dafür sind Zeugnis mein Supp- lementum (1886) und die den Bemerkungen 8. 459 — 514 zugrunde liegende Kollation von 1900. 2) Meine Ausgabe vonWb. (1881 86) ist durch Stokes Bemühungen nicht ersetzt — weder durch die revised edition (1887) noch die Neuausgabe im Thesaurus, wie die Erörterungen S. 470 — 514 lehren — , auch sind die sie ent- haltenden Glossae Hibernicae in anderen Teilen vorläufig durch den Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus nicht überflüssig gemacht worden, da die in den Prolegomena S. I— LIX niedergelegten Studien auch noch des Bessermachers harren. Zum Schlufs die Frage: Ist nach den Ergebnissen meines Aufsatzes eine neue Druckausgabe der Würzburger Glossen nötig oder wünschenswert, die meine und Stokes beide Ausgaben ersetzen soll? Xa ato Buw hyn! Wenn man bedenkt, was die keltische Forschung seit 1858 Stokes dankt für sein fortwährendes Regehalten des Interesses an keltischen Studien, sein Herbei- schleppen von Forschungsmaterial aus allen Winkeln, seine zahl- reichen Versuche, dies Material zu verwerten, wenn man dies alles bedenkt, dann kann es eioem in der Seele wehtun, dafs Stokes durch seine 'revised edition' der Würzbm-ger Glossen und den Abdruck im Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus sowie manches andere-) sein Andenken selbst so getrübt hat, und man möchte ') Die i'lberlegung, dafs Stokes 1883 doch darauf aus war, bei der Kollation soviel als möglich mir Vorzurückendes aufzustöbern (ami bai Ue ni cherir), dafs ich 1885 ein lebhaftes Interesse hatte, meine Versehen von 1880 gut zu machen, und dafs trotzdem eine von mir bei reiferer Er- fahiuüg 1900 augestellte Xeukollation all das S. 159—484 vorgebrachte noch aus der Hs. herausziehen konnte, mag billig Denkendem einen Mafsstab für die Schwierigkeiten abgeben, die ich als Anfänger bei der editio princeps zu überwinden hatte. =) AVenn ich mir so vorführe, was Stokes seit 25 Jahi-en gegen Atkinson und mich geschrieben und ins Werk gesetzt hat, dann habe ich den Eindruck, als ob Stokes. wenn er die Xamen Atkinson oder Zimmer sieht, dasselbe 528 H. ZIMMKR, sich am liebsten diese Denkmäler in seinem Interesse wegdenken. Aber für die keltische Philologie ist das alles doch kein Grund, eine neue Druckausgabe dei- Würzbui'ger Glo.ssen für nötig zu halten. Etwas anderes aber scheint mir, wenn auch nicht absolut nötig, so doch sehr wünschenswert. Die königliche Bibliothek in Berlin besitzt vortreft'liche ') photograi)hische Platten des ganzen Würzburger Kodex, die eine photograjihische Ausgabe jederzeit ermöglichen, die in mancher Hinsicht lesbarer ist als die Hs. selbst. Stern, dem wir diese weise Vorsorge danken und unter dessen Obhut sich diese die Hss. ersetzenden Platten befinden, ist der geeignete Mann, um diese photographische Aus- gabe zu liefern. Dann kommt der 'Jeremias' wohl endgiltig zur Ruhe. Aber nicht blos deswegen und nicht blos dai'um, weil auf dem irischen Material in Wb. das grundlegende Werk unserer "\Mssenschaft in seinem altirischen Teil vornehmlich auf- gebaut ist. Die Hs. und das dem Text beigegebene Erklärungs- material hat einen weit über die keltische Philologie hinaus reichenden Wert, wie meine Schrift 'Pelagius in Irland' (Berlin 1901) so nebenbei gezeigt hat. Ernste theologische Kritiker meines Buches haben aus beachtenswerten Gründen bedauert, dafs dasselbe nicht auch das übrige lateinische Glossenmaterial aus Origines, Hilarius (Pseudo-Anibrosiaster). Hierouymus, Augustin. Pseudo-Primasius, Gregor, Isidor und anon^ynien Quellen, das ich S. 112 — 137 meines Buches charakterisierte, ebenso vollständig bringt, wie das Material aus der Hauptquelle, Pelagius, gegeben ist (S. 39 — 112). Es lag selbstverständlich aufser dem Bereiche meiner Arbeit in dem Punkte weiter zu gehen als dort S. 112 bis 137 geschehen ist. Um aber dem an sich berechtigten Wunsche nachzukommen, dachte ich das gewünschte Material in einer kleinen Schrift nachzutragen, da es mir in meiner Ab- schrift von 1880 und der Kollation von 1900 vollständig vorlag. Das mehrfach erwähnte Brandunglück macht dies unmöglich: widerfahrt, was dem König- Saul beim Aubliok Davids nach der Erzählung: 1. Samuelis 19,9—10 widerfuhr. ') Da ich bei meiner viermaligen Durcharbeitung der Hs. Wb. — im Sommer 1880, Winter 1880/81, Sommer 1885, Sommer und Herbst 1900 — rund zehn Monate meines Lebens jede freie Minute auf die Hs. verwendet Labe, glaube ich ein Urteil über die Güte der photographischen Platten zu haben. zu DEN WÜRZBURGER GLOSSEN. 529 von dem etwas über 700 Quartseiten umfassenden Mss. meiner Absclirift (1880) und der Kollation (1900), das in vier Päckchen aufbewahrt wurde, sind zwei Päckchen verbrannt oder vernichtet M'ürdeu, entlialtend die Seiten 198 — 371 (die beiden Corinther- briefe, fol. 7 c bis 18 c) und 500 — Sclilufs (I. Timotheus — bis Hebraeerbrief, fol. 27 d bis 31a); ich besitze also nur mehr das gewünschte ilaterial für den Romerbrief (fol. 1 — 7 c) und die Briefe von Galater bis Colosser (fol. 18c bis 27 d): eine erneute Durcharbeitung grofser Teile von Wb. zu rein kirchengeschicht- lichen Zwecken ist für mich vollständig ausgeschlossen. Eine I'hotographieausgabe A'on "\Vb. würde also kirchengeschichtlichen Interessenten nicht viel weniger erwünscht sein als Keltologen. Sie würde aber noch höheren Wert haben: