/ PORTRAITS ILLUSTRIOUS PERSONAGES. f / AVENDBSM. EIRST DUKE OP DEVONSHIRE 08,1707, PORTRAITS ILLUSTRIOUS PERSONAGES BIOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL MEMOIRS OF THEIR LIVES AND ACTIONS. EDMUND LODGE, ESQ., F.S.A. CABINET EDITION. IN EIGHT VOLUMES.— VOL. VII. LONDON : WILLIAM SMITH, 113, FLEET STREET. CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII. 1. WILLIAM CAVENDISH, FIRST DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE Riley 1707 From the Colkction of his Grace the Duke of Devonshire, at Ohatsworth. 2. SIDNEY GODOLPHIN, EARL OF GODOLPHIN Kneller 1710 From the Collection of his Grace the Duke of Marl- borough, at Blenheim. 3. THOMAS OSBORNE, FIRST DUKE OF LEEDS V. Vaart 1712 From the Collection of his Grace the Duke of Leeds, at Hornby Castle. 4. QUEEN ANNE Kneller 1714 From the Collection of the Right Honourable the Earl of Egremont, at Petworth. 5. GILBERT BURNET, BISHOP OF SALISBURY Kneller 1714-15 From the Collection of the Right Honourable the Earl of Hardwicke, at Wimpole. 6. JOHN, FIRST LORD SOMERS . . . Kneller 1716 From the Colkction of the Right Honourable the Earl of Hardwicke, at Wimpole. 7. CHARLES TALBOT, DUKE OF SHREWSBURY . Kneller 1718 From the Collection of the Right Honourable the Earl of Shrewsbury, at Heythrop. CONTENTS. 8. JOHN CHURCHILL, DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH Kneller 1722 From the Collection of his Grace the Duke of Marl- borough, at Blenheim. 9. RACHEL WRIOTHESLEY, LADY RUSSELL . Cooper 1723 From the Collection of his Grace the Duke of Bedford, at Woburn Abbey. 10. ROBERT HARLEY, EARL OF OXFORD . . Kneller 1724 From the Collection in the British Museum. 11. SIR ISAAC NEWTON Kneller 1727 From the Collection of the Right Honourable the Earl of Egremont, at Petworth. 12. FRANCIS ATTERBURY, BISHOP OF ROCHESTER Kneller 1732 From the Bodleian Gallery, Oxford. 13. CHARLES MORDAUNT, THIRD EARL OF PETERBOROUGH Dahl 1735 From the Collection of the Right Honourable the Earl of Liverpool, at Combe Wood. 14. JOHN CAMPBELL, SECOND DUKE OF ARGYLL, AND DUKE OF GREENWICH Kneller 1743 From the Collection of the Honourable George Agar Ellis. 15. SARAH JENNINGS, DUCHESS OF MARLBOROUGH Lely 1744 From the Collection of his Grace the Duke of Marl- borough, at Blenheim. 16. JAMES BUTLER, SECOND DUKE OF ORMOND Kneller 1745 From the Collection of his Grace the Duke of Devonshire, at Chatsworth. CONTENTS. 17. ROBERT WALPOLE, FIRST EARL OF ORFORD Jervas 1746 From the Collection, of Thomas Walpole, Esq. at Stagbury. 18. CHARLES SEYMOUR, SIXTH DUKE OF SOMERSET Kneller 1748 From the Collection of the Right Honourable the Earl of Egremont, at Petworth. 19. JOHN MONTAGU, SECOND DUKE OF MONTAGU Kndkr 1749 From the Collection of the Right Honourable the Earl of Egremont, at Petworth. 20. HENRY ST. JOHN, FIRST VISCOUNT BOLINBROKE Kneller 1751 From the Collection of tlte Right Honourable the Earl of Egremont, at Petworth. 21. RICHARD BOYLE, EARL OF BURLINGTON Knapton 1753 From the Collection of his Gracet he Duke of Devonshire, at Chatsworth. 22. HORATIO, FIRST LORD WALPOLE . . Vanloo 1757 From the Collection of Thomas Walpole, Esq. at Stagbwry. 23. WILLIAM PULTENEY, EARL OF BATH . Jervas 1764 From the Collection of the Right Honourable Lord Northwiclc. 24. PHILIP YORKE, FIRST EARL OF HARDWICKE Ramsay 1764 From the Collection of the Right Honourable the Earl of Hardwicke, at Wimpole. 25. THOMAS PELHAM HOLLES, DUKE OF NEWCASTLE Hoare 1768 From the Collection of his Grace the Duke of Newcastle, at Clumber. CONTENTS. 26. JOHN MANNERS, MARQUIS OF GRANBY . Reynolds 1770 From the Collection of the Right Honourable the Earl of Egremont, at Petworth. 27. JOHN RUSSELL, DUKE OF BEDFORD . Reynolds 1771 From the Collection of his Grace the Duke of Bedford, at Woburn Abbey. 28. HENRY Fox, FIRST LORD HOLLAND . Reynolds 1774 From the Collection of the Right Honourable Lord Holland) at Holland House. 29. ROBERT, LORD CLIVE 1774 From the Original in the Government House? Calcutta. 30. WILLIAM PITT, FIRST EARL OF CHATHAM . Hoare 1778 From the Collection of the Right Honourable Lord Bridport, at Cricket St. Thomas. WILLIAM CAVENDISH, FIRST DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE. IT is strange that the all-accomplished writer of the "Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors" should have allotted but four lines to his commemoration of this distin- guished person, whose character seemed to offer a theme peculiarly suited to the inclination of his mind, and the taste of his pen. It exhibited, with the highest polish of a cour- tier's manners, and the most universal urbanity, a resentment not less fierce than sudden, and a courage which bordered on temerity ; the severest purity of public principles, with the careless gaieties of a man of pleasure. Statesman, orator, poet, musician, and architect, and, if not excellent, at least falling little short of eminence, in each of those qualities, the Duke of Devonshire may be fairly allowed a place in that constellation of highly-gifted nobles who ornamented, as well as enlightened, the period in which he flourished. He was the eldest of the two sons of William, third Earl of Devonshire, by Elizabeth, second daughter of William, second Earl of Salisbury of the Cecils, and was born on the twenty-fifth of January, 1640. He received his early educa- tion at home, and there can be little doubt that his tutor was Thomas Hobbes, who had served his father and grandfather in that capacity, and was a constant inmate for upwards of seventy years in their house, where he died in 1679. The notorious scepticism, however, of that extraordinary old man has perhaps induced the suppression of this fact, while some circumstances in the future life of the pupil have tended to VII. B 2 WILLIAM CAVENDISH, favour its probability. Be this as it might, we are distinctly told that, after a short residence, rather for the sake of form than for the acquisition of learning and science, in the University of Oxford, he was committed to the care of Dr. Henry Killigrew, one of the three remarkable brothers of that name, and afterwards Master of the Savoy, who accom- panied him in the usual continental tour, and successfully cultivated in his mind the taste for polite literature in which that gentleman was himself an acknowledged master. On his return, in 1661, he was chosen one of the representatives for the county of Derby, for which he continued to serve while he remained a commoner, and became at length a distinguished ornament, when the character of the times seemed to him to call for his earnest exertions, to the lower House of Parliament. In March, 1665, he was one of the brilliant train of noble volunteers who attended the Duke of York in his expedition against the Dutch, and braved the greatest hazards with a carelessness of his person which at once fixed the reputation of his courage. Another example of this ardent disposition occurred soon after on an occasion very different. He had accompanied his friend Mr., afterwards Duke of, Montagu in his embassy to Paris in 1669, where, on some sudden offence received at the opera from three officers of the royal guard, and instantly resented by a blow, all at once drew on him, and, in a most resolute defence of himself, he received from them several severe wounds, and narrowly escaped with his life; nor was his gallantry less remarkable in afterwards interceding on their behalf with Louis the Fourteenth, who had resolved to punish them severely for so scandalous an outrage. That there was more to his credit in these anec- dotes than has reached us is evident from the fact that we find in the letters of Sir William Temple, then the English minister at the Hague, one to this young Nobleman, expressly for the purpose of complimenting and congratulating him on the fame that he had acquired in these affairs, "which I FIRST DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE. do," says Sir William, "not only as a private person, and servant of your Lordship's, who wishes you all increase of honour that may not be bought too dear, but withal as a public minister, who ought ever to consider above all things the honour of our nation, and knows that the com- plexion of it in times of peace is very much either mended or spoiled in the eyes of strangers by the actions and carriage of particular persons abroad. I can assure your Lordship all that can be said to your advantage upon this occasion is the common discourse here, and not disputed by the French themselves, who say that you have been as generous in excusing your enemies as brave in defending yourself," &c. It was not till some time after this period that the Lord Cavendish, which was the title then borne by him, seems first to have taken any conspicuous part in public affairs. In the fermentation of parties, which now rose to the most extravagant height, it could not be reasonably expected that a spirit so ardent should remain long inactive. He joined, firmly but decorously, in all the measures of those who opposed the court, and what was called the Popish party. A feud which in the summer of 1677 occurred between the King and the Commons, on their invasion of the Royal Pre- rogative by addressing his Majesty to enter into an alliance with the States-General, and which was met by Charles with an equivalent breach of their privileges, in commanding their Speaker to adjourn the House, gave occasion to Cavendish to make his first important display there. He opposed the adjournment with vehemence, and moved a resolution decla- ratory of the independence of the Commons in such cases, which would have been carried had not the Speaker pre- vented it by adopting the coarse expedient of quitting the chair. In the same session he gave a remarkable proof of his spirit and perseverance in sifting to the utmost, and at length successfully, a mistake made by one of the tellers on a division very important to his party, in which the numbers, though reported equal, had in fact given him a majority, 4 WILLIAM CAVENDISH, This activity, and the address with which he employed it, recommended him powerfully to his political friends, and they presently filled his hands with business. In the first session of a new Parliament, which met in October, 1678, he was named to serve on no fewer than eight committees — for privileges and elections — for framing an address to the Throne for the removal of all Popish recusants beyond a distance of ten miles from London — for examining into the cause of the death of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey — for preparing a bill to prohibit the sitting of Papists in Parliament — to examine Mr. Coleman, then imprisoned in Newgate, respect- ing what was called the Popish Plot — to confer with the Lords on the same subject — to form a representation to the King of " the danger likely to arise by the non-observance of the laws made for the preservation of the peace and safety of the kingdom" — and, finally, on the committee appointed to manage the impeachment of the Earl of Danby. In the course of these various engagements he became necessarily a frequent, and very soon an eminent speaker. His addresses to the House were distinguished not less by soundness of argument, and purity and variety of expression, than by a fluency of utterance which rivetted attention, and a dignified boldness and firmness, which however never strayed beyond the limits either of good manners or good humour. Thus highly qualified for a popular leader, he became so formidable an adversary that when Charles, in the spring of 1679, pro- fessed to discontinue the use of a Cabinet, and to govern solely by the advice of an open Privy Council of thirty-five, of whom five were to be members of the House of Com- mons, the Lord Cavendish, as a mark of peculiar grace and confidence, was summoned as one of the latter number. From a mixture of opposite partisans, which seems to have been the main principle on which this Council was founded, no union could have been reasonably expected but through a preference of self-interest to honour and good faith, and the event presently fell out accordingly. On the King's resolute FIRST DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE. 5 determination in the following year to resist the bill for the exclusion of the Duke of York from the succession, and his consequent dissolution of the Parliament, several of the Members, and among them the Lord Cavendish, requested the King's leave to retire from their new charge, to which Charles, in his characteristic way, answered " with all my heart." Their secession seems to have been the signal for a sudden access of fury to the leaders of the opposition, who from that hour began to associate themselves with the known enemies of the State, and plunged into the most desperate designs. Cavendish was of this number, and attended their secret meetings, with his dear friend the Lord Russell, with whom he had quitted the Council, but he happily with- drew himself from them in time. " In some one assignation," says Bishop Kennet, who has left us a few particulars of his life, " he is said to have condemned a bold overture which was then made, and to have declared with great earnestness when he came back that he would never more go amongst them." This resolution appears to have been dictated more by principle than prudence, for, though he kept it rigidly, he ceased not to acknowledge, and even cherish, them as private friends, nor did he in any degree relax the activity nor the severity of his public conduct. On the trial for high treason of Lord Russell, which soon followed, Cavendish attended, and gave the most favourable testimony in his power ; and, after the condemnation of that unhappily misguided noble- man, sent to him, by Sir James Forbes, a proposal to enable him to escape, by coming to him in the Tower ; exchanging habits ; and remaining there in his stead, a voluntary pri- soner—an offer yet more grandly refused than tendered. He, last of Russell's friends, took leave of the noble sufferer, who, on approaching the block, returned a few steps to add to his final farewell a word of exhortation to a religious life. To recur to circumstances more immediately personal and characteristic — on the horrible assassination about this time of Mr. Thynne, who had been one of his most intimate 6 WILLIAM CAVENDISH, friends, he used his utmost efforts to bring the murderers to condign punishment ; and, on the scandalous acquittal of Count Konigsmark, the instigator of the crime, he challenged the Count to a decision of the question of his innocence or guilt by the old chivalrous appeal to single combat, and a noble Peer was the bearer of the message. Konigsmark had avoided his vengeance by a timely flight. The same gene- rous ardour which prompted him to that romantic proposal, led him soon after into a very serious private difficulty. He had received an insult within the verge of the Court from a Colonel Colepeper, whom he had brought to submission, and pardoned, on condition that he should never more appear at Whitehall, The Colonel, however, after the acces- sion of James, whose disfavour to Cavendish was now noto- rious, ventured thither again, when that nobleman, who had lately become, by the death of his father, Earl of Devonshire, caned him, and led him out of the Presence Chamber by the nose. It is needless to observe here on the severities with which a personal assault in such a place were then legally visited. The Earl was immediately prosecuted, on an in- formation in the King's Bench, and in a spirit of revenge which reflects infinitely more discredit on the memory of James than most of the charges with which it is usually loaded, was fined thirty thousand pounds, and, in default of instant payment, was immediately committed, in defiance of his privilege, to the prison of that Court. He took, however, an early opportunity of escaping, but it was only to go to his own seat of Chatsworth, where, says Kennet, " upon the news of his arrival, the sheriff of Derbyshire had a precept to apprehend him, and bring him, with his posse to London ; but he invited the sheriff, and kept him a prisoner of honour, till he had compounded for his own liberty, by giving bond to pay the full sum ; which bond had this providential dis- charge— that it was found among the papers of King James, and given up by King William." He continued at Chatsworth, in as much privacy as his FIRST DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE. 7 rank could allow, for the rest of that reign, apparently solely employed in forming that superb seat which remains there, a monument not less of his taste and judgment than of the grandeur of his mind, and his utter contempt of the usual applications of great wealth. The most important occupa- tion, however, of his retirement was in the concerting with a few other great men of his party the measures which led soon