sie würde ein nationales Denkmal für Irlands Ruhm in geistig nicht hoch- stehender Zeit sein. Ich habe in dem Schlufskaijitel des ersten Teiles meines Buches 'Pelagius in Irland' Kriterien aufgesucht, um "das Verhältnis der Bildung in den irischen Klöstern zu der Bildung in kontinentalen Klöstern im 6. und 7. Jahrhundert' zu bestimmen (a. a. 0. S. 213 — 216). Die Würzburger Hs. der Paulinischen Briefe (M. th. f. 12) ist ein solches Kriterium und zwar ein hervorragendes. Das berühmteste Kloster der abend- ländischen Kii-che auf dem Kontinent war in jener Zeit das von Cassiodor bald nach 540 begründete Kloster Vivarium, das ein Ersatz für eine in Rom nicht zustande gekommene theologische Fakultät des Abendlandes sein sollte. Von Cassiodor selbst be- sitzen wir in seinem Werk "De institutione divinarum litterarum' einen vollständigen Katalog der reichen Bibliothek dieser Muster- anstalt. Werfen wir aber die Frage auf, ob im 6. 7. Jahrhundert ein Mönch dieses Klosters imstande gewesen wäre, einen Kommentar zu den Pauliner Briefen zu kompilieren wie der in der Würzburger Hs. enthaltene, so mufs man entschieden 'nein' sagen. Das irische Kloster, in dem die Kompilation zustande kam, besafs nicht nur alle Hilfsmittel der lateinischen Kirche zu dieser Materie, die Cassiodor in seinem Katalog nennt, es besafs die Werke zum Teil in besserer, vollständiger und älterer Form als Cassiodor sie kannte (s. a. a. 0. S. 213. 214). Die Handschrift ist von diesem Gesichtspunkt einzig in ihi-er Art und verdient auch deshalb neben den streng wissen- schaftlichen Interessen des Keltisten und Kii-chenhistorikers eine pholographische Herausgabe. Mit einer solchen wurde fernerhin Zúitacluift f. celt. Fliilologie VI. 'ói 530 n. ZIMMEU. 7X DEN WÍTRZBUROER OT.OSSKN. Deutschland, wo dieser Schatz der altirisclien lürclie liegt, einen Teil des Dankes abtragen, den es Irland schuldet für die Tätig- keit der irischen Glaubensboten im 7. 8. Jahrhundert und der iriseben Gelehrten im 9. und 10. Jahrhundert in deutschen Landen. Mir persönlich wäre eine solche pholographische Aus- gabe der Hs. am allererwünschtesten: sie würde Unbefangene einen Blick in die Schwierigkeiten tun lassen, die ich 1880 zu überwinden hatte, und die Billigkeit von Stokes Kritik ins rechte Licht setzen. Schmargendorf-Halensee bei Berlin H. Zimmer. BEMERKUNGEN ZU DKM WCEZBURGER GLOSSENCODEX. Wohl erkannte Johann Georg von Eckliart. als ihm in der Dombibliothek zu Würzburg die seit alter Zeit dort verwahrten 'Epistole beati Pauli glosate glosa interlineali' in die Hand fielen, den unschätzbaren Wert des Codex und eifrig begann er alsbald die irischen Erklärungen zwischen den Zeilen abzuschreiben. Der im Studium von Hand- und Inschriften viel geübte Paläograph war gewifs befähigt die kleinen und eigenartigen Schriftzüge zu lesen, aber unüberwindlich blieben die sprachlichen Schwierig- keiten für ihn. der nur Edward Lluj'ds Archaeologia zu Rate ziehen konnte, und der beklagte, dafs er keine irischen Bücher mehr habe, 'eorundem quondam dives'. Er hat seine Arbeit, in der er bis zum 8. Kapitel des Eömerbriefs fortfuhr, in den 1729 erschienenen 'Commentarii de historia Franciae orientalis' nieder- gelegt, von wo sein Andenken in der Geschichte der cel tischen Philologie noch fortlebt; aber erst nach mehr als hundert Jahren hat er eine Nachfolge gehabt. Ohne Zweifel durch EckhartsA\'erk wurde in seinen geschicht- lichen Forschungen 1844 Zeufs auf diesen Codex (M. p. th. f. 12) geführt, dessen sprachlichen Schatz ihm im Laufe der Jahre zu heben gelang. Neben philologischem Geschick mufs er ein vorzüglich scharfes Auge gehabt haben: mit solcher Sicherheit hat er die irischen Glossen mit den dazugehörigen Textworten rasch nieder- geschrieben — in 134G Absätzen, von deren ersten 215 über den Römerbrief er noch eine besondere Abschrift hinterlassen hat. Wie gut diese Kopieen sind, die mir jetzt wieder vorliegen, zeigt die Grammatica celtica. Zeufs hat auch die Randglossen, abej- manche, die ihm nicht mehr deutlich lesbar waren, über- geht er. 34* 532 I^. CHR. STERN, Auf Ebels Bearbeitung der Grammatira folgte 1881 die erste höchst vei-dienstlidie Ausgabe der irischen Glossen mit dem Text des Paulus von H. Zimmer. Tiefer als irgend ein anderer drang er auch in die Sache ein, indem er ebenso die lateinischen Glossen des Codex durchforschte und die darin überwiegende Bedeutung des Pelagius, dessen Kommentar ihm in St. Gallen wiederzufinden vergönnt war, 1901 in einer miilievollen Arbeit darlegte. Eine zweite Ausgabe der irischen Glossen lieferte nach neuer Kollation des Codex 1887 "Wh. Stokes, indem er eine wört- liche Übersetzung hinzufügte. Der Wert dieses Buches, von dem im Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus 1901 ein Neudruck mit weiteren sprachlichen Anmerkungen von J. Strachan erschien, ist nicht leicht zu verkennen, wenn man auch über die nach Ascolis Vor- gang beliebte unbequeme Anordnung der Glossen als Fuisnoten anderer Meinung sein kann. Sie werden dadurch zu Vokabeln und ihre Beziehung auf den Text mitunter bestreitbar, und A'on der sachlicheu Bedeutung, die die zwiesprachige Interpretation des Iren hat, geht dadurch viel verloren. In dieser Hinsicht hat Chr. Sarauw in diesei' Zeitschrift 5, 505 meines Erachtens nichts Unbilliges gesagt. Die rechte Vorstellung von diesem ^^■erke irischer Gelehrsamkeit empfängt man eben nur aus dem Original selbst, denn der Codex ist, man kann wohl behaupten, uner- schöpflich. Es sind von dem Pergamentcodex noch drei Sesternen übrig; es fehlt, wie Zimmer gezeigt hat, ein Blatt zu Anfang und eines am Ende, so dafs die Episteln mit Hebr. 12,24 ab- brechen. Die Lagen waren in die beiden fehlenden Blätter als in ihren Umschlag eingelegt, denn in Holz gebunden wurde das Buch, wie der nicht -irische Charakter der Aufschrift des Vorder- deckels zeigt, erst im 15. Jahrhundert. Nach der Meinung seines einstmaligen Besitzers, der es so íleiísig glossiert hat, sollte es nicht gebunden werden, denn seine Schrift geht dicht an den inneren Rand und in einigen Fällen, wie 23 ^ 24', darüber hinau< auf das anstofsende Blatt, also IS''. 14''. Daher können dif Marginalien nicht vollständig gelesen werden, wenn das Bucli nicht aus seinem Einbände genommen ist. Und so ist es ge- kommen, dai's sich spätere Buchbinder an dem alten Codex noch mehrfach versündigt haben, iudem sie die äufsern Räuder einiger unbotuiäfsigen i^iätter, damit sie der metallenen Schliei'se nicht BEMERKUNGEN ZU DEM WÜKZ15UKGER GLOSSENCODEX. 53^ liiiuleilicli wären, mit dem Messer stutzten und wohlmeinend, um eine haltbare Arbeit zu liefern, den inneren Rücken so dick zusammenleimten, dafs wiederum mancher Buchstabe verschmiert und weggefressen wurde. Aber ehe das Buch die schützende Hülle emiiting, ist es Jahrhunderte dem Hauch und dem Staub ausgesetzt gewesen, so dafs sich die Ränder allmählich dunkel- braun bis schwarz färbten. Auch wurde, so oft ein Leser den Codex in die Hand nahm und die harten Blät*^er niederdrückte, die überall an die Ränder reichende Schrift berührt und vielfach verwischt. In solchem Zustande fand ihn Zeufs, und wenn er auf die Lesung mancher Randglossen überhaupt verzichtete, so suchte er die Schrift an andern stark gedunkelten Stellen wieder aufzufrischen. Zu zweifelhaften Glossen schreibt er an den Rand seiner Kopie oftmals mit Blei 'Reagens' und er hat dann auch das Ergebnis der chemischen Entzifferung an manchen Stelleu nachgetragen. Das auf diese Weise Gewonnene ist indefs nicht erheblich und kann nicht zur Erneuerung einer Gewalt- mafsregel ermuntern, die die bibliothekarischen Gesetze in aller Welt längst verdammt und verboten haben. Von den Rändern abgesehen ist der Codex wohl erhalten. Die Blätter (32x23 cm) sind freilich vergilbt und gegen Ende gebräunt, aber ohne dafs die Deutlichkeit der schwarzen Schriftzüge darunter gelitten hätte; nur zu Anfang siud einige Seiten des Textes mit auf- fallend blasser Tinte geschrieben. Das Pergament ist sehr dick, hart und wellig, und eine Eigentümlichkeit seiner Zubereitung scheint es zu veranlassen, dafs es hier und dort auf seiner Ober- fläche einen feinen Mehlstaub absondert, der gelegentlich die Schrtftzüge verschleiert; es scheint sich abzugreifen und durch die starke Benutzung sind die Blätter am äufsern Rande zum Teil dünn und brüchig geworden. Er ist der Hiob unter unsern Handschriften, klagte der verstorbene Oberbibliothekar Dr. Kerler. Diesem hochverdienten Manne und dem Senate der Würzbui-ger Universität bin ich nun zu aufrichtigem Dank verpflichtet, da sie gestatteten, dafs ich den Codex, so wie er auf unsere Zeit gekommen ist, durch eine photographische Aufnahme für die Königliche Bibliothek uns erhalten durfte. Wer die irischen Glossen in dem Codex durchgeht, wird den vorhandenen Ausgaben nicht allzu viel von Wichtigkeit hinzuzufügen oder darin zu berichtigen finden. Tnd wenn wir die letzte Ausgabe mit dem Original vergleichen, so macht eben Ö34 h. CHR. STERN. die peinliche Sorgfalt, rlie im allgemeinen beobachtet wurde, manche Sphalmata bemei-kbar, über die man sonst ohne weiteres hinweggehen würde. "Amlwg gwaed ar varch gwelw". So zeigt der Codex in der Akzentuierung viel '\\'illkiir und bezeichnet die Länge der Vokale nicht so regelmäfsig, wie es die Grammatik forderte. Dafs der als berechtigt bekannte Akzent in den Ausgaben ohne Rücksicht auf ungenaue Schreiber gesetzt werde, ist eine Forderung, auf deren Erfüllung im Alt- und Mittelirischen man dringen mufs, aber erst allmählich rechnen kann. Im Neuirischen ist sie als selbstverständlich längst aner- kannt und auch aus der alten Sprache wissen wir, dafs a und d zwei vei-schiedene Buchstaben sind. Hält man sich aber streng an das zufällige Verhältnis der Handschrift, so fehlt in der erwähnten letzten Ausgabe der Glossen der Akzent in den folgenden Wörtern, wo er im Original erkennbar ist: 31j18 ishé, 6*7 áhónion, 11 5/ sis, 61)18 si, 10^21 forhgaire, 12113 essarcón, 131>3 dill (eben.so 7c 23), 14c 7 iarnasóirad, 9 dnn, 15'123 caich, 33 sis, l(3a23 dciiamni, 161)11 dininch, 16c 16» uoluntds, IG'lll moirhdg, 17^1 15 ch'bene, 181' 9 (Jnih, 18(17 doairfenus, 20^^ 3 airib, 22a24 adih, 231) 11 hare, 241) iß ycii, 261) 12 eoliy, 26'! 13 inchenéíi, 271)4 issoinmichi, 27 '123 immdlaile, 31 a 1 sosccle, 311) 25» senchdissi, 321)3 leu, 32 c 18 lads. Andererseits aber sind die Akzente, wollen wir die Hand- schrift genau wiedergeben, zu tilgen in 11)6 ccnib, 31)24 do each ccnéolu, 3c 28 díanchomulninn, 5al lióre . . . fdthi, 6c 30 ól, 9'131 eterróscm, 10» 17 dagnímu, 101)9 hachóir, 14^17 dofóidid, 15» 1 caníralsid, 15c7 inmór, 16*23 anísiu, 16d4 hierúsalem, 22» 24. 