after to the introduction of a new Prince, and a new form of government. Few persons had a larger share in the accomplishment of that remarkable change than himself, and no one acted in it with more consistency and firmness. At length, on the landing of the Prince of Orange, this nobleman was one of the first to make a public declaration of his sentiments and determination, first at Derby, and then at Nottingham, where he received the Princess, afterward Queen, Anne, on her deserting her father, and escorted her, with a military guard, to her husband, Prince George of Denmark, then at Oxford. On the following day he hastened privately to London, and, strenuously joining those Peers who had assembled to move William to take on him the administration of public affairs, was presently after a main instrument in compassing that grand preliminary to the revolution, the vote of the Convention Parliament which declared the government to be abdicated, and the throne vacant — the rest followed as of course. This nobleman was now, very deservedly, one of the first objects of the gratitude of the new rulers. On the fourteenth of February, 1689, he was sworn of their Privy Council ; was immediately after appointed Lord Steward of the Royal Household ; and, on the third of April following, received the Order of the Garter. The station of Lord Lieutenant of the county of Derby, of which he had been deprived by Charles the Second, was also restored to him ; the proceedings against him on the affair of Colepeper were reversed by Parliament, and voted a high breach of privilege ; and the judges who had pronounced the sentence of fine and imprisonment were called 8 WILLIAM CAVENDISH, FIRST DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE. to the Lords' Bar, and severely questioned and censured. At the commencement of the year 1691, William, on attending the Congress at the Hague, chose him as his chief attendant thither, and he was afterwards present with that Prince at the siege of Mons. On the twelfth of May, 1694, his honours and distinctions were at length completed by his elevation to the dignities of Marquis of Hartington and Duke of Devon- shire. Anne, on her accession, confirmed him in the enjoy- ment of his offices, and treated him with distinguished grace, but employed him in no affair of state, with the exception of appointing him a Commissioner for the Union with Scotland, the completion of which he barely survived, for he died on the eighteenth of August, 1 707, and was buried with his an- cestors in the church of All-hallows, in Derby, leaving, by his only lady, Mary, second daughter of James Butler, first Duke of Ormond, two sons ; William, his successor ; James, who married, and was seated at Staley Park, in Devonshire ; and Elizabeth, wife of Sir John Wentworth, of Broadsworth, in the county of York. He had also another son, the second born, Henry, who also married, and left issue, but died before his father. Of his Grace's literary talents and remains little need be said. His known works, with the addition of a very few of his published speeches, are comprised in two poems : the one, an ode on*the death of Queen Mary ; the other, bearing the singular title of " an Allusion to the Bishop of Cambray's Supplement to Homer." On the former, Dry den went so far as to say that it was the best of the many effusions in verse that the melancholy event had called forth ; and the " Allu- sion," &c. were it better known, would probably be thought to merit praise less qualified. He was, however, a better critic than poet, and the aristocracy of wits who adorned his time, particularly the Earl of Roscommon, are said to have been in the almost constant habit of submitting their compo- sitions to his taste and judgment. Y OQDQLIPIHIIIN EARL OF GODOLPHIK OBJ7I2, SIDNEY GODOLPHIN, EARL OF GODOLPHIN. BURNET calls him " the silentest and modestest man that ever was bred in a Court ;" and he says besides, after sum- ming up the faults and excellences of his character, that, " all things being laid together, he was one of the worthiest and wisest men that has been employed in our time." This encomium, if it stood alone, might be suspected of partiality, but its justice cannot be doubted, when it is recollected that no man's public character was more severely scrutinized after his fall from power than Lord Godolphin's ; that the accusa- tions against him were completely refuted ; and that even his enemies admitted his uprightness and integrity to be beyond all suspicion. Lord Godolphin was descended from an honourable Cornish family, more remarkable for their loyalty than for the extent of their possessions. He was the third son of Sir Francis Godolphin, and at an early age, impelled by that devotedness to the royal cause which was common to his house, and which some of its older members had evinced in the field, he entered as a page into the service of Charles the Second, when, as Prince of Wales, or rather as Duke of Cornwall, he visited that county. Having shared the ill fortunes of his royal patron, he was, on the restoration to the throne, appointed one of the Grooms of the King's Bedchamber, and by the assi- duity and discretion which he displayed in that office, drew from Charles, no common observer of men's characters, the praise that he was never in nor out of the way. In all the 10 SIDNEY GODOLPHIN, vicissitudes which the Stuart family afterwards endured, his respect and affection for them remained undiminished and unchanged ; and, although his own destiny and theirs com- bined to cast him into a different sphere of action, he never forgot the House to which his early services had been pledged, and whose favours had placed him in the road to fortune. In the first parliament after the Restoration he represented the borough of Helston, in his native county, and soon took an active part in public business, for which his talents were admirably adapted. In 1678 he was intrusted with a diplo- matic mission to Holland, and in the year following, when, on the disgrace of the Earl of Danby, the Treasury was put into commission, he was appointed one of the two commissioners. He discharged the duties of this office creditably to himself, and advantageously to the nation. His manners were so reserved and taciturn, that at first he was little liked by the people in office ; but the regularity and despatch which he introduced into the public business of his department, and the incorruptness with which he administered it soon inspired general confidence, and Burnet says, " he was now considered one of the ablest men that belonged to the Court." He was soon after called to the Privy Council. His desire to avert the evils which were even then foreseen, from the tendency of the Duke of York's conduct, and probably a wish to spare Charles some of the pain which that conduct caused him during the latter part of his life, induced Godolphin to vote for the Bill of Exclusion, and to advise the King to send his brother back to Scotland. In April 1684, on the dismissal of Sir Leoline Jenkins, he was appointed Secretary of State, a post which he relinquished on being raised to that of First Commissioner of the Treasury, in the business of which he had now gained considerable experience. At the same time he was raised to the Upper House of Parliament, by the title of Baron Godolphin of Rialton, in Cornwall. That the part he had taken in the affair of the exclusion had given no lasting offence to James was evident, from that monarch having EARL OF GODOLPHIN. 11 appointed him, on his accession to the Throne, Chamberlain to the Queen. In this employment he conceived that passionate attachment for his unfortunate mistress which he ever after expressed, and which exposed him to the sneers of Swift. The tone of his gallantry, which was perhaps some centuries too late for the times in which he lived, seems to have been of that chivalrous kind which invested the objects of its devotion with a more than mortal perfection, and gave to the fervour of love all the solemnity of idolatrous worship. This foible was evident in the respectful consideration which he displayed for the Queen's wishes, by transmitting her from England such presents as he thought would please her most, and by keeping up a constant correspondence with her, after she had taken up her abode at St. Germain's. When James had brought about the crisis of his fate, Lord Godolphin was one of the few persons distinguished by his favour, and enriched by his bounty, who adhered to him in his adversity. He was commissioned by the King, with Lords Halifax and Nottingham, to treat with the Prince of Orange on his landing; and, although James's panic flight sealed his own ruin, and frustrated the negociations of his friends, Lord Godolphin is said to have discharged the diffi- cult trust reposed in him with great prudence and discre- tion. True to the same principles of loyalty to the Stuarts, he opposed the propositions for declaring the throne abdicated by James, and for interrupting the hereditary succession, and voted in favour of a regency. The decided part he had taken in these measures did not, however, prevent his new master from placing in him the confidence which his character and talents deserved. He was named one of the Privy Council, and again appointed one of the Commissioners of the Treasury. In 1695 he was one of the seven Lords Justices, in whom the administration of public affairs was vested during the King's absence, and in 1696, on the discovery of Sir John Fen wick's projected plot, he resigned his place. Fenwick, as a last effort to preserve 12 SIDNEY GODOLPHIN, his life, made some discoveries in which it was supposed he had denounced Lord Godolphin, and others, as having favoured, if they had not actually engaged in, his scheme. The strong affection which Godolphin was known to enter- tain, in common with a great many other persons of influence, for the House of Stuart, renders it probable that there was some ground for this accusation. It is notorious that he, as well as the Duke of Marlborough, was, at a later period, engaged in a correspondence with the exiled family ; and the proposition for restoring them to the Throne, instead of con- tinuing the regal dignity in the Hanoverian line, seemed once at least to have been favoured by Queen Anne. Either from a consciousness that he had laid himself open to the charge of being disaffected to William, or, as has been thought, at the insidious suggestion of Lord Sunderland, who desired to have him removed, Lord Godolphin at this time threw up his employment. There had been a close and friendly intimacy of many years between Lord Godolphin and Lord Marlborough, which was strengthened in 1698 by the marriage of Francis, the son of the former, with Lady Henrietta Churchill, who afterwards succeeded to her father's title as Duchess of Marlborough. Lord Godolphin's attachment to the celebrated Duchess, Sarah, for whose talents and character he had a great respect, although the impetuosity of her temper occasionally put his complaisance to severe trials, was another bond of union be- tween them. Marlborough, who knew his ability in the dis- charge of the high post he had held, and who had the firmest reliance on his friendship, prevailed upon him again to enter the public service in 1700, on the formation of a new minis- try ; and, on the accession of Queen Anne, made his friend's acceptance of the office of Lord High Treasurer the condition of his assuming the command of the troops abroad. Godolphin would have declined this employment, but the entreaties of Marlborough, who positively refused to engage in operations the success of which must depend on the punctuality of EARL OP GODOLPHIN. 13 supplies, unless the management of the Treasury were placed in his hands, overcame his scruples. The manner in which Lord Godolphin directed the finances of the country proved the justice of Marlborough's estimate of his character, and reflected the highest praise on himself, while it gained him such entire confidence with the monied interest that the pub- lic credit was raised to a high pitch, and he was enabled to supply all the wants of the government with certainty, and upon more advantageous terms than had ever been made before. It was by his suggestion that the Queen was induced . to subscribe one hundred thousand pounds out of her civil list towards the expenses of the war, a measure which contri- buted greatly to her popularity, and encouraged the people to bear their burthens with less discontent : he is said, too, to be entitled to the praise of having induced her to discontinue the pernicious practice of selling places. In 1706 he was advanced to the dignities of Earl of Godolphin and Viscount Rialton. The part which he took respecting the union with Scotland, exposed him to the animadversions of the party who opposed that measure, but the successes of Marlborough abroad, and his own credit at home, raised their joint influence so high, that their enemies saw that little was to be gained by attacking either. The result of the general election in 1705 increased their power; and the project which Godolphin had formed, in conjunction with Marlborough, for reconciling the party differences of the Whigs and Tories, would probably have succeeded but for the treachery of one in whom they had both implicitly confided. Mr. Harley, afterwards Earl of Oxford, had been brought into office by their influence, and while they were endeavouring to prevail on the Queen, whose tory partialities were at this time very violent, to conciliate the Whigs by the distribution of church patronage among their party, Harley was plotting, by means of private conferences with the Queen, to which he was admitted through the agency of her intriguing favourite, Mrs. Masham, to overthrow 14 SIDNEY GODOLPHIN, their power, and to establish that of the Tories. For a long time both leaders refused to listen to the reports which got abroad on this subject ; Marlborough was the first to enter- tain suspicions, but the earnest and solemn protestations which Harley made of his own innocence, and of respect and attachment to them, induced them to believe that the calum- nies against him were the mere inventions of their common enemies. When at length the proofs of his duplicity were forced upon them, and it was impossible to doubt further, Lord Godolphin sent Harley a reproachful message by the Attorney-General ; this produced from him a most submissive letter, in which, with matchless effrontery, he still endea- voured to keep up the delusion, and deprecated the resent- ment of the man he had attempted to betray. To this Lord Godolphin replied by the following laconic note : " I have received your letter, and am very sorry, for what has happened, to lose the good opinion I had so much inclination to have of you. I am very far from having deserved it from you. God forgive you," &c. &c. He refused to appear at the Privy Council while Harley held a seat there ; and persisted with so much firmness, notwithstanding the entrea- ties of the Queen, with whom Harley was a great favourite, that he was at length dismissed. But the determination which Harley had formed to establish the power of the Tory party by the demolition of the existing ministry was increased by his recent detection. Mrs. Masham's intrigues were renewed, and the Queen was persuaded that by intrusting the government to the Tories she should increase her popu- larity, and relieve herself from the anxieties which the continuance of the war and the state of the nation had occasioned. The libellous sermon of Dr. Sacheverel, in which he had attacked the Duke of Marlborough, Lord Sunderland, and Lord Godolphin, particularly the latter, whom he desig- nated under the character of Volpone, was now raised into an undeserved importance by these lords insisting on his impeachment. The consequence, by proving the power of EARL OF GODOLPHIN. 