30 hóre, 25al7 farsdithar, 25'i26 étir, 27c34 anidbad, 27'119 dß, 281) 1 hóre ndd, 28d8 inhiríss, 14 achómalnad, 30<1 12 frisnadvdcncha, 33*7 chcsta. Die sprachliche Eichtigkeit hängt von diesen Schreiberlaunen nicht ab. Die Länge des Diphthongs bezeichnet die Handschrift bald auf dem ersten und bald auf dem zweiten Vokale, aber nach dem überliefei'ten Brauche muls der Akzent auf dem ersten stehen, also kein caich, coir, eólig usw. In der Worttrennung oder Verbindung verfährt der Schreiber oft nach Willkür; aber nidodulib 18c 5 igt ebenso in eins ge- schrieben wie das vorhergehende nidodóinib (nicht ni do didib). Für die Auflösung der Abbreviaturen kann man nur nach Gleich- mäfsigkeit streben. Wenn man für n 'non', für (pv •quouiam', für -f 'est', für 'euim', für h' 'hoc' und für Ir 'autem' schreibt. lUiMERKlNGEN ZV DEM WUUZbUKOER GI.OSSENt'ODEX. .">'.,") SO sollte man auch für i vielmehr 'iiel' erwarten. Für letzteres ist in der Cambridger Ausgabe 1. beibehalten, aber einige Male hat sich niel' eiugeschliehen (^yie 7*11, 8a20, 8^16, 2117 (Rom. 16, 10) .i. \mitlie iniriss (Gl. probum in Christo), zwischen den Zeilen, und dazu am Rande, durch einen Punkt auf dasselbe Wort bezogen, \mmthc von der ersten Hand, -nie Zimmer schon bemerkt hat. 7c 11 (Rom. 16, 25) isech, Glosse der älteren Hand zu '(euangelium meum) et praedicationem Jesu Christi', heilst doch wohl 'ultra, supra' d.i. 'besonders angeführt', wie in "(Cliristi) et Dei' .i. sech, 22b 22. Das sind seltene Fälle des absoluten Gebrauchs der Konjunktion sech, die sich sonst mit der Kopula verbindet (GC. 717). 7 c 15 (Rom. 16,27) is do is coir indocbríal, wie Zimmer richtig hat; Stokes läfst is coir aus. Sc I6ii (1. Cor. 3, 10) Hir thktonac artifices vocant (wie Zimmer im Pelagius p. 11 hat), nicht 'uocat'. 8d3 dernum am Rande von der ersten Hand wird durcli einen Punkt als Glosse zu 'detrimentunr (l.Cor. 3. 1.")) bezeiclinet, ist also eine \'ariante für ir. diith, vielleicht ist es abei- nur eiu Schreibfehler für 'damnum'. HEMEKKUNGEN ZU DEM WÜKZBrUGER GLOSSENCODEX. 537 O^l? arnitat (nicht arnitaat). 9c 11 neclesis (nicht seclesiis). Od 1. dubn'tcii assom tra lue cid aratairchela na tüari, Glosse zu 1. Cor. 6. 13 "Corpus autem (.i. conuenit) non fornicationi sed Domino et Dominus corpori (.i. conuenit, sed ad hoc conditum est, ut Dens habitat in eo)'. Die Ausgaben bezweifeln duhrucii, wie Zeufs gelesen liat und auch Chroust empfiehlt, und lassen cid aus. Duhrúdi oder dolrücldi kann doch wohl nm- das Participium necessitatis von dohrüchtaim 'ausspeien' sein (Tripartite Life 176,20), so dafs der Sinn ist: „Es ist aus ihm (dem Körper) auszustofsen, was die Speisen umschliefsen , in sich schliefsen", d. h. die böse Begierde oder Lust, die Unzucht. 'Ev jrhjOf/ovfj rni Ki'.-rQ(~, tv .Tiiicörri 6' or, wie Eurípides sagt. 9d32 (1. Cor. 7, 11) mad co teeht di co fer bad he a fer incétne — hier ist doch wohl a fer das Subjekt: ihr Mann sei der erste (nicht „der Erste sei ihr Mann"). 10c 1 steht auf lOb unten (Zimmer, Glossae p. 02 Anm. 2) und soll, wie es scheint, die wesentlichen Gedanken des hier beginnenden Kapitels 1. Cor. 8 ausdinicken. Es ist wohl recht, dafs einer Kenntnis von den Götzen der griechischen Kultur hat, aber er soll ihre götzendienerischen Gebräuche nicht mit- machen, nicht gewohnheitsmäfsig von dem Opferfleische essen, damit er den weniger Starken oder Gebildeteu nicht diu'ch sein Beispiel ungünstig beeinflusse. 10 c fängt erst mit der folgenden Glosse an. 10d7 is snisni steht deutlich im Ms., nicht snissi. 10d25 auf 'suam' folgt rl. 11 a 1 ist ganz unlesbar; ebenso ll^l, wo liinter -perfectio detur' noch s . . . sichtbar ist. lit la (1. Cor. 10, 12) 'Qui sé existimat stare uideat ne cadat'. Hierzu hat die erste Hand über die beiden letzten Wörter geschrieben fomnas „das Achtgeben" (was Zimmer im Supplementum nicht richtig fomnar liest). O'Davoren erklärt das "Wort mit -frithailed „Aufwartung, Sorge" (Archiv 2, 336); bei Cormac kommt fomnae in gleicher Bedeutung vor; vergl. auch Laws 6, 396. 11^19 icundrat \ tig (gl. in macello. 1. Cor. 10, 25), wie Zimmer hat, von cundrad 'merx'; es ist keine Spur von eiuem h {icundrathtig) sichtbar. 538 L. CIIK. STKUN, 11^1 fein bezeichnet schon Zeufs als zweifelhaft; ibid. 13 liest er, wie Cliroust, rohenihc statt des zu erwartenden noherrihe. 12*33 tilge 'reliqna'. 12'' 1. Im Ms. steht •femiuáj', ibid. 5 'honestas'; ibid. 24 sind die Worte 'et adhuc excellentiorem uiani nobis deraonstro' zu streichen, da sie zum Text (1. Cor. 12. 31) gehören. 12c 46 (1. Cor. 14,8) cosmiiilius tuih „das Gleichnis von der Tuba", nicht cosmulius. Sie hat verschiedene Töne, .i. issain fri cath, sain fri scor l. fri imthect l. fri sroin l. comairli „nämlich für die Schlacht, für das Abschirren, für den Marsch, für den Kückzug (V), für die Beratung". Sróiti (Stokes' suan ist nicht möglich, Zeufs las . roin, Zimmer s . . .) ist wohl dasselbe wie srócn Salt. 269, avo es freilich nicht leicht zu erklären ist. Gegen Ende der Glosse erkennt man in der Handschrift imini dechrif \ her et mani tintither a bélre, ganz wie es Zeufs und Zimmer haben, nicht dechrigfher . . . amhvlre. Zu dechrither, das vermut- lich noch die Aussprache des walisischen th hatte, ist wohl dersciddu = derscigthi 'potiora' 23'' 3 zu vergleichen. 