15 the Tories, was destructive of the ministry ; and how far the sentence fell short of what they expected is evident from a passage in one of Lord Godolphin's letters, written just after it was pronounced. " So all this bustle and fatigue ends in no more but a suspension of three years from the pulpit, and burning his sermon at the Old Exchange." This was not the last of the mortifications Lord Godolphin was to expe- rience, and which embittered the latter days of a life that had been spent usefully and honourably in the service of his country. On the thirteenth of April, 1710, the ascendancy of his opponents was placed beyond doubt, by the Queen's appointing the Duke of Shrewsbury to the office of Lord Chamberlain, while the Duke of Marlborough was abroad, and Lord Godolphin at Newmarket. When this news first reached him, he wrote a firm and somewhat angry remon- strance to the Queen ; but was induced to qualify the latter part of his latter, and committed the still more culpable weakness of remaining in office after so gross an affront had been passed upon him. The determination of his enemies to drive him from a post which he could not prevail on himself to resign, at the time when he might have done so with a good grace, became daily more apparent. Although he retained the name of minister, the authority which should accompany it was gone ; his suggestions were received with coolness and neglect; insults were unsparingly heaped on him ; and some persons known to be most attached to him were unceremoniously dismissed from their offices. A pretext was only wanting to complete his removal, and this he soon furnished, by firmly opposing in council, and in the Queen's presence, the proposition for dissolving the Parliament, when he expressed his determination to retire before such a reso- lution could be made public. Soon after this, on the seventh of August, 1710, the Queen wrote to him a most unkind and undeserved note of dismissal, in which she affected to complain of a change that had taken place in his behaviour; and reproached him especially for what he had said in the 16 SIDNEY GODOLPHIN, council, and which made it impossible for her to continue him longer in her service. Her letter concludes thus : " I will give you a pension of four thousand pounds a year ; and I desire that instead of bringing the staff to me, you will break it, which, I believe, will be easier to us both." The Treasury was again put into commission, and Mr. Harley appointed the chief commissioner. The reputation of the new ministry was to be raised at the expense of that which had been displaced; the national debt was obviously the most convenient subject for this purpose, and to the Lord Treasurer was imputed the whole blame of having incurred that debt. The celebrated Henry St. John attacked him with great virulence, and he was ably defended by Mr., afterwards Sir Robert, Walpole. It was found impossible to bring any specific accusation against him ; but, after a long inquiry, the House of Commons passed an angry vote to the effect that there "appeared a deficiency of thirty-five millions in the public accounts. A motion was made for printing the report, but negatived, because it would have made disclosures which would have exculpated Lord Godolphin, and exposed some of the persons whom the new ministry were inclined to favour. Mr. Walpole afterwards published a pamphlet called " The Thirty-five Millions accounted for," in which he triumphantly exposed the fallacy of the charge that had been been made against the Lord Treasurer. He proved some of the accounts included in it to have belonged to the reigns of Charles the Second, James the Second, and William ; and that the real sum for which the late ministry ought to account did not exceed seven millions and a half. Three millions, part of this sum, had been disbursed for extra- ordinaries during the war, and accounts were brought in for the remainder after the report was made. These explanations produced a re-action in public opinion ; the absurdity of the charge was manifest, and that the integrity of the Lord Treasurer's administration was generally admitted even by his enemies, cannot be more forcibly evinced than by the EARL OF GODOLPHIN. 17 fact that Swift felt it necessary to qualify his censure of Lord Godolphin by saying, that what he complained of was " possibly by neglect ; for I think he cannot be accused of corruption." It was a sense of gratitude for Walpole's effective vindication of his conduct that induced Lord Godol- phin to recommend " that young man " to the Duchess of Marlborough with his dying breath. He did not long survive his disgrace, but died, after an excruciating illness, in the hbuse of the Duke of Marlborough, at St. Albans, on the fifteenth of September, 1710 ; leaving, after having been in the Treasury, with few intervals, for more than thirty years, a very moderate fortune. He is said to have been solemn in deportment, and difficult of access ; but it is not denied that he was the same to all men : that he was a man of honour ; and that if he was slow to promise, he was sure, having promised, to perform. He was much addicted to play, for which he made the ingenious if not satisfactory excuse, that he resorted to it " because it delivered him from the obliga- tion to talk much." By his wife, Margaret, daughter of Colonel Thomas Blague, he had issue one son, Francis, married to Lady Henrietta Churchill, who succeeded to her father's title. The last-mentioned nobleman (after the death of his only son, William, Marquis of Blandford, in 1731, without male issue) was created Baron Godolphin of Helston, in 1735, with remainder to the issue male of his uncle Henry Godolphin, provost of Eton college. He died in January, 1766, and was succeeded by Francis, son of that uncle, who dying without issue in 1785, the title became extinct. E,« FIRST DUKE OF LEEDS OB, 1712, THOMAS OSBORNE, FIRST DUKE OF LEEDS, WAS the only surviving son of Sir Edward Osborne, Baro- net, and Vice-president of the North under the Earl of Stratford, by his second wife, Anne, daughter of Thomas Walmysley, of Dunkinhalgh, in the county of Lancaster, and widow of William Middleton, of Stockeld, in Yorkshire. The fortunes of his family originated in commerce. Edward Osborne, said to have been of Kentish extraction, was placed, when a youth, in the trade of Sir William Hewet, one of the most eminent and wealthy merchants of London, who had an only daughter ; and there is a tradition, probably correct, that when very young, playing in her nurse's arms, in her father's house on London Bridge, she sprang out of a window into the river, and was, with the greatest difficulty and danger, saved by young Osborne, to whom, in gratitude, her father afterwards gave her in marriage, together with the whole of his great possessions. To this Edward, the nobleman who will be the subject of this sketch, was great grandson. He was born in 1631, and probably bred in his father's family and neighbourhood in the country, since we do not meet with his name in any of the usual sources of academical intelligence. We are told that he was distinguished, even in very early youth, for a warm devotion to the royal cause, which indeed might be naturally expected, as Sir Edward, on the breaking out of the grand rebellion, was appointed Lieutenant-general of the King's forces in his Vice-presi- dency, or became so in right of that office. We learn too that the son was afterwards actively and usefully engaged, ' c 2 20 THOMAS OSBORNE, but we are not informed how, in forwarding the restoration, soon after which he was brought to Court by the Duke of Buckingham, who was about his own age, and whose great possessions in Yorkshire, as well as Sir Edward's official character, had necessarily produced much intercourse, and at length intimacy, with his father. The Duke, who was then in the highest favour, presented and recommended him to the King, by whom he was knighted, and became about the same time a member of the House of Commons. In April, 1667, Charles, whose faithful application of the sums intrusted to him had been somewhat doubted, sought to remove such jealousy by appointing a small number of members of each House of Parliament commissioners for the examination of the public accounts ; Sir Thomas Osborne, for he had now succeeded his father, was one of them ; and it was his first public employment. Buckingham, the constancy of whose attachments was almost proverbial, remained steady in his patronage of Osborne, who on his part spared no pains in cultivating his own prospects. He was one of the most determined sup- porters of the measures of the Court in the House of Com- mons, and this without any compromise of principle, for, as we are told by Burnet, who was his implacable enemy, " he had been always among the high Cavaliers," and the Bishop adds "that he was a very plausible speaker," nor indeed was it long before he became what has of more modern times been called " manager of the House." These merits, and a peculiar turn, the issue of a sanguine temper, for undervaluing difficulties, recommended him powerfully to the indolent Charles, and he became a personal favourite. His advance- ment was now almost beyond example rapid. In 1671 he was appointed Treasurer of the Navy ; on the third of May, in the succeeding year, sworn of the Privy Council ; on the nineteenth of June, 1673, still through Buckingham's earnest recommendation, succeeded Lord Clifford in the great office of High Treasurer ; and, on the fifteenth of August following, FIRST DUKE OF LEEDS. 21 was created Baron Osborne, of Kiveton, in Yorkshire, and Viscount Latimer. This surprising elevation was not, however, obtained with- out some just cause of reproach. Osborne purchased it of Buckingham by giving his aid, which constant perseverance, as well as talents, rendered very powerful, in working the downfall of the virtuous Clarendon. To accomplish this end he condescended to practise very unbecoming artifices. Lord Clarendon himself tells us that, on the first rumour of his own favour being on the decline, Sir Thomas Osborne, a dependant and creature of the Duke of Buckingham, " had told many persons in the country, before the Parliament " (of 1667) "met, that the Chancellor would be accused of high treason, and, if he were not hanged, he would be hanged himself:" and also that he had contrived to make the King not only falsify his word, solemnly passed to the Duke of York, in the Chancellor's favour, but even deny that he had ever so pledged it. Nor were the terms on which he accepted the Treasurership very creditable to him, for he obtained it, as we are informed by Sir John Reresby, in his Memoirs, under a private agreement to pay to his predecessor a moiety of the salary. Such bargains, however, were too common in that reign to be esteemed very disgraceful. His services proved highly acceptable to the King, who, on the twenty-seventh of June, 1674, advanced him to the title of Earl of Danby. The nature of them remained for some time unknown, but he became unpopular before his principal faults were disclosed. Even in the following year he was attacked in the House of Commons, and charged, as Burnet obscurely expresses it, with " inverting the usual methods of the Exchequer," but his accusers were left in a minority. In the same session he lost many friends by proposing a test of loyalty and fidelity to the Crown and Church, which, after long and warm debates, was voted by the Peers, and, though intended to be taken but voluntarily and unconditionally, gave little less offence to the Catholics than to the disaffected 22 THOMAS OSBORNE, In the succeeding session he suffered a great mortifica- tion by the refusal of the Commons to grant a supply to the Crown for the specific purpose of replacing various sums which the King had taken by anticipation from his ordinary revenue. At length a violent suspicion arose that he had become the chief manager of those secret pecuniary negocia- tions with the King of France, through which it had for some time been strongly suspected that Charles had rendered him- self in a great measure independent of his Parliament, and Danby strove to remove that opinion by openly inveighing against the French, which he did so naturally as to provoke a warm discussion with Rouvigny, their minister here, who charged him with injuring the interests of both Princes. The artifice, however, did not succeed with those for whom he meant it, and the doubts remained unallayed. At length he found that the only means by which he could avoid the utter ruin of his credit, with all its fearful consequences, would be to adopt sincerely the policy which he had of late pretended to hold, and to detach the King from his connection with France ; and this he had the address to accomplish, and publish most effectually, by persuading Charles to join the allies, and not only to invite their leader, the Prince of Orange, to London at the end of the campaign of 1677, but to give him the Princess Mary, eldest daughter of the Duke of York, in marriage. The effect, however, of these expedients was but transient. Not many months had passed when a disagreement occurred between the Lord Treasurer and Ralph (afterwards Duke of) Montagu, who had been for some years Charles's ambassador at Paris, and was therefore necessarily privy to Danby's transactions with that court, and possessed of many of his most confidential letters. Dreading an accusation from him, Danby easily prevailed on the King, who was even more interested than himself, to denounce Montagu to the House of Commons as guilty of certain traitorous correspondence with the Court of Rome, and, in order to repossess the Treasurer FIRST DUKE OF LEEDS. 23 of those letters, to give sudden order for the seizure of his papers, the most important of which Montagu had pre- viously used the precaution to place in other hands. The charge was accordingly made, and largely inquired into, when Montagu produced in his defence, among other documents, two of those letters, in which Danby had distinctly commis- sioned him to pledge to the King of France Charles's most strenuous endeavours to procure a peade, on condition that Louis should pay to him annually three hundred thousand pounds for three years, adding, with a gratuitous imprudence, that this arrangement would save so long the King from the inconvenience of meeting a Parliament, and a strict caution to conceal the whole from the King's Secretary of State, who was, in fact, the only proper medium for diplomatic corres- pondence. After a long and violent debate, not on the fact, of which there could be no doubt, but on the legal character of his offence, Danby was, on the twenty-first of December, 1678, impeached of high treason. The articles of impeach- ment, which were six, were immediately sent up to the Lords, with a request that he might be committed to custody, which they refused, and entered, with much heat, and variety of opinion, into a long discussion of the nature of his offences, and the proposed method of prosecution ; while the King, enraged and mortified by the disclosure of his secret, and the stain which it had cast on his credit, determined to protect Danby, and stopped all proceedings for the present by pro- roguing, and then dissolving, the Parliament. " On the twentieth of January," (1678, 0. S.) says Sir John Reresby, which was ten days before the prorogation, " I spoke both with the King and the Duke, who both declared they would adhere to my Lord Treasurer." The new Parliament met in the following March, and, the Commons showing an inclina- tion to revive the prosecution, Reresby tells us again that "the King, coming to the House of Lords on the twenty- third of that month, informed both Houses that it was by his particular order the Lord Treasurer had written the two 24 THOMAS OSBORNE, letters produced by Montagu ; that it was not the Lord Trea- surer who had concealed the plot, but that it was himself who told it his lordship from time to time, as he thought fit. His Majesty then declared he had granted the said nobleman a full pardon ; and that, if occasion required, he would give it him again ten times over : that, however, he intended to lay him aside from his employments, and to forbid him the Court." The House of Commons now attacked him with renewed fury, denying the validity of the King's pardon ; while the Lords, as a middle course, proposed to vote his committal ; to connive at his escape ; and then to pass an act for his banishment. All this was done accordingly, but the Commons, as soon as he had disappeared, proceeded to a bill of attainder, and, on the seventeenth of April, 1679, he surrendered himself, and was committed to the Tower. Great confusion now arose. Danby demanded an immediate trial, and determined to plead the King's pardon ; the Commons insisted that the Bishops had no jurisdiction on charges of treason, and must not be admitted to vote ; angry conferences were held between the two Houses ; and at length Charles cut short these, and some other proceedings which were just at that time very irksome to him, by another prorogation and dissolution of Parliament. Danby, however, was suffered to continue a prisoner, for- gotten, as it seemed, by the King, and disliked by the Duke, both of whom were now occupied in avoiding the peril of new plots, and in practising new plans of policy, nor was he even mentioned in either of the two Parliaments which sat during his restraint. He remained in the Tower for five years, making frequent applications in vain to be admitted to bail. Sir John Reresby tells us that he often visited him there, and was surprised at the philosophic patience and equanimity which he manifested during his persecution, for such it certainly was, let his demerits have been what they might. At length he prevailed on the Judges to hear his case argued, and, on the twelfth of February, 1684, N. S., FIRST DUKE OF LEEDS. 