12'124 istnith (nicht irmith); ibid. 35 streich aiit. ISljl doiia cóic (nicht donaib coic) und issinchaiihir (nicht isin-); ibid. 13 forriuth s . . . (oder /"...), wo Zeufs s(i) ergänzt; wie viel Buchstaben fehlen, läfst sich nicht sagen, da der Rand beschnitten ist. 13c 2a 'a patre' (nicht a patri); ibid. 10 dóineclit (Christ)i und am Ende deutlich romtha (nicht nomtha). 14a 1 (1. Cor. 16, 2) per unam .i. diem; diese Glosse steht auf 14a (nicht auf 13(1); ibid. 8 macedonii (nicht macedonsi) und im Text 16, 19 Priscella (nicht Prescella). 14 b 24. Vor den Worten 'ut mori . . . cuperemus" (zu 2. Gor. 1,8) steht Telagius', wie Zimmer im Pelagius p. 79 richtig hat. 14c 2 (2. Cor. 1, 11) afotlegidsi (nicht afotc(jid.si), Glosse zu •adiuuantibus nobis', scheint geschrieben zu sein mit dem relativen t, „indem ihr dazu helft"; ibid. 24 (an)isiu (niciit [íJssí'm); ibid. 37 ishe diu (nicht diu . . .) ist als Erklärung zu der Randglosse 38 geschrieben; ibid. 40 sind die Punkte hinter 'petrus' zu tilgen. 14id (nicht hiiricl), wie Zeufs und Zimmer haben. 16d4 nángahimmsi (nicht mit /i); ibid. 7 dlsa (nicht dissa). 17 c 4 a. Die in der Anmerkung ausgesprochene Vermutung trifft nicht zu; m'amam. 'mein Leben' ist Glosse zu 'In omnibus sine honere me uobis seruani et seruabo' (2. Cor. 11,9). 17^2 »ladaessoir liest Zeufs. was niu- in den ersten sechs Buchstaben richtig ist; statt des zweiten «müssen es zwei Buch- staben sein; Zimmer hat mad(a)s{c)óir. ibid. 13 rectire steht auch von der ersten Hand als Glosse zu 'praepositus' am Bande. 18a 2a car (gl. iníLrmor) 2. Cor. 12, 10 erklärt Stokes durch das irische car 'brittle'. Man wäre versucht es air zu lesen, aber dieselbe erste Hand schreibt 18'> (2. Cor. 13,2) 'ex iniirmitate .i. carnis'. Es ist daher wahrscheinlicher, dafs 2. Cor. 12, 10 'car' zu lesen und 'carne' zu verstehen ist. Vergl. 'infirmabatui- per carnenr, Eom. 8, 3. Das Wort 'carnem' von der ersten Hand findet sich auch 10b (1. Cor. 7,36). 18a 9a gehört zur vorherigen Glosse 9; ibid. 11 tilge 'donate'; ibid. 21 menmnihi von der ersten Hand am Rande wird durch einen Punkt über dem ersten m auf das Wort des Textes • animositates ' (2. Cor. 12, 20) bezogen, über das der spätere Glossator sotli geschrieben hat. Es handelt sich also um Synonyma. 18c 11. Die Randglosse fängt an mit ni flu düihsi. 18o<:? wie jrr'r/xvcfoc), irisches Ge- dicht im Metrum Debide, ed. Windisdi 1. 1.; Zimmer 1. 1. p. 267; Thes. palaeoliib. 2.293; vergl. Eevue Celtique 5. 128 f.. Academy 1883. II. 419. Bl. 2a 1. Ein Stück aus Scholieu zu Yirgils Aeneis, nämlich zu den Versen 28 — 39 des I. Buches, mitten in einem Satze an- fangend: ("Et geuus iuuisum' propter Dardanum) loue et Electra natum a quo Troiani Dardanidae genus. 'Et rapti Ganimedis' quia Ganimides Troi filius aquilae miuisterio in caelum raptus loui poculnm tradidit summotata Hebe filia lunonis. 'his' supernis. 'accensa' .i. irata. 'super' .i. insuper .i. pro aduerbio ponitur, ut Prisciauus-) dicit, quamuis uon dicit pro quo aduerbio, sed putandum pro insuper uel ualde. 'iactato(s)' fngatos nel uexatos. 'aequore toto' .i. mari toto. 'Troas' Troianos. "Danaum' Graecorum. "immites' saeiii. 'arcebat' uetabat. 'Latio' ab Italia, •multosque per aunos' per multa temporum spatia. 'errabant' uehebantur. 'acti' compulsi. 'tantae molis' tantae molis uel difficultatis. 'gentem' originem. 'condere' absconder e uel aedificare. 'uix' tantum. 'Siculae' Siciliae. 'in altum' in mare. 'uela dabant' nauigabant. 'laeti' alacres. 'spumas' iluctus. 'salis' maris, 'aere rueban(t)' rostiis aeratis nauium diuidebant. 'cum' quo tempore, 'seruans' auimo retiueus. '.sub pectore' in auimo. 'uulnus' animi dolorem, 'haec secum' d(e)est loquebatur uel dicebat. 'meue'-') .i. uideo. 'incoepto' proposito. 'disistere' cesare. 'uictam' uel ut uictam. 'nee posse' nee ualere. 'Italia' ab. 'Teucrorum' Troianorum. 'auertere' auocare. 'regem' Aenean. 'quipe' sine dubio, 'uetor' prohibeor. 'fatis' a diis. 'PaUas' >) Plinius, Hist. nat. 23, 133. ■■) 'Invenitur tarnen etiam verbo adiuncta vel nominativo participü, in quo sine dubio adverbium esse ostenditur'. Prisciani lustitutiones 14,52. ^) Über dem ne steht g (ergo). 550 h. CHR. STERN, dea .i. Minenia. a pato pallintos') .i. a moratione uel a nobi- litate'. Auf diesen Absatz von 13 Zeilen, vor dem am Rande Xb steht,2) folgt eine astronomisclie Tafel, ein Viereck von 12x13 Feldern über die Stellung der Zeichen des Tierkreises duixh die Tage des Monats im bürgerliclieu Jahre, deren immer 2 bis 3 zusammeugefafst sind. Diese Tafel findet sich in der Ephemeris, einem fälschlicli dem Beda beigelegten "Werke (ed.Migne 90,col.753). Bl. 2bl. Zwei Glossen: 'confestim' ueluti competendi festi- natione. 'nullus' pro non. (Charisius in den Grammatici latini ed. Keil 1, 196. 207). Bl. 2b3. Ein Abschnitt aus der Logik: "De modis sjiogis- morum, qui fiunt cum aliqua conclusione sunt VII. Primus modus est, si dies est lucet: est autem dies, liicet igitur . . . Septimus modus est ita, non dies et nox (sie), et si nox non est, dies igitur est '. Vei'gl. die sieben Modi der dritten Figur des kategorischen Syllogismus bei Boetius (Migne 64, 823). B1.2bl8. Astro no mi-scher Auszug über die circuli paralleli v (Hygini astronomica 1,6 ed. Bunte): 'Secundus circulus ex eo terminos qui tropicos dicitur . . . aestatem autem his qui ad austri partes commorantur'. Am Rande dieser Seite beginnen Notizen über die Elemente der griechischen Grammatik, und zwar zunächst Articuli Grae- corum, als welche der Schreiber aufser den eigentlichen, wenig zuverlässig aufgezählten auch die Relativpronomina anzusehen scheint: w uel o hie, cjv huius, fj huic, oi- hunc, m o etc., m hi, ff hae, cor horum, oic his, oix- hos etc. Bl. 3 a. A'(>/y ,if'>//iV//(jor adiuua nos Xpe. Eine Auswahl griechischer Nomina in lateinischer Umschrift mit lateinischer Erklärung, darunter 'ptolemos' bellum (unde rex Ptolemos), 'caeruleus' caelo mens, und die fraglichen 'ptosis' stupor, 'filargia' aspectus, 'oreicsis' rictus, 'auchoresis' retentio. Gegen Ende gebraucht der Schreiber die griechischen Buchstaben, mit denen er sich in der Folge ziemlich vertraut machte, sodafs er 7a in einem Hymnus sogar das Wort vallimus mit dem griechisciien ') Entstellt aus den griechischen Worten g.io rof .T«/./.ei>' rö óó^v im Kommentar des Servius 1, 28 ed. Thilo et Hagen. ä) Diese beiden Buchstaben finden sich auch auf Seite 7 a oben am Rande, luid sie scheinen Christe boethtsoii zu bedeuten, das in griechischen Buchstaben über Seite 3 a steht. ÜBKR DIE IRISCIIR IIAND8CUUTFT IN ST. I'AUI-. 551 Buchstaben schreibt. Seine gi-iechische Hand ist die des 9. Jahr- hunderts, wie sie sich in dem Pariser sogenannten Psalteriuni des Seduliiis in der Bibliothek des Arsenals und in dem Dresdner Codex Boernerianus der griechisch -lateinischen i'pisteln findet.') Bl. 3 b und la. Beispiele zur griechischen Deklination, für die der Schreiber das Maseulinum ?:rnioj: und die Neutra ovof/K und foyor als Paradigmen aufstellt, wogegen seine ^^'alll für das Femininum so unglücklich wie möglich ist: 'Nomina feminina sie declinanda // '/rrij mulier, r//-- yvnic, tij yii-tt/' etc. Der Schreiber hält sich vom Itacisnnis fi-ei und unterscheidet nicht zwischen o und w, zwischen f, // und ai, zwischen t und r, z-wischen t und i9^, zwischen y. und /. Beispiele sind (jrrP.oj amicus, [ivxQoq modicus uel pussillus, x/rr« lectum, y.l,Qovo~ tempus, x^na uidua, f j'föij laus, arTQo.Tos homo, rara&oc mors. Schlecht unterwiesen ist er mit inyaXoc magnus und verlesen hat er ovayQiog crux (oTnv(jóS) und .-riToúo^ pauper (.-rrw/o.). Unerklärt bleiben ireQvor 'desinens' und xmto^ 'maritus'. Dem Glossar, das von M. Pet- schenig in den "\,\'ieuer Studien 5, 159 — 1(33 veröffentlicht ist, liegen zum Teil die Glossen des Grammatikers Servius zugrunde (Corpus glossariorum latinorum 2, p. XXXVII). Auf Bl. 4 b werden noch einige Pronomina hinzugefügt. Bl. 4bl 'Incipit diffinitio substantiarum et subsisten- tiarum. Substantia ipsa rei alicuius naturam rationemque qua constat designat, subsistentia autem uniuscuiusque personae hoc ipsum quod extat et subsistit ostendit', etc. Dieser metaphj-sische Abschnitt ist (jf/ überschrieben, als sei er von Gregorius. Bl. 4bl4. 'Hi sunt pedes qui coniunctionem sibi alterius pedis non admittunt', etc. Verzeichnis derVersfüfse der Metrik, das Bl. 5 a fortgesetzt wird. Darunter Worterklärungen, wie 'scobebam spiritum meum hoc est fodiebam quasi agrum'(P-^alm76,7; cf. Wiener Studien 7, 35); ferner aus Rufinus: 'Fulserat hac Plautus pulcherque Tereutius arte" (Gramraatici latini ed. Keil 6, 560), und: 'Charius de nuis. Bachiatum metrum est tale, bachare laetare' etc. — aus demselben Eufinus entnommen, der es mit den Worten 'Fla\ius Sosipater Charisius de numeris sie dielt' einleitet (ed. Keil 6, 572, cf. 1, 513). ') Nach L. Traube (0 Borna nobilis p. 348) wären der Dresdener und der Pariser Codex von der Hand des Sedulius. Der ausgezeichnete Paläograph würde diese Meinung schwerlich aufrecht erhalten haben, wenn er die Schrift beider hätte zusammeuhalten künueu. 552 I.. CHR. STERN, Auf derselben Seite Cas: 'patria quasi patris atria, inopia ubi nulla est copia, ruina quasi repetens ima'. (Cassiodori Ex- I)Ositio in psalterium ed. Migne 70.679. 628. 652). Hr 'lurauit dominus in superbia lacob r (Arnos 6,8) nee mirandum est; si deus iurare dicitur. cum dormientibus dormiat, cum uigilantibus uigilet'. Unsicher, aus wessen Kommentar die Worte genommen sind; unter den Schriften des Hrabanus findet sich keiner zu den kleinen Propheten. Bl. 4b am untern Baude: Äg 'est euim gaudium (|Uud non datur inipiis sed eis qui te gratis colunt, quorum gaudium tu ipse es'. Das Excerpt wird Bl. 5a unten, wieder mit vorge- setztem Ag, fortgesetzt, wo es am Ende lieifst: 'Beata quipe uita est gaudium de ueritate', und dazu gehört 4 b am untern Eande: 'Beatus ergo erit, si nulla interpellante molestia sola ueritate gaudebit '. Nicht bekannt ist das Werk des Agano. worin solche Betrachtungen vorkommen. Bl. 5b. Ein astronomisches Fragment, anfangend 'Nam ut diuersa spatia .sunt caelestis circuli que medialis ita et diuersis oentrorum siguis punctis toriiuentur . . quo fit ut tei'ra solaris circuli ceutron nou sit sed haec centros habeatur" .... und auf Bl. 6 a endigend... 'et ab Aeratostene archimedico '. Eine irre- führende Überschrift des fehlerhaften Auszugs besagt ^j/í, als sei das Stück aus der Historia naturalis des Plinius. Bl. 6 a bis 8 a folgen niehroe Hymnen reihen, nämlich: Bl. 6a7 vier Hj'mnen für die kanonischen Stunden: 'lam lucis orto sidere', 'Nunc sancte nobis Spiritus', 'Eector potens uerax deus', "Eerum deus tenax uigor'. Bl. 6a27 acht Hymnen ad uesperos, von Sonntag bis Sonn- tag: 'Lucis creator optime', 'Immense caeli couditor'. 