25 they severally delivered their opinions, and concurred unani- mously that he ought to be bailed, when he was bound in twenty thousand pounds to appear in the House of Peers in the succeeding session, and the Dukes of Somerset and Albemarle, and the Earls of Oxford and Chesterfield, became his sureties in five thousand each. "He came the same day," says Reresby, "to kiss his Majesty's hand in the bed- chamber, when I happened to be present. The King received him very kindly, and when the Earl complained of his long imprisonment, his Majesty told him he knew it was against his consent, which his lordship thankfully acknowledged, but they had no manner of private discourse together." Charles survived this interview not many months, and in the following short and unhappy reign Danby's name is scarcely mentioned till its conclusion was at hand, when we find him a party in those secret consultations of eminent persons which were held at the Earl of Shrewsbury's, in which the plan for the great change which was at hand was conceived and matured. He entered into it with resolution and sincerity ; framed the Prince of Orange's declaration ; and, as soon as William had determined on the invasion of England, took measures for raising troops in Yorkshire, where his influence lay, to aid that enterprise should it be necessary. The Prince came, and was successful, but the Princess remained in Holland during the discussions of different schemes for vacating and then filling the throne, in which some persons were found bold and profligate enough to propose that he should be placed on it independently, to the exclusion of the daughters of King James. Danby, stung perhaps with remorse for the part he had already taken, sent privately to the Princess, " and gave her," says Burnet, " an account of the present state of the debate, and desired to know her own sense of the matter ; for, if she desired it, he did not doubt that he should be able to carry it for setting her alone on the Throne ; but she made him a very sharp answer ; and, not content with this, she sent both Lord 26 THOMAS OSBORNE, Danby's letter, and her answer, to the Prince. William bore this," adds Burnet, " with his usual phlegm, for he did not expostulate with the Earl of Danby on it, but continued still to employ and to trust him." That nobleman indeed was one of a very few whom he desired specially to attend him a few days after, to hear from himself the terms on which he would accept the Crown, together with the incredible declaration of his indifference as to the possession of it upon any. Danby indeed received immediately further and greater proofs of favour. He was appointed to the distinguished station of President of the Council, and, on the twentieth of April, 1689, advanced to the dignity of Marquis of Caermar- then. He now, in spite of painful experience, plunged again into the mazes of party and intrigue ; became envious of the favour enjoyed by the Marquis of Halifax, whose disgrace he sought and accomplished ; and presently after was attacked in his turn by weapons the edge of which it was supposed had been blunted by time — the old subjects of the impeach- ment and pardon were revived in the House of Peers, but the design of his enemies was warded off for the time by the sudden discovery of a plot to restore King James, and the capture of Lord Preston, one of the leaders in it, who had embarked on his way to communicate personally with that Prince, of both which services Lord Caermarthen happened to have been the main instrument. On the fourth of May, 1694, he was created Duke of Leeds ; but in the following year he became the object of a very serious charge — the having accepted a sum of five thousand guineas from the East India Company, as a price for his influence in procuring for them a new charter. In the examination of this matter by the House of Commons it was proved that such a sum had been put into the hands of a third person, with instructions to pay it for that purpose to Caermarthen, who, according to the evidence of that person, refused to accept it, but advised him to keep it for himself. Other mysterious and doubtful FIRST DUKE OF LEEDS. 27 circumstances distinguished this inquiry, which ended in an impeachment for a misdemeanor, and a demand on the part of the Duke to be heard in justification of himself at the Commons' bar, where he denied the accusation, and required a speedy trial ; but the session soon after ended, and with it the prosecution, for it was never after renewed. In 1701, the Lords dismissed the impeachment. Here nearly ended the political life of this nobleman, for he had resigned the office of Lord President at the time he was elevated to the Dukedom. It is true that he was called to the Privy Council by Queen Anne, but he held no other public situation. His affection however to party politics remained with him even to the close of life, for he engaged with ardour in the discussions on the affair of Dr. Sacheverel, and is reported to have spoken on that occasion with little respect of the revolution for which he had so signally striven. He published in 1710 a volume of " Memoirs relating to the Impeachment of Thomas, Earl of Danby, now Duke of Leeds, in the year 1678 ;" and another, of his correspondence, in several letters, with some statesmen, on matters connected with the same subject. On the twenty-sixth of July, 1712, he died at Easton in Northamptonshire, the seat of his grand- son, the Earl of Pomfret, when on a journey to his own mansion in Yorkshire; leaving a public character which cannot, however briefly, be more justly summed up than in the words of the late Lord Orford, who says " if the Earl of Danby was far inferior in integrity to Clarendon and Southampton, he was as much superior to Shaftesbury and Lauderdale." The first Duke of Leeds married Bridget, second daughter Montagu Bertie, second Earl of Lindsey, by whom he had issue three sons, Edward, Thomas, and Peregrine, by whom, the two elder dying before him, he was succeeded in his titles and great estates ; and six daughters : Elizabeth, who died unmarried ; Anne, wife, first to Robert Coke, of Hoik- ham, in Norfolk, ancestor to the late Earl of Leicester, of that surname, and eventually to Horatio Walpole, uncle to 28 THOMAS OSBORNE, FIRST DUKE OF LEEDS. the first Earl of Orford, but had no issue by either ; Bridget, married, first to Charles Fitzcharles, Earl of Plymouth, one of the natural sons of King Charles the Second ; secondly to Philip Bisse, Bishop of Hereford ; Catharine, to James Herbert of Kingsey, in Bucks, son and heir of James, a a younger son of Philip Herbert, first Earl of Pembroke arid Montgomery ; Martha, first, to Edward Bayntun, secondly to Charles Granville, second Earl of. Bath of his family : and Sophia, first to Donatus, a grandson and heir to Henry O'Brien, Earl of Thomond, and after, to William Fermor, Lord Lempster, father to the first Earl of Pomfret. Q HJ E E W A M OB, 1714, QUEEN ANNE. THIS Princess, the last of the Stuart dynasty who occupied the Throne of these realms, was the daughter of James the Second, when Duke of York, by Anne Hyde, his first lady, whose father was the eminent and virtuous Chancellor Cla- rendon, the historian of the momentous times in which he lived. She was born at Twickenham on the sixth of February, 1665, and as her father had not at that period abjured the Protestant religion, a step which led to all the woes and disasters which clouded and embittered his after life, she was educated in the doctrines of the reformed Church. In 1683 she was married to Prince George, the presumptive heir to the Crown of Denmark, a personage as it seems of such insig- nificance, that little is to be inferred of his character but from the silent neglect which it has historically experienced. On the arrival of the Prince of Orange, if James's daughter had been permitted to follow the inclination she manifested, she would have adhered to the falling fortunes of her father. Her husband continued about the King's person, and distin- guished himself in those hours of anxiety and peril, when the news of one misfortune crowded so fast upon the heels of another that the Monarch had scarcely time to consider his actual position, by only exclaiming with a listless vacuity, " Est-il possible ? " a phrase so frequently used by him that it had gained him a nick-name, and when, at a convenient time he was found to have joined the multitude who had fled the Court, the intelligence of his disaffection extorted from the King no further expression of surprise than " Est-il 30 QUEEN ANNE. possible gone too ! " When James learnt, as he did soon afterwards, that his daughter had been persuaded or forced by Lady Churchill, who had even then acquired a powerful ascendancy over her, and by Compton, Bishop of London, to repair to Northampton, the deserted father felt that the measure of his afflictions was filled up, since his children had combined with his enemies to effect his destruction. The stern monarch who succeeded to James's abdicated sceptre, showed little favour to the Princess or her adherents ; and by the coldness with which he regarded her and Lord Churchill, afterwards the great Duke of Marlborough, seemed to consider that the child who had abandoned her parent in his adversity, and the soldier who had betrayed his sovereign when fortune frowned upon him, were equally objects of suspicion. Towards the close of William's life, when the infirmities of age were stealing upon him, and he thought that no son of his could succeed to the power he wielded, had begun to influence his mind, the King treated them with more consideration, and restored them, if not to his confidence, at least to his favour. When the throne became again vacant in 1702, Anne, before she ascended it, requested her father's approbation of that step, holding out, as it is said, the prospect that her temporary accession would pave the way to her family's resuming their hereditary station. The indignant reply of the monarch precluded all hope of his acquiescence. He said that, although it might be his fate to suffer from injus- tice, he would never authorise it by any act of his ; and Anne is suspected to have taken upon herself the regal dig- nity with the determination of atoning for her filial disobe- dience by relinquishing, when a favourable opportunity should occur, the power which she cannot be said to have willingly usurped. Her public conduct and the legislative measures of her reign were not, it is true, consistent with that determina- tion ; but the bias of her secret inclinations was perfectly well known, and while it encouraged the hopes of the adherents QUEEN ANNE. 31 of the Stuart family, excited the strongest jealousy and awakened the utmost vigilance of the party opposed to their restoration. The latter had the skill or the good fortune to turn every attempt which was made by their opponents into the means of defeating the object of their enterprises; and it was the painful destiny of the Queen to be forced to sanction and confirm those laws which annihilated the expectations of her family and crushed her own most favoured desires. The conflict between natural affection and public duty to which she was thus exposed was a source of constant disquiet and mortification, and rendered her private life as full of sorrow and suffering, as the public events of her reign were brilliant and honourable to the national reputation. In March, 1702, when the reign of Anne commenced, Eng- land was divided into three principal parties ; the Jacobites, whose hopes of the restoration of the Stuart family were yet strong, the Tories, and the Whigs. The Queen's accession was looked upon by each of these with satisfaction. The two former believed that the principles to which they adhered would receive countenance from the Queen ; the latter trusted that their power was too well established by the events of William's reign to suffer from the attempts of their oppo- nents. The indolence and facility of temper which charac- terised the new Queen laid her open to the influence of the stronger minded Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough, and the party with which she was connected, and to this influence has been ascribed the readiness with which Anne adhered to the principles of foreign policy which had actuated the con- duct of the late Sovereign. The triple alliance between England, Holland, and Germany, the object of which was to check the ambitious designs of Louis XIV., was confirmed, and in May, 1702, the declaration of hostilities by those powers against France was published. Then commenced that long contest known by the name of the war of the succession, which had for its object to prevent the union of the Crowns of Spain and France, and which the genius of 32 QUEEN ANNE, Maryborough and Eugene rendered so brilliant and honourable to the armies they directed. The battles of Hochstet, Ramil- lies, Oudenarde, and Malplaquet, eclipsed the glories of Crecy and Agincourt, and carried the renown of the British arms to a pitch of glory which has never been surpassed. In the year 1707, the union with Scotland, a measure which all enlightened politicians had long advocated and which preceding monarchs had in vain attempted to effect, was happily accomplished. The prosperity and tranquillity of both branches of the nation was secured, and the succes- sion, contrary to the expectations, as well as the wishes, of the Queen, settled in the house of Hanover. On the death of her husband, Anne's predilection in favour of her family began to be more openly manifested. The power which the Duchess of Marlborough had acquired over her too easy mis- tress, and which she had used with imprudent audacity, was undermined by the intrigues of the Tory party. A more obsequious favourite, in the person of Mrs. Masham, sup- planted the imperious Duchess, and Godolphin, Sunderland, Somers and Walpole, her Majesty's Whig Ministers, gave way to the Tory leaders Harley and Bolingbroke, with their nine illustrious but less eminent colleagues. Parliament was dissolved, and in the general election which ensued, the com- bined influence of the High Church party, which Dr. Sache- verel's trial had roused, and of the Jacobites, returned a large proportion of Tories to the House of Commons. The creation at once of twelve new members of the House of Lords ensured in that assembly a predominance of power in favour of the new Government, and thus strengthened, a peace was determined on, and carried into effect. The nego- ciations for the treaty of Utrecht were prosecuted, and the terms arranged by Bolingbroke and Prior ; but, as her reso- lute entrance on the war at the commencement of her reign had been induced by the authoritative counsels of the Duchess of Marlborough, the peace by which that war was terminated, and Europe for a time tranquillised, may be QUEEN ANNE. 33 no less properly ascribed to the gentler insinuations of Mrs. Masham. The disgrace of Marlborough, and the sacrifice of Anne's earlier friends, had not the effect of procuring for the Queen that support which she had calculated upon from her new adherents. Her supposed partiality for her family rendered her an object of suspicion to a great portion of her people, and, although she gave no more open .demonstration of that partiality than might be fairly referred to the constitutional moderation of her temper, and that disinclination to proceed to extremities against those with whom nature and affection had linked her, which was not only excusable but laudable, her existence was embittered by the jealousies to which she was exposed. The latter part of her life was disquieted, and? as it should appear, her death accelerated by the disunion which had sprung up between Harley, now Earl of Oxford, and Bolingbroke, who, from being close allies, had become irreconcileable foes. The ambitious and intractable spirit of Bolingbroke alarmed the more timid and dissembling Lord Treasurer, who complained to the Queen, and denounced his rival as a dangerous person. The Secretary had, however, gained an advantage which enabled him to triumph over his former friend. That same Mrs. Masham, by whose assist- ance Harley had in other times supplanted his opponents, had been, or thought she had been neglected and ill used by him. Bolingbroke courted her friendship with the utmost assiduity, and excited her animosity against Itord Oxford, whom she did not scruple to call "the most ungrateful man to the Queen, and all his best friends, that ever was born." The result of this intrigue soon became apparent. Bolingbroke, aware of his strength, openly reproached Lord Oxford ; accused him of betraying the Queen's honour ; of intriguing with her apparent successor, of endeavouring to restrict her just prerogative, and to thwart those who were best inclined to serve her. The council board became a scene of violent contention, in which the exasperated feelings VII. D 34 QUEEN ANNE. of the rival ministers led them beyond the bounds of common decency. Scurrilous reproaches, and bitter recriminations, which even the presence of her Majesty could not repress, occupied the time which ought to have been spent in grave debate. They produced, but did not end with, Lord Oxford's dismissal ; for on the question of putting the office of Lord Treasurer, from which he had been displaced, into commis- sion, a discussion ensued among the Privy Councillors, at which her Majesty assisted, and which was carried on with great heat until two o'clock in the morning. The fatigue and mental anxiety to which she was thus exposed threw her into great agitation, which was immediately followed by a serious illness. She ascribed the attack from which she was suffering to this cause, and told the physicians attending her, that she should not outlive it. This was on the twenty- eighth of July, 1714. Two days afterwards she was seized with a lethargy from which she never recovered, but remained in a state of insensibility until the morning of the first of August, when she expired, in the fiftieth year of her age, and in the thirteenth of her reign. The times in which she lived were so fertile in the pro- duction of great men, and important events, that a brilliant lustre was shed over them, to which, however, the Queen personally contributed little. Before her time, at distant intervals, Shakspeare, and Milton, and Dryden had diffused the glorious lights emanating from the genius which inspired them over the literature of England, but all around and be- tween them was in comparative obscurity. In her reign, Pope, Swift, Addison, Prior, Congreve, Steele, Gay, and a crowd of other highly gifted men, poured out in abundant profusion, and at nearly the same period, the treasures of their intellect, and established for the nation a fame so great and lasting, that posterity is justified in calling this the Augustan age of English literature. The other arts of peace proceeded with equal success ; commerce, manufactures, and agriculture, felt the same favouring influence, and, joined QUEEN ANNE. 35 to the brilliant triumphs which had attended the British arms abroad, raised the glory of the country to a high pitch of prosperity and renown. The fitness of Anne for exercising the royal sway is admitted on all hands to have been much more than ques- tionable. Constitutionally mild, timid and indolent, she was influenced by the insolence or the cunning of those who surrounded her, and, until disappointment and treachery had rendered her cautious, was the unsuspecting instrument of their projects. When caution came at length, it brought with it an unreasonable degree of suspicion, and she acquired the conviction that she was exposed to impositions without having the prudence and sagacity which were neces- sary to distinguish between the true and the false. In private she was a model of conjugal affection and fidelity. Neither the cares nor the occupations of public business induced her to omit the most assiduous attention to her husband in the long and painful illness which ended in his death ; and in her affection and regard for her children, of whom she had nine, all of whom she had the misfortune to survive, she set an example worthy of imitation by all, and most honourable to her exalted station. Glorious and prosperous as her reign was to the nation, her life was filled with pain and sorrow. The early deaths of her children, and the lamentable circumstances of her exiled family, poisoned her existence, and presented a striking proof of the wide distinc- tion between personal happiness and external grandeur. Forced by circumstances into the occupation of the throne, and bound by the dictates of conscience to the support of the Protestant religion, she was reduced to the sad alternative of disregarding the emotions of filial tenderness, or of violating obligations not less solemn or imperative than those of natural duty and affection, and perhaps of plunging a nation into anarchy and ruin. That she attempted to reconcile these conflicting duties, and that the attempt was in vain, formed the heavy cloud which hung over her whole life, and has exposed her memory to the reproaches of a party which upon D2 36 QUEEN ANNE. a fair consideration of the circumstances of her position she can in no respect be said to have deserved. Her administration of the executive power was remarkably lenient ; and it is a fact worthy of remembrance that, not- withstanding the troubles and violence in which the state of politics involved her reign, no execution for high treason occurred in its whole duration. She was punctual and exem- plary in the discharge of her religious duties ; maintained and encouraged the purity of the clerical profession ; and with laudable generosity set the first example, and at her own expense, of augmenting the livings of the poorer members of the Church of England, to whom at this day " Queen Anne's Bounty " is a phrase of consolation and encourage- ment. Her income was managed with strict economy, and so as to have sufficient funds at her disposal for indulging that liberal benevolence in which she delighted. She pos- sessed a good natural capacity, and very respectable accom- plishments ; was skilled in painting and music, and had good taste in all the fine arts. The delivery of her public speeches was characterised by a dignified propriety, and so aided by a remarkably pleasing voice, that they are said to have charmed the ears of her audience. Her person was of the middle size and well proportioned ; her hair of a dark brown colour, her complexion ruddy, her features regular, her countenance rather round than oval, and her general aspect might more properly be called comely than majestic. A generous and indulgent mistress, and a warm friend, she had inspired all who surrounded her with feelings of sincere affec- tion, while the paternal regard she had on all occasions mani- fested for the welfare of her people had made her so universally beloved that her death was more sincerely lamented than that of perhaps any Monarch who ever sate on the throne of these realms. Without any of those qualifications which consti- tute what is called a great Sovereign, she was one of the best and purest ; and was unquestionably entitled to the expres- sive epithet of " the Good Queen Anne," by which she was long remembered. [B dm MET BISHOP OF SALISBURY OB, 1714-15, GILBERT BURNET, BISHOP OF SALISBURY. THIS eminent person, with whose character and conduct we should have been perhaps better acquainted had he spoken less of them himself, was born in Edinburgh, on the eighteenth of September, 1643. One of his sons, who subjoined to the most important of his works a slight sketch of his life, which has furnished the ground for all succeeding compilers, has neglected to inform us even of the Christian names of his parents, telling us only that his father was an eminent civil lawyer, of an ancient family in the county of Aberdeen, and his mother a sister of that furious covenanter, Archibald Johnstone, better known by the title of Lord Warristoun, who had sat as a Peer in Cromwell's Scottish Parliament, and suffered death for treason in 1663. From that uncle, and from his mother, who was also a stedfast zealot for the same cause, Gilbert imbibed a presbyterian inclination which certainly ever after tinged all his notions of government, both in church and state ; while his father, from whom he received his early education, and who had turned with disgust from the frantic violence of the schismatics, and embraced episcopacy, determined to place him at least in the profession of the established church, instead of the law. to which he had been originally destined. He had however studied for some years in the college of Aberdeen before this resolution was taken, where, at the age of eighteen, he passed his examination as a probationer, or candidate for holy orders, and, soon after, having refused a benefice which might 38 GILBERT BURNET, probably have placed him in obscurity for life, came to England, and visited Oxford and Cambridge, in which the extent of his precocious talents and erudition presently gained for him not only the intimacy but the esteem of the most eminent persons there. Having spent six months in those classical abodes, he embarked for Holland, and, after an inquisitive tour through the United Provinces, and part of France, where he spent some time in Paris, he came first to London in the beginning of the year 1665. Here, chiefly through the special recommendations which he had brought from the two universities, he became known to the persons at that time most remarkable in every branch of literature ; enlarged and varied the scope of his studies ; and was elected a member of the Royal Society, then a most choice fraternity, under the presidency of his countryman, Sir Robert Murray. Thus introduced to the world, and fortified by reputation and connections, he returned to Scotland, and accepted from Sir Robert Fletcher the living of Saltoun, of which he had no sooner taken possession than he drew up, to use his own words, a memorial of the grievances Scotland lay under by the misconduct of its Bishops, charging them with utter neglect of their pastoral duties, with avarice, tyranny, and licentious lives. He sent transcripts of this singular piece, signed with his name, to most of those prelates, and was soon after cited before the whole body, with Sharp, Arch- bishop of St. Andrews, at their head. Sharp proposed that he should be deprived and excommunicated, to which the rest, conscious of the tottering state of the Scottish hierarchy, refused their assent ; and Burnet, who stedfastly refused to make any apology, was at length dismissed without penalty. This extraordinary boldness, and in a youth of the age of two-and-twenty, procured him much fame and notoriety, especially with the great presbyterian body, to which the King's ministers in Scotland were at that time known to lean, and certainly paved the way to his future advancement. They began to consult him privately on the affairs of the BISHOP OF SALISBURY. 39 church, and his advice, as might be expected, generally agreed with their opinions. He had the good fortune, or the address, to gain at once the favour of the Earl, soon after Duke, of Lauderdale, who had the chief management of Scottish affairs, and the Duke of Hamilton, of whose natural power in that country it is needless to speak, though those noblemen had been long at variance. Nay, such were the kindness and confidence in which they mutually held him, that he effected, as he tells us, a reconciliation between them. Lauderdale is said to have advised with him at that time on public affairs the most important and delicate, while Hamilton entrusted to him the most private papers of his family, and employed him to compose those memoirs of the Dukes of that House, which were afterwards published under his name. " I wrote those memoirs," says he, in his History of his own Times, "with great sincerity;" yet he blindly adds, even in the same breath for the sake of sullying the memory of Charles the First with indifferent censures, "I did indeed conceal several things that related to the King : I left out some passages that were in his letters, in some of which there was too much weakness, and in others too much craft and anger." While he was occupied in that work, he composed also, with the view of reconciling his vacillation between the two churches, his " Modest and free Conference between a Conformist and a Nonconformist," an apology which left his conduct and his motives nearly where it found them. In 1669 he was chosen Professor of Divinity in the Univer- sity of Glasgow, an office which he held for more than four years, and the only one in which we at any time find him in his own country. During that period he twice, as he tells us, refused the offer of a Bishopric there. His activity and his ambition prompted him to fly at higher game than Scot- land could produce, and he secretly longed to figure in courts and states. He made a journey therefore to London, under the pretence, for a mere pretence it must have been, of 40 GILBERT BURNET, seeking information from the Duke of Lauderdale wherewith to enrich his Memoirs of the Hamiltons, and the Duke, who on his part stood mainly in need of an able adviser and apologist, received him cordially, in the hope of retaining him in at least one of those characters. He returned how- ever to Glasgow in 1671, but it was to take a wife, Margaret Kennedy, daughter of the Earl of Cassilis, who was many years older, as well as much richer, than himself. This marriage, which seemed to connect him still more firmly with the Presbyterian interest, as the lady and her family were among its chief supporters, probably suggested to him the prudence of making some new professions to counter- balance the obloquy to which it might give occasion, and he published an argument in defence of royalty and episcopacy, with the title of " A vindication of the Authority, Con- stitution, and Laws, of the Church and State of Scotland/' which he dedicated to Lauderdale, a person utterly careless of both. He went again to London in 1673, giving out that the sole object of his journey was to procure a licence for the pub- lication of his biographical work, which might certainly have been as easily obtained without his personal attendance. His real design however was to make a vigorous effort for preferment and distinction. Lauderdale now presented him and his book to the King, who, as he tells us in his " History of his own Times," immediately read some parts of it himself, and expressed his approbation of it. If this relation be somewhat marvellous, as it certainly is, his account, in the next paragraph, of his second audience is absolutely incre- dible. Take it therefore in his own words : — " He admitted me to a long private audience that lasted above an hour, in which I took all the freedom with him that I thought became my profession. He. run me into a long discourse about the authority of the church, which he thought we made much of in our disputes with the dissenters, and then took it all away when we dealt with the papists. I saw plainly what he BISHOP OF SALISBURY. 41 aimed at in this ; and I quickly convinced him that there was a great difference between an authority of government in things indifferent, and a pretence to infallibility. — He complained heavily of the Bishops for neglecting the true concerns of the church, and following Courts so much, and being so engaged in parties. I went through some other things, in relation to his course of life, and entered into many particulars with much freedom. He bore it all very well, and thanked me for it. Some things he freely con- demned, such as living with another man's wife ; other things he excused, and thought God would not damn a man for a little irregular pleasure. He seemed to take all I had said very kindly, and, during my stay at court, he used me in so particular a manner, that I was considered as a man growing into a high degree of favour." He was presently after introduced by the Earl of Ancram to the Duke of York. " Lord Aucram," says he, " had a mind to engage me to give his Royal Highness an account of the affairs of Scotland ; but I avoided that, and very bluntly entered into much discourse with him about matters of religion. He said some of the common things of necessity of having but one church, otherwise we saw what swarms of sects did rise upon our revolt from Rome, and these had raised many rebellions, and the shedding of much blood ; and he named both his father's death, and his great grand- mother's, Mary Queen of Scots. He also turned to some passages in Heylin's History of the Reformation, which he had lying by him, and the passages were marked, to show upon what motives and principles men were led into the changes that were then made. I enlarged upon all these particulars, and showed him the progress that ignorance and superstition had made in many dark ages, and how much bloodshed was occasioned by the Papal pretensions, for all which the opinion of infallibility was a source never to be exhausted. I told him that it was a thing he could never answer to God nor the world ; that being born and baptised 42 GILBERT BURNET, in our church, and having his father's last orders to continue stedfast in it, he had suffered himself to be seduced, and, as it were, stolen out of it, hearing only one side, without offering his scruples to our divines, or hearing what they had to say in answer to them ; and that he was now so fixed in his Popery, that he would not so much as examine the matter. The Duke, upon this conversation," he adds, " expressed such a liking to me, that he ordered me to come oft to him." That Charles was one of the best tempered and most courteous, and James one of the most phlegmatic and patient, princes in the world, are facts historically proved ; nor has Burnet given us any where reason to suppose that he ever suffered himself to be put out of his way by scruples of modesty or politeness ; but can it, I say, be believed that a young clergyman, with nothing to plead in his favour but the reputation of talents and erudition, together perhaps with some slight party services in Scotland, should have thus personally bearded and bullied his sovereign, and the pre- sumptive heir to the Throne, and in the very hour of his first admission to their presence ? No, it is utterly impossible ; and it is the extravagance, to use a mild term, of these, and many other passages in his History of his own Times, that has rendered his fidelity generally and deservedly questionable. During his visit, however, to London, the King heard him preach, and appointed him one of his chaplains in ordinary, but he soon lost that distinction ; for he had scarcely returned to Scotland when his patron, Lauderdale, fell into a tem- porary disgrace, in which he became involved, through the treachery, as he says, of the Duke himself, who had falsely laid to his charge the miscarriage of some affairs in Scot- land. Rendered unpopular there by that imputation, which ' threatened also his best prospects in England, • he resigned his professorship at Glasgow, and made another journey hither in 1674, to endeavour to remove the effect of it; but he was presently after his arrival struck out of the List of BISHOP OF SALISBURY. 