'Telluris ingens conditor', 'Caeli deus sanctissime ', 'llagnae deus potentiae', 'Plasmator hominis deus', "Dens creator omnium'. '0 lux beata trinitas'. Bl. 7c7 sieben Hymnen ad nocturnam. von Sonntag bis Sonnabend: 'Pi'inio dierum omnium", "Somno refectis artibus', ' Consors paterni luminis ', ' Rerum creator optime rectorque noster resjnce', 'Nox atra rerum contegit', 'Tu trinitatis unitas', 'Summe deus clementiae'. Bl. 7bl4 sieben Hymnen ad matutinum, von Sonntag bis Sonnabend: "Aeterne rerum conditor',') 'Splendor paternae gloriae', ') Nach diesen drei Worten des Anfangs geht der Schreiber bis zum Ende des Hjnmus in die kontinentale Iland über. ÜBER DIE IRISCHB HANDSCHRIFT IS ST. PAUL. 553 'Ales diei nuntius', "Nox tenebrae et nubila', 'Lux ecce surgit aurea', 'Aeterna caeli gloria', 'Aiu-oia iam spargit polum'. Bl. 8 a 23 zwei Hymnen ad completorium, d. h. den Tag ab- schliefsend: 'Cliriste qui lux es et dies', 'Te lucis ante teiminum'. Bl. Saoö Ymuus ad uesperum in pascha: 'Ad caenam agui prouidi'.schliefseud'ab omni mortis impetu tuum defendas populum'. Dies sind alte und sehr bekannte Kirchenlieder, die man im Breviariuin Eomanum und in Daniels Thesaurus hymnologicus 1,15 ff. beisammen findet. Bl. 8b 1 Suibne Geilt. JWairiudan In Tuaim Inbir — Lob des Bethauses in Tuabn Inbir in irischen Versen (Kannaigecht bhee). ed. Windisch 1. 1. p. 31Sf.; Zimmer. 1. 1. p. 268; Thesaurus palaeohib. 2,294. Bl. 8b7 ilaling. Is i'n immo /liacla säs — zwei ii'ische Strophen im Metrum Eannaigecht mhór, ediert A'on Windisch 1. 1. p. 319; Zimmer. 1. 1. p. 268; Thes. palaeohib. 2,294. Bl. 8bl0. Die Abwandlung von o y.il^(tf>tOT)/~ mit Eiu- schluTs des Ablativs durch «.to. Aber es fehlt dem Schreiber noch viel, wenn er im Singular den Dativ auf r«, den Akkusativ auf Tu. den Vokativ auf rt/g und im Pliual den Nominativ und Vokativ auf rau und den Dativ auf toi^ bildet. Daneben stehen einige theologische Sätze mit dem Anfange 'quod ab initio letherea corpora seusibilia habent angeli', etc. Der Schreiber ahmt hier wieder, wie in dem Hymnus 7 b 15 ff., den kontinentalen Schriftcharakter nach. Darunter folgt ein Vers Virglls, Aeneis 2, 659. Bl. 8 b 23 Aed oll fri andud nane — iilsches Lobgedicht im Metrum Eannaigecht bhec auf den Fürsten von Leinster Aed den Sohn Diarmaits, der möglicherweise der um 713 lebende Aed mac Dermato ist; ediert von Windisch, 1. 1. p. 319 f.; von Zimmer. 1. 1. p. 268 ; und im Thesaui'us palaeohib. 2, 295. Zu Anfang des Gedichts am Eande steht eine Abbreviatur mc, aber der erste Buchstabe ist zum Teil verwischt und ganz unsicher; er könnte auch ein r sein {retoric?), und vermutlich bezeichnet me, wie oben Suibne Geilt und Maling, den Autor oder die Quelle, aus der das Gedicht genommen ist. Es ist zu bemerken, dafs in den irischen Texten der letzten Seite das n der Eklipse stets (wflwe ausgenommen) mit einem Punkte versehen ist, also: iiiada, figlan, iiarggit, Mine, nahim, iiAeda, und dafs in der 5. Strophe des letzten Gedichts die Handschrift anmail hat. 554 L. CHR. STERN, Die Schrift des St, Pauler Codex ist, obwolil von einer und derselben Hand, reclit verschieden, bald grofs und weit, bald klein und gedrängt; auch die grofseu kühnen Formen der irischen Kalligraphie stehen dem Schreiber zu Gebote (wie auf Bl. 2b). Aber für gewöhnlich ist seine Kursive mehr oder weniger flüchtig und nicht so kräftig wie die dritte des Codex "Wirziburgensis, der sie sonst nahe kommt. Wie zur Übung versucht sich unser Ire auch in dem kontinentalen Schriftcharakter, den sich wolil manche Iren der Zeit aneigneten: ein Beispiel dafür ist die ver- welschte Schrift des Codex Boernerianus. Zahlreich sind in der St. Pauler Handschrift die compendia scribendi, von denen einige nicht einmal gewöhnlich sind; erwähnt seien ä (aut), at (autem), 0 (con), c (cum), ■> (eins), (enim), 2 (est), ee (esse), hnt (habent), h (haec), hs (huius), 5i (mus), es (cuius), noe (nomine), n (non), p (per), p p (prae), \-i (pro), q (quae), q ((lua), q (quem), q (quod, quam), q (qui), s (sed), st (sunt), ts (trans), usus (uersus), t (inter) und V (uero) , was auch der Boernerianus Bl. 64 b ult. für ót' hat. Die geschlossene Form des a kommt nelien der offenen vor und V findet sich schon neben u. Der kleine St. Pauler Codex ist von einem Iren, man darf vermuten, in Süddeutschland oder in Oberitalien geschrieben. Die Bruchstücke mittelalterlicher C4elelirsamkeit, die er darbietet, sind weder selten noch bedeutend; der Schulstaub der Jahr- hunderte liegt darauf. Aber noch bis heute bewahrt seinen Glanz, was der Schreiber von der Poesie seiner Heimat darunter zu mischen sich nicht entbrechen konnte; es sind seine "premieres amours'. Er war vermutlich ein j\Iann in gesetzten .lahren, der die westliche Welt durchwandert und nun in der Einsamkeit des Klosters die Mufse für seine Studien gefunden hatte. Er gestattet uns einen Blick in seine Klause. Ist er der Dichter jenes 31cssc ociis Farnjur ban, so zeigt er sich mit der irischen Versform ganz vertraut und auch den sinnigen Zug des Humors, der seinen Landsleuten eigen ist, verleugnet er nicht. Für den deutsciien Leser sei eine Übersetzung dieses Poems hinzugefügt, die mit der ersten französischen von K. Windisch und der englischen von Wh. Stokes in allem Wesentlichen übereinstimmt. 