43 Chaplains, and forbade to appear at Court. Early in the succeeding year an inquiry into the conduct of the Duke of Lauderdale was instituted by the House of Commons, and Burnet, after a little hesitation, declared at length to a Committee, the whole of his most secret communications with that nobleman, for which, according to the common fate of those who make such disclosures, he was overwhelmed with the praises of one faction, and the execrations of another. He now resolved to pass the remainder of his life in England, and to confine his views to his profession, and his hopes of patronage in it to the puritan party, to which he was now more than ever grateful. He was accordingly recommended by the Lord Holies, better known as one of the notorious five members of the Long Parliament, to the Master of the Rolls, Sir Harbottle Grimstone, a worthy man, but a votary not less strenuous to the good old cause, for the office of Preacher at his Public Chapel, and was soon after chosen lecturer of St. Clement's. Why he delayed so long the publication of his Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton is unknown, but they did not appear till 1676. He printed, soon after, " An Account of a Con- ference between Dr. Stillingfleet, Mr. Coleman, afterwards sacrificed to the Popish Plot, and himself," which was held at the request of a Lady Tyrwhit, whose mind was painfully wavering between the Catholic and Protestant churches, and which ended with the usual effect of such disputations. But he began now to be busied in collecting the materials, and forming the plan of that work, from which he chiefly, and deservedly too, derived his literary fame, the History of the Reformation ; for the publication of which, or rather of the first volume, which did not appear till 1679, the thanks of both Houses of Parliament were voted to him, together with their request that he would continue and complete the task. This distinction, which no author had ever before experienced, would have been more estimable if party spirit had been wholly absent from the motives which produced it : but the 44 GILBERT BURNET, truth is, that the book appeared during the utmost heat of the pretended Popish plot, at an hour when no compliment was thought too high to be bestowed on the champion of the low church, as Burnet about that time began to be considered. The occurrence of that monstrous scene of perjury and blood- shed drew him from a retirement which he had adopted for the purposes of study, and he seems, from his own account, to have been very busy among several of the actors in it, probably with the view of gaining intelligence which might make him again acceptable at Court, where, indeed, we pre- sently after find him, in the same boasted familiar intercourse with the King as formerly. In 1681 he published an interesting account of the life and death of the libertine Earl of Rochester, whom he had sedulously attended in his last illness ; and about the same time addressed a letter at great length to the King, arraigning the whole of his public and private conduct, with a severity of judgment, and coarseness of expression, which again lead us to painful doubts of his veracity— to doubt whether such a letter was ever written — yet more whether it was ever delivered. Let the reader judge from a few extracts, which are not selected for their sharpness so much as for their brevity. "Most people grow sullen, and are highly dis- satisfied with you, and distrustful of you : all the distrust your people have of you ; all the necessities you are now under ; all the indignation of Heaven that is upon you, and appears in the defeating all your councils ; flow from this — that you have not feared nor served God, but have given yourself up to so many sinful pleasures. — If you will go on in your sins, the judgments of God will probably pursue you in this life, so that you may be a proverb to after-ages ; and, after this life, you will be for ever miserable, and I, your poor subject that now am, shall be a witness against you in the great day, that I gave you this free and faithful warning." The letter is dated on the twenty-ninth of January, and con- cludes with declaring that the writer chose that day in hope BISHOP OF SALISBURY. 45 that on the morrow (the anniversary of his father's murther) the King might be in a disposition to weigh it the more care- fully. Burnet alludes to this letter in his History of his own Times ; and his son, by whom that work was published, with a brief sketch, as we before observed, of his father's life sub- joined, gives there a copy at length, which he says he found among the bishop's papers after his death. He printed also in 1681, a Life of Sir Matthew Hale, and a treatise which he entitled " a History of the Rights of Princes in disposing of ecclesiastical Benefices, and Church Lands," as well as a defence of that work, in answer to an anonymous attack. The return of the Duke of York from Scotland, and the triumph of that Prince's party over the presbyterian faction in the following year, seem materially to have confused Burnet's political speculations. He had long declined to accept offers of important promotion from each, with the \iew of preserving that reputation for impartiality and independence at which he had always aimed, and he now suddenly found himself compelled to expose openly his affection for the one, to the extinction for ever of all hope of favour, or even forgiveness from the other. The treason which took the name of the Rye-house Plot was discovered, and it presently appeared that all the men of rank who were concerned in it were his most intimate and confidential friends, nor did himself escape suspicion. It is indeed evident, from more than one passage in his history of this year, that he was cognisant of the conspiracy, though proof was wanting of his being actively engaged in it. Thus situated, it would have been most scandalous in him to have abandoned his friends, or even wholly to have withdrawn himself from them, and Burnet, though cautious, was far from deficient either in courage or warmth of heart. He boldly, therefore, continued his intercourse with them as long as he could, and obtained a special permission to attend on Lord Russell in the interval between the trial of that nobleman and the moment of his death, presently after 46 GILBERT BTJRNET, which he was called before the Cabinet Council, and closely questioned on the matter of Russell's last words to the people, and the paper which he had delivered on the scaffold to the sheriffs, both which Burnet was suspected to have written. No further steps were then taken against him. He retired for a short time to Paris, and, returning to his studies, pre- pared for the press a " Translation and examination of a letter written by the last general assembly of the clergy of France to the Protestants, inviting them to return to their communion," &c. and also a " Translation of Sir Thomas More's Utopia," which were this year published, as was in the following, his " Life of William Bedel, Bishop of Kil- more." At length he was dismissed from his lectureship of St. Clement's, and his office of preacher at the Rolls, by the express command of the King, whose death occurring very shortly after, he obtained leave, seemingly without difficulty, to quit the kingdom, immediately after the accession of James. He now made at leisure the tour of the best part of France, Italy, Switzerland, and Germany, of which he printed two years after a lively and instructive narrative. At length he settled at the Hague, where it is scarcely necessary to say that he was most cordially received. He became immediately, as might be expected, a most active and important party in the consultations which were then daily held there prepa- ratory to the execution of the Prince of Orange's design on the English Crown ; and acquired so high a degree of favour and confidence with the Princess as to draw from her unfor- tunate father two very angry letters, together with a demand, through his ambassador, that Burnet should be forbade their court, which, as a mere matter of form, was complied with. His influence, however, remained there ; and all the time that he could spare from personal correspondence with them and their friends was employed in writing pamphlets, which were abundantly dispersed in England, and reprinted together in 1689, with the title of " a Collection of eighteen Papers BISHOP OF SALISBURY. 47 relating to the Affairs in Church and State during the Reign of King James the Second." Prosecutions for high treason were at length commenced against him both in England and Scotland, but the States refused to deliver him up ; and plans, as he tells us, were afterwards laid to seize his person, or even to take his life. To secure himself against all endea- vours to reclaim him by negotiation, or else as a measure of defiance, he procured letters of naturalisation there, and so became a Dutch subject, and having been now for some time a widower, married a lady of that country, Mary Scott, said to have been descended from the House of Buccleuch, whose ancestors had for several generations held public employ- ments of consideration in the provinces of Holland and Zealand. He attended William on his expedition to England in the character of his chaplain, and drew the most important docu- ments which were issued on that occasion by the Prince, who appointed him to the see of Salisbury a very few days after he took possession of the Throne. At full liberty now to indulge publicly his favourite notions of church doctrine and discipline, he became the strenuous advocate in Parliament for the almost unlimited toleration of Protestant dissenters of all sorts. His political whiggism, however, proved less for- tunate ; for having, in 1689, in his aversion even to that shadow of hereditary right which might seem to furnish a pretence to Mary's accession to the Throne, asserted in a " Pastoral Letter " to the clergy of his diocese on the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, that the title of the King and Queen were founded on conquest, the two Houses of Parlia- ment ordered that the letter should be burned by the hang- man, which was done accordingly. He lost, however, by this folly no favour at Court, nor was he less esteemed at Hanover by the electoral family, whose succession to the Crown of England he was appointed to propose in the House of Peers, and with whose illustrious heir, the Princess Sophia, he had the honour to hold a pretty regular epistolary cor- respondence till her death. In 1692, he printed a treatise 48 GILBERT BURNET, entitled " The Pastoral Care :" in the following year " Four Discourses to the Clergy of his Diocese," on the truth of the Christian religion ; on the divinity and death of Christ— on the infallibility and authority of the Church ; and on the obligation to continue in its communion : and in 1695 an Essay on the character of his great patroness, Queen Mary, who died at the end of the preceding year. In 1698 he became again a widower, but was re-married with uncommon expedition. His third wife, whom he also survived, was a daughter of Sir Richard Blake, a Hampshire knight, and relict of Robert Berkley, of Spetchley, in Worcestershire. In the same year William conferred on him the office of preceptor to the Duke of Gloucester, the only survivor of the numerous issue of the Princess of Denmark, and presumptive heir to the Crown. This royal youth also, of whose qualifi- cations the Bishop speaks with the greatest praise, died in little more than a year after. From this period he took scarcely any concern in public affairs, unless the great pains taken by him in procuring that application of the first-fruits and tenths to the augmentation of poor benefices, which is commonly known by the denomination of " Queen Anne's Bounty," may be so deemed. It is to his benevolent zeal that the clergy are indebted for the first suggestion, and sub- sequent prosecution and enactment, of that excellent measure. He retired to his diocese, and, having passed the remainder of his life there in the most exemplary performance of all the duties of a Christian prelate, died on the seventeenth of March, 1714-15, and was buried in the parish church of St. James, Clerkenwell, in London ; leaving issue three sons, William, Gilbert, and Thomas, the first and third of whom were bred to the law, and the second to the church. We are not informed which of the Bishop's ladies was their mother, nor whether he had any other children. Burnet wrote some small unimportant tracts, chiefly con- troversial, which it is unnecessary here to enumerate. His two great works, the History of the Reformation, and the History of his own Times, will, in spite of imperfections, BISHOP OF SALISBURY. 49 ever stand high in the first order of English classics ; the one for patient and diligent investigation, for clearness of arrangement, and rigour of proof; the other for the astonish- ing number and variety of the facts which it discloses ; and for a vivacity so bewitching as to beguile us with an illusion of the real presence of the persons and things described. That disposition perhaps contributed to betray him occasionally into the regions of invention, a fault which has already been unwillingly ascribed to him in the foregoing pages, and which is certainly, in a covert, but good-humoured strain, alluded to by the witty Marquis of Halifax, in a character, written in his lifetime, an extract from which ought, on all accounts, to be here inserted — " Dr. Burnet," says the Marquis, " is like all men who are above the ordinary level, seldom spoken of in a mean — he must either be railed at or admired. He has a swiftness of imagination that no other comes up to ; and, as our nature hardly allows us to have enough of anything with- out having too much, he cannot at all times so hold in his thoughts but that at some time they may run away with him, as it is hard for a vessel that is brimful when in motion not to run over ; and therefore, the variety of matter that he ever carries about him may throw out more than an unkind critic would allow of. His first thoughts may sometimes require more digestion, not from a defect in his judgment, but from the abundance of his fancy, which furnishes too fast for him. His friends love him too well to see small faults, or, if they do, think that his greater talents give him a privilege of stray- ing from the strict rules of caution, and exempt him from the ordinary rules of censure. He produces so fast, that what is well in his writings calls for admiration, and what is incorrect deserves an excuse. He may in some things require grains of allowance which those only can deny him who are un- known or unjust to him. He is not quicker in discerning other men's faults than he is in forgiving them ; so ready, or rather glad, to acknowledge his own, that from blemishes they become ornaments." VII. E OB, 1716, JOHN, LORD SOMERS. THE professional career of a lawyer, however eminent, is scarcely ever productive of many incidents likely to excite general interest, and the life of a statesman, subsequently to a certain period of our annals, is almost always shrouded in obscurity ; while the incessant application of both to circum- stances nearly infinite in variety as well as in number, in which their passions, their sentiments, and their tempers, are in a great measure either unconcerned or concealed, removes them almost wholly from the sphere of ordinary life, and leaves them, in the strict and simple sense of the phrase, without characters. It was in those two stations, and in them only, that this eminent person became highly distin- guished ; but the extent of his reading, the power of his eloquence, and the wisdom of his decrees, are forgotten, even by the heirs of those who profited or suffered by them, and it is remarkable that his biographers, and they were many, have given us very few particulars of them. As a statesman, we are but little better acquainted with him ; for he was placed in that character by the revolution of 1688, an event which, amidst the stupendous benefits commonly ascribed to it, was peculiarly unfavourable to the future interests of history and biography, by substituting for the splendid merits, and the bold faults, of ministers of other days, the small dexterity of financial contrivance, and the innumerable frauds and mean- nesses which hide themselves in secrecy, and, when by chance detected, are seldom worth recording. Amidst those disad- vantages, which have narrowed our view of his story, Lord £2 52 JOHN, LORD SOMERS. Somers lived, and, in spite of their evil influence, seems to have lived and died an honest man. He was born on the fourth of March, 1652, and was the eldest, or perhaps only, son of John Somers, an attorney of reputation and large practice in the city of Worcester, by Catherine, daughter of a person of the name of Ceaverne, of the county of Salop. His father had been engaged in the rebellion, and actually commanded a troop in Cromwell's army, and doubtless from his early lessons his child imbibed that political bias which tinged, without soiling, the whole of his public conduct. He was sent early to what is called the College school, in his native town, and completed his educa- tion at Trinity College in Oxford, of which he was entered a gentleman commoner, and which he left with the highest reputation for polite, as well as for erudite, literature. Des- tined always by his father for the bar, he was now removed to the tuition of Sir Francis Winnington, soon after Solicitor General, and became a Student of the Middle Temple. Here genius seems to have superseded the necessity of labour. He wrote and published poems and pamphlets, and appeared to ordinary observers to have devoted himself to the varied occupation of a general author, while he was acquiring a degree of knowledge in his profession more extensive than is generally found to reward even the severest study. At this time too he lived much in the society of the most lively per- sons among the opponents of the Court, and was at length introduced to their graver leaders, the Lords Essex and Russell, and Algernon Sidney, who, finding in him a dispo- sition to assist in the furtherance of their plans, joined to talents which could not but render him a most important acquisition to any party, flattered him by a close intimacy, and indeed by no small share of their confidence. Happily for him, however, a cool prudence for which he was always remarkable, restrained him from engaging too far with them ; and those connections, which utterly ruined so many, were among the first steps towards his future great elevation. JOHN, LORD SOMERS. 53 The immediate effect of them was to invigorate his poli- tical pen. He is said (for it is almost needless to observe that such works were published anonymously) to have written about this time " a brief History of the Succession of the Crown of England, collected out of Records," &c., intended as a collection of grounds of argument for the exclu- sion of James Duke of York ; and, " a just and modest Vin- dication of the two last Parliaments ;" in fact, an answer to the published declaration of Charles the Second of his reasons for dissolving them. We hear little of him at the bar till 1683, when he appeared in the court of King's Bench as advocate for the seditious sheriffs Pilkington and Shute, with many others, and gained a reputation which rose gradually till it was finally confirmed, and universally acknowledged, on the occasion of the trial, five years after, of the seven Bishops, in which, though the junior counsel, he is said to have far surpassed, not only in argument and eloquence but in legal learning, the whole host of long experienced lawyers to whom he was then joined. He was now admitted into the most secret councils of those who were at that time busily employed in forming the plan for that revolution which, six months after, they brought to maturity. On the arrival of the Prince of Orange, he was elected by his native city of Worcester to represent it in what was called the Convention Parliament, which appointed him one of its managers for the great conference between the two Houses on the means to be used for filling the vacant Throne. It is well known that this deliberation on the disposal of three kingdoms was almost wholly confined to a philological discussion of the meaning of two words. It was an apt theme for a display of the subtleties of legal, and the refine- ments of general erudition, and Somers's treatment of it in each view has always been extolled as a model of perfection in its kind. He was now on the high road to certain exalta- tion, and with advantages of which few, if any, of his com- peers in effecting the great change could fairly boast. He 54 JOHN, LORD SOMERS. had abandoned no principles : he had sacrificed no friends : he had deserted no party : nor had he incurred even a suspi- cion of ingratitude, meanness, fraud, or falsehood, in the whole of his political career. Thus recommended, not less than by his particular services, to a patron of cold and rigid integrity, as well as of solid judgment, he became, on the ninth of May, 1689, Solicitor General ; Attorney General on the second of the same month, in the year 1692 ; and, on the twenty-third of the succeeding March, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal. From this date we may consider him as William's most confidential adviser, a character which he seems never in a single instance to have abused. His fidelity was rewarded accordingly. On the twenty-second of April, 1697, he was appointed Lord High Chancellor, and on the second of the following December, was created Lord Somers, Baron of Evesham, in the county of Worcester. He remained not long in the lofty station to which he had been thus raised. The High Church party, as the friends to Monarchy and the enemies of the dissenting interest were then called, had long since recovered from the shock which they had received by the revolution ; had availed themselves of the licence afforded to them by the doctrines on which it was founded, to make ample arrangements to the prejudice of the closely limited King, and his new government ; and had at length established an opposition to them in Parliament of sufficient strength to enable them to institute the most vigorous attacks. Of these Somers, because not only the ablest but the most honest of William's advisers, and the Earl of Portland, because he was his personal favourite, were the chosen objects. In the Par- liament which met in the end of the year 1698, and which was distinguished otherwise by a peculiar malevolence towards William, it was resolved in the Commons to make a stre- nuous effort for the dismissal of the Chancellor, and, on the tenth of April, 1700, on grounds so futile that no correct statement of them seems to have been preserved, an address JOHN, LORD SOMERS. 55 to the King was proposed in that House, and negatived by a small majority, " to remove John, Lord Somers, from his presence and councils for ever." William, not less timid as a politician than bold in the field, prorogued the Parliament the next day, and, retiring immediately to Hampton Court, under great anxiety, sent for the Chancellor, and desired him to resign ; but Somers declined, alleging reasons wholly void of selfishness, and entreating the King to dissolve the Parlia- ment, who, we are told, " shook his head, as a sign of his diffidence, and only said ' it must be so,' " and a few days after sent for the seals. Not satisfied with this degree of triumph, and having found means to increase their party, the opposition in the Commons resolved in the succeeding session to hazard the question of an impeachment, during the agitation of which Somers requested to be heard there, and justified himself with equal candour and firmness. The impeachment however was voted, consisting of fourteen articles, seven of which referred to the negociation with France in 1698, respecting the succession to the Crown of Spain, and known by the name of " the first Partition Treaty," in which it seems that the King had con- sulted no one but the Chancellor. The rest were wholly insignificant. Somers answered them seriatim, and they were sent up to the Lords, who, after repeated angry confer- ences on them with the lower House, wholly dismissed them. The King died in the same year, and Lord Somers retired in some measure to private life. We find him however voting, and sometimes speaking, in Parliament, particularly in 1702, and the following year, when he took a very active part in the discussion of the bill to prevent occasional con- formity ; in 1706 he proposed a project for the union of England and Scotland to Queen Anne, who appointed him one of the managers of that great measure ; and on the change of the administration in 1708, he returned to the Cabinet, accepting the high office of President of the Council, which he held till the dismissal of the Whigs two years after. 56 JOHN, LORD SOMERS. From that period his health gradually declined, and with it the powers of his mind. Some of his latter years were passed in an almost total, but quiescent, absence of intellect, and on the twenty-sixth of April, 1716, he expired in a fit of apoplexy. Lord Somers was a liberal and a judicious patron and encourager of literature and literary men. Of the produc- tions of his own pen a long list may be found in Lord Orford's Royal and Noble Authors, which is not inserted here, because though it is pretty clear that some of those pieces were written by others, it is by no means easy to fix on those which were really his. It has been reported, but apparently on grounds wholly untenable, that he, and not Swift, was the author of "the Tale of a Tub." He was never married, but left two sisters, his coheirs, the eldest of whom, Mary, became the wife of Charles Cocks, and in a grandson of that marriage, Sir Charles Cocks, Bart., the Barony of Somers (since erected into an Earldom) was revived in the year 1784. DUKE OF SHREWSBURY 0 B . 1718, CHARLES TALBOT, DUKE OF SHREWSBURY. THIS very eminent nobleman, the only person who ever held this exalted title, seems to have been an object of the peculiar neglect, and it may be said injustice, both of his contemporaries and of their posterity. With fine talents, the strictest honour and public principle, and a sweet temper, constantly evinced in the most winning courtesy, he passed many years in the exercise of the highest offices in the State and the Court without popular applause, and without the declared approbation of those whose station and habits of life qualified them to form a just judgment of his merits. Not less careless of his posthumous fame have been the pietists and moralists. The youth whose time and attention from the age of nineteen to twenty-one was occupied in reconciling his conscience to one or the other of the two great rival modes of faith, and who afterwards, through the whole of his manhood, lived constantly in the practice of every domestic virtue, could establish no claim to celebration at their hands. How are we to account for this indifference ? By what means can we discover the cause of this silence ? Simply by referring to the facts that, though an English nobleman, always in high public station, he never conde- scended to become a political partisan, or a religious controversialist. He was the eldest of the two surviving sons of Francis Talbot, eleventh Earl of Shrewsbury of that truly noble house, by his second Countess, Anna Maria, daughter of Robert Brudenel, second Earl of Cardigan. He was pecu- 58 CHARLES TALBOT, liarly unfortunate in both his parents, for his father was killed in a duel by the paramour of his mother, George Vil- liers, second Duke of Buckingham of that family. The wretched woman is said to have held the Duke's horse, in the disguise of a page, while he shed her husband's life- blood, and other circumstances are related of her conduct, immediately after the combat, too horrible and disgusting to be here repeated. The orphan Earl, who was born on the twenty- fourth of July, 1660, and received his Christian name from King Charles the Second, his sponsor, had not reached the age of seven years when the untimely death of his father occurred, and he was taken under the protection of his grand- father, the Earl of Cardigan, through whose fostering care he is said to have received a " learned education," and by whom he was brought up with strictness in the Catholic persuasion. It was doubtless by the advice, and with the countenance, of that nobleman, that in his early minority, he presented, in concert with his brother, a petition to the King, imploring justice on Buckingham, and " touching smartly " (to use the words of some almost contemporary meagre notices of the Talbots) "upon the Duke's scandalous behaviour, and bit- terly complaining how, after having basely murdered their father, he continued to load the family with reproach, by an infamous detaining of their mother by violence, the successors to the honour and family of the Shrewsburys being yet infants, and not able to do themselves justice on the person who had so notoriously injured them." Whether this remonstrance produced any effect, the author leaves us uninformed, and it is probable that, through the indolence of Charles, and the fascination in which he was for several years of his reign held by the bewitching liveliness of Buckingham's talents, it was wholly fruitless. Be this as it might, the frightful events which we have slightly recited, operating on feelings of delicate texture, and a natural incli- nation to seriousness, seem to have impelled the young Earl to seek consolation in the bosom of religious truth. He had DUKE OF SHREWSBURY. 69 scarcely passed the nineteenth year of his age when, without the smallest cloud of fanaticism on his mind, he calmly col- lected, with the aid of his grandfather, all the arguments that had been used by the most celebrated Catholic divines in defence of the doctrines and discipline of their church, and carried them to Tillotson, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, with whom he had lately become acquainted, requesting his answers to them. Tillotson, doubtless grati- fied by the prospect of such a proselyte, readily undertook the task, and furnished the Earl with the result, who, after long deliberation on all points of the Doctor's reasonings, and a thorough reconciliation of them to his own conscience, at the end of two years embraced the Protestant religion, and made a public profession of it in Lincoln's Inn chapel. Those eminent treatises against Popery which are to be found in Tillotson's printed works are said to comprise the matter of his communications to Lord Shrewsbury, even in the form in which he made them. The period at which this recantation occurred affords in itself an ample proof of its sincerity. It was made in the very teeth of the Court, and of Royalty itself, for the King was supposed to be Catholic, and the heir presumptive was publicly professed ; the Earl therefore could in no way more effectually have opposed his own interest, and this presently became evident, for he found himself slighted and avoided by those of his own rank, and openly vilified by the ordinary multitude of the Romish party. He retired therefore into privacy during the remainder of that reign, but was, singu- larly enough, invited to the Court, immediately on his acces- sion, by James, who gave him one of the state swords to carry at the Coronation, and placed him soon after, contrary to the inclination both of the Court and ministry, in the dig- nified office of Lord Chamberlain of the Household, which he presently resigned, giving him about the same time the com- mand of the sixth regiment of Horse. It could not however be expected that the violent measures used in that short 60 CHARLES TALBOT, reign towards the re-establishment of the ancient church, should be endured with patience by one so peculiarly distin- guished as a cherisher of the opposite persuasion. The Earl was one of the first to offer his services to the Prince of Orange, and one of the first whom his Highness took into his especial confidence, and by whose advice he submitted to be chiefly guided. The meetings of the great leaders of the revolution were mostly held at his house ; the Prince's declaration is said to have been drawn by him ; and he was one of the first of the English nobility who presented himself personally to the Prince in Holland, with serious and digested proposals, having before his departure mortgaged his estate for forty thousand pounds, which he carried to William. It is just at this period that Bishop Burnet gives us the following short character of him, contrasting it to that of the Lord Mordaunt, afterwards the celebrated Earl of Peterbo- rough, one of his compeers in the great enterprise. — " Next year," says Burnet, " a man of a far different temper came over to the Prince, the Earl of Shrewsbury. He had been bred a Papist, but had quitted that religion upon a very cri- tical and anxious inquiry into matters of controversy. He seemed to be a man of great probity, and to have a high sense of honour. He had no ordinary measure of learning ; a correct judgment ; and a sweetness of temper that charmed all who knew him. He had at that time just notions of government, and so great a command of himself that I never heard any one complain of him, but for his silent and reserved answers, with which his friends were not always well pleased. His modest deportment gave him such an interest in the Prince that he never seemed so fond of any of his ministers as he was of him. He had only in general laid the state of affairs before the Prince, without pressing him too much." In this visit, however, all the most material arrangements for William's coming were settled, and Shrewsbury arrived in England in September, 1688, with full powers from him to conclude with his friends on all inferior particulars. Within DUKE OF SHREWSBURY. 