'Ich und dieser weifse Kater haben jeder seine Kunst: Ist auf Jagd sein Sinn gerichtet, steht mein Sinn nacli meinem Sport. Melir als Ruhm lieb ich die Ruhe bei dein tiefgelehrten Buch: Nicht niilsgüunt's der weifse Kater, lieht er selbst doch Jugendsjiort. ÜBF.n DIE IRISCIIK nANDSCITRTFT IN ST. PAUL. Wenn wir zwei im Hause weilen (voll von Kurzweil ist die Mär), Haben wir woran wir üben unseru Scharfsinn — endlos Spiel. Manchmal hängt durch kühn Beginnen eine Maus ihm in dem Netz, Während mir ins Netz gefallen dunklen Sinns ein schwerer Spruch. Auf die Mauerfugen richtet er sein Auge fuukelnd, voll; Und mein helles Auge rieht' ich auf Finessen, wenn"s auch schwach. Hängt die Maus in scharfer Kralle ihm, ist hastig froh sein Sprung; Eine schwier'ge eigne Frage fafs' ich und hin gleichfalls froh. Obzwar also immer, sind wir doch einander nicht zur Last; Seine Kunst liebt unser jeder und vergnügt sich so allein. Er ist Meister seiner Weise, wie er sie tagtäglich treibt; Schwierigkeiten aufzuklären, dies Geschäft betreibe ich.' Berlin. L. Chr. Stern. MISCELLEN. r>. Zur irisclien Kanonensaiiiiiilinie:. (Zeitschrift VL p. lif.) Professor Tliurneysen has not touched the arguments, from internal evidence, that the collection was made at I, by or under Adamnan; and if Ciichuimne was satirized by Adamnan as a ladies' man, and lived with a wife, as the preface to his Hymn says or guesses, is he likely to have belonged to Adamnan's own monastery ? Oxford. E. W. B. Nicholson. Corrections of tlie Text and Ti-auslati(ni of the "Life of Bevis of Hampton". Eead 71 ir cian do [co\ facaidh. For dobeth read do belh. For dodcttase read dodena-sc. For Daniaisc read Ddinaisci. For docrocadar read docrochadar. For dochiiaidsi read dochiuiid-si. For senniad read seninad. For dar read d'ar. For na san read Mas an. Foi; Biblis road Bibiiis. Cambridge (Mass.). F. N. Robinson. 279, 1.30. 281, : 1.7. 1. 12. ] 1. 2b. 286, : 1.31. 288, : 1.8. 291, : 1.23. 292, : 1.34. 29i, : 1.1. 29G, : 1.9. ERSCHIENENE SCHRIFTEN. The Celtic Inscriptious of France aud Italj% by Prof. John Rhjs. From the Proceedings of the British Academy, Vol. II. 101 pp. 80. Eine neue, sehr dankenswerte Sammhiug sämtlicher gallischen Inschriften. Der Verfasser hat sich die Mühe nicht verdriefsen lassen, jeder einzelnen Inschrift in Frankreich nnd Italien nach- zureisen und sie genau zu koUazionieren. Und wenn sich auch erfreulicherweise ergibt, dafs die Lesungen im Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum meist sehr genau und zuverlässig sind, wii-d man doch dem Verfasser Dank wissen, dafs er über jeden unsicheren Buch- staben eingehend Bericht erstattet, so dafs man nun genau weifs, wo sichere Lesung vorliegt oder wo man mit weiteren Schlüssen vorsichtig sein mufs. Auch der Kalender von Coligny ist Buch- stabe für Buchstabe neu verglichen. Was die Deutung anlangt, so kann ich freilich mein obiges Urteil (p. 244) nicht ändern. Schon bei den einfachsten Dingen verstehe icli den Verfasser oft nicht. "Warum nimmt er z. B. p. 18 an, der Dativ Tuqc.voov gehe wahrscheinlich auf Taranoui zurück? Warum soll es nicht der Kasus auf -ou sein, der aus dem Italischen als Dativ wohlbekannt i.st (lat. cornü, exercitn, umbr. trifo)? L^nd wieso lehrt uns die Inscluift famos trigaranns auf dem Altar von Climy, dafs das letzte ■\\'ort ein «(-Stamm war (p. 49)? Die Inschrift ist doch lateinisch {louis, Uolcanus). Und warum werden alle Monatsnamen des Kalenders von Coligny mit dem Nominativ auf -os angesetzt, selbst Simivisonnios p. 84? Auf Schritt und Tritt, auch wo es sich gar nicht um weitere Kombinationen handelt, trifft man auf solche befi-emdliche Äufserungeu. Einige Inschriften werden — inuita Minerua — gar als Verse gelesen. 558 EUSCHIENENE SCHUIFTEN. Es sei mir gestattet, zu einer Insclirift eine, wie ich glaube, richtigere Deutung, zu einer andern wenigstens eine Vermutung vorzutragen. Die Stele von Boui-ges (CIL. Xm, 1326, Ehys XXXI a) trägt zwei Inschriften. Die erste: ]os uirilios, darunter j/ro.- oviqí/./.io, weiter ai-íovvoc\í.-TOH macht keine Schwierigkeit; Aneunos hatte die Stele für einen ]tos, Sohn eines Virillos, gemacht. Aus irgend einem Grunde ist sie aber so nicht verwendet worden; die Inschrift war im Altertum wahrscheinlich überstrichen und darunter findet sich nun eine neue eingemeifselt: eluontiu \ ieiiru . aneuno\oclkno .lugi(ri\anennicyio, d. h. 'Elvontio fecit Aneunus Ocli filius, Lugurix Aneuni filius'. Aneunos, gemeinsam mit seinem Sohne, bestimmt dieselbe Stele nun einem Elvontios. Das "Weglassen der Endkonsonanten in Aneuno{s) Oclicno{s) Luguri{x) Aneunicno{s) (vgl. in der ersten Inschi'ift OviQÜho) findet sich ebenso auf dem Kalender von Coligny, in ^taT{n,io Aatna-oixaßo (RhysXVII) und ist auch auf lateinischen Inschriften Galliens nicht selten. Ehys übersetzt nach andern: 'Eluontiu made this for Aneunos son of Oclos and for Luguris son of Aneunos', nach Form (Dat. auf -o neben Xom. auf -it) und In- halt wenig befi'iedigend. Die Vermutung betrifft die Inschrift von Alise - Ste. - Reine (CIL. XIII, 2880, Rhys II): martialis . dannotali \ ieuru . ucuete . sosin I celicnon . etic \ gobedbi . dugüontiio \ 7ici