61 a few days after his landing, he commissioned the Earl, with two others, to treat with some noblemen, sent for that pur- pose by the forlorn James ; after whose abdication, and final departure, William also chose him, and a very few others, to learn from the leaders of the revolution, the terms on which it was intended to offer to him the vacant throne, and to declare to them those on which he would accept it. On the day following the accession of William and Mary he was sworn of their Privy Council, and appointed one of the two principal Secretaries of State. " He had," says Bur- net again, " the greatest share of the King's confidence, and no exception could be made to the choice, except on account of his youth ; but he applied himself to business with great diligence, and maintained his candour and temper with more reservedness than was expected from one of his age." In spite, however, of these, and other advantages, disputes presently arose between him and his brother Secretary, the Earl of Nottingham, particularly regarding the bills of indemnity for the late King's friends and servants, and for an abjuration of James himself, both which were the subjects of much debate in the first session of the second Parliament of the reign. Not- tingham opposed the last with earnestness, and even prevailed on the King to use his personal influence against it in the House of Commons, and Shrewsbury tendered his resignation to William, who refused to accept it, but the Earl, though usually compliant and indecisive, was determined to quit the post. The curious correspondence between them on this point has been of late years published, and shows us that Shrewsbury, in stating his motives, makes no complaints but of himself. " Diligence and industry," says he in a letter of the sixth of September, 1689, pressing the King to allow him to retire, " are talents that naturally I never had, and I have now more reason than ever to despair of attaining, since ill health, as well as a lazy temper, join to oppose it." William wrote to him on the following day, still refusing to part with him, and the rest of the year passed in a large interchange of CHARLES TALBOT, such letters, the Earl reiterating his request to resign, and the King denying. They are singularly remarkable for a freedom and familiarity of expression, of which perhaps no parallel instance can be found in epistles between prince and subject. At length, in the following June, the agitation of Shrewsbury's mind upon this point threw him into a violent fever, and he sent the seals by the Earl of Portland to the King, who most unwillingly retained them. William was careful to give a public proof that this retire- ment from office of his favoured servant arose not from any feeling of royal displeasure, for, in the hour, as it were, of his resignation, he was appointed Lord Lieutenant of the counties of Hertford, Worcester, and Hereford. He now retreated for a time to private life, and it seems to have been in this interval that he received grievous injuries by a fall from his horse, which deprived him of the sight of an eye, and produced an asthmatic affection that gradually increased for many years, and finally undermined his constitution, which, however, was in some measure restored from time to time by medicine and good management. In 1693, the King dismissed the Earl of Nottingham, and immediately sent for Shrews- bury, and pressed him, but again in vain, to accept his former station. The Earl peremptorily refused, and returned into the country, when William condescended to endeavour to regain him by artifice, and employed two ladies, Mrs. Villiers, afterwards Countess of Orkney, who was reputed to be a favourite of his own, and a Mrs. Lundee, who was said to possess influence over the Earl. These powerful negociators were successful ; Shrewsbury was again sworn a principal Secretary of State, on the fourth of March, 1693-4, and, in reward of his tardy compliance, was on the twenty-fifth of April elected a Knight of the Garter, and, on the thirtieth, advanced to the dignities of Marquis of Alton, and Duke of Shrewsbury. About the same time, the Lieutenancies of the counties of Anglesea, Flint, and Merioneth, were added to the local jursdictions before intrusted to his charge. DUKE OF SHREWSBURY. 63 The singularities of which we have here spoken, as well in the conduct of William as in that of Shrewsbury, are not to be attributed to any of the motives by which the intercourse of kings and statesmen are usually actuated. Here all was frankness and sincerity, the result of private friendship, and of the purest public principles, equally mutual. Numerous attempts were now made to alienate the King's attachment from him, but it was invincible. The meanest stratagems, and artifices not less absurd than wicked, were used. A creature of Sir John Fenwick, then a prisoner, charged with high treason, who had affected to make discoveries at the Duke's office, on being slighted there, turned upon him, and in 1696 insinuated to some noblemen that he was a party to the conspiracy ; and Fenwick himself, in the hope of saving his own life, conveyed to the Duke of Devonshire that Shrewsbury was in correspondence with the exiled King, through Lord Middleton, and had been allowed by James to re-accept the post of Secretary, as he would be of more service to that Prince's affairs in that station. The first intelligence which Shrewsbury had of these machinations was by a letter from William himself, in which, with expressions of equal kindness and magnanimity, he declared his utter disbelief of the whole, nor would he for a moment listen to the Duke's request, renewed on this occasion, to be allowed to quit the ministry. In May, 1699, however, upon some disgust con- ceived against the Earl of Portland, who was his only rival in the King's personal favour, and the Earl of Halifax, for the large share taken by that nobleman in the invention and establishment of the public funds, a scheme which the Duke had, from its earliest infancy, most earnestly deprecated and opposed, he did resign his office of Secretary, his physician having assured the King that the state of his health neces- sarily required the relaxations of leisure, and foreign travel. William, to prove that his esteem for him was yet wholly unimpaired, and that Shrewsbury left the Cabinet solely by his own choice, now appointed him Lord Chamberlain, which 64 CHARLES TALBOT, he relinquished in the succeeding year, and, leaving England, after a long tour, settled at Rome, where he married Ade- laide, a widow, daughter of the Marquis Paliotii, a Bolognese nobleman. He remained abroad for six years. William died during his absence, but he was received by Queen Anne on his return with scarcely diminished grace, sworn of her Privy Council, and, on the fifteenth of April, 1710, restored to his post of Lord Chamberlain. The more violent whigs ascribed this mark of favour to his secret abandonment of their party, to which indeed he had always moderately inclined, and were confirmed in that opinion by his votes on Sacheverell's trial, which were uniformly opposed to them. Marlborough and Godolphin, however, who knew, and could not but respect, his independence, thought otherwise ; strove to remove those jealousies ; and lived in friendship with him, as they did after their disgrace, when, with the same unblemished reputation, he generally supported the administration of Harley. In Decem- ber, 1712, upon the violent death of the Duke of Hamilton, he was appointed Ambassador to the court of France, to con- clude the negociation for a peace, and had scarcely returned when he was nominated Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. There, as almost always in his public life, his strict impartiality excited at once respect and disgust, and no party could deny that he rendered important service to that country, while he performed his duty to the Queen irreproachably. When he returned he found Anne in the arms of death, accelerated by the furious feuds between the leaders of her ministry, Oxford and Bolingbroke. She sent hastily for him; put into his hands the staff of Lord High Treasurer ; and soon after expired. On the accession then of George the First, he was at once Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Lord High Treasurer of Great Britain, and Lord Chamberlain of the Royal Household, three great appointments never, before nor since, held by one person at the same time. He was now nominated one of the Lords DUKE OF SHREWSBURY. 65 to govern the kingdom till his Majesty's arrival ; after which, on the twentieth of September, 1714, he was made Groom of the Stole, and Keeper of the Privy Purse, and was, on the seventeenth of the succeeding October, once more placed in the office of Lord Chamberlain, which shortly before his death he resigned. This great nobleman expired on the first of February, 1717-18, without issue ; his titles, therefore, of Duke and Marquis became extinct, and the Earldom of Shrewsbury devolved on a distant branch of the family. vir. RCMDLIL DUKE 0 F MARL B OROVO i I OB, 1 722, JOHN CHURCHILL, FIRST DUKE OF MARYBOROUGH. THE history of this eminent person was for more than fifty years after his death almost wholly confined to the splendid details of a career of military glory, not more distinguished by sagacity and bravery than by the most surprising good fortune. The curious industry however of later days has discovered facts, and disclosed secrets, which it might be almost wished had still slept silently in the obscure recesses from which they were drawn. It is the duty of the bio- grapher to state the whole with candour, impartiality and freedom. It is at least his privilege to search for causes and motives ; to argue on them, and on their results ; and to declare his conclusions and opinions fearlessly and honestly. It is on these principles that he means to conduct the following memoir, as well as to found its pretensions to credit. John, Duke of Marlborough, was the second-born son, but by the death of his elder brother Winston in infancy, heir, of Sir Winston Churchill, a gentleman descended from an ancient Norman stock settled in the West of England, by Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John Drake, of Ash, in the parish of Musbury, in Devonshire. He was born there on the twenty-fourth of June, 1650. His father, who was a zealous loyalist, and had fought gallantly, and suffered severely, for the royal cause, removed with his family to London soon after the Restoration, to seek some reward. Here John is said to have been placed at St. Paul's school, where he could have remained but a short time, since it is certain that the F2 68 JOHN CHURCHILL, Duke of York appointed him at a very tender age one of his pages, and procured for him soon after an ensign's commis- sion in one of the regiments of foot guards. His sister, Ara- bella, was received also into the same royal household in the character of a maid of honour to the Duchess, and appeared soon after in that of mistress to the Duke. In what degree the partiality already manifested towards him by James was increased by that circumstance may be easily conceived. Passing over his appearance as a volunteer, for such it seems he was at Tangier, which the Moors then held in con- tinual siege, it may be said that his first military service was in 1672, when England, then leagued with France against the Dutch, sent a force of six thousand men to Holland under the Duke of Monmouth. Here, in the rank of a captain of grenadiers, he displayed, particularly in the sieges of Nime- guen and Maestricht, the most signal bravery ; acquired the personal regard of the great Turenne ; and received the thanks of Louis the Fourteenth, together with that monarch's peculiar recommendation of him to his own sovereign. The second campaign in Holland having ended, the English regi- ments which were still left at the disposal of the King of France marched with the French army against the Imperial- ists, and Louis, in the spring of 1674, nominated Churchill colonel of one of them. During this period of foreign service the Duke of York appointed him a gentleman of his bed- chamber, and master of the robes. He corresponded con- stantly with that prince ; frequently visited England, for the sole purpose of attending to his affairs ; and had insensibly acquired, together with no small share of personal regard, his entire confidence. In 1678 he married Sarah, second daughter and coheir of Richard Jennings, of Sandbridge, in Hertfordshire. This lady is mentioned thus early in the present sketch because so much of her husband's political conduct may be referred to the peculiarities of her understanding and temper, that we must necessarily take her with us as an occasional guide to FIRST DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH. 69 the truth. He now obtained a regiment of infantry, and was sent, on a temporary breach between Charles and Louis, to negotiate a treaty of alliance with the Prince of Orange against the French, which was soon after rendered abortive by a general peace. He returned to his domestic and confi- dential attendance on James, whom he constantly accompa- nied in the various wanderings to which that prince was compelled by the rage of faction towards the conclusion of his brother's reign. He became the medium of their most secret and important correspondence, not only with each other, but with the King of France, to whom he was occa- sionally despatched on missions of the utmost privacy and delicacy. These services were rewarded by a grant, in 1683, of the title of Lord Churchill of Aymouth, in Scotland, to which was added the commission of colonel of a regiment of horse guards, then newly raised. His wife, who had been selected in her childhood as the familiar companion of the Princess Anne, and was beloved by her with a tenderness even extravagant, was about the same time, when that prin- cess's establishment was settled, on her marriage with the Prince of Denmark, appointed a lady of her bedchamber. In the following year, his royal patron mounted the throne ; sent him ambassador to Paris to notify that event ; and on his return elevated him to an English peerage, with the style of Baron Churchill of Sandridge. Monmouth's feeble rebel- lion, which immediately followed, produced new proofs of his military merit. By the rapid and judicious movements of a squadron intrusted to his command he prevented thou- sands from joining the standard of the Duke, whom he then forced prematurely to the general action at Sedgemoor, in which he highly distinguished himself, as he had on the pre- ceding day by disconcerting a plan of the enemy to throw the King's army into disorder. It is strange that he should have received no higher reward for these services than the rank of major-general, and the complimentary transfer of his colo- nelcy to an older corps of horse guards; and yet more 70 JOHN CHURCHILL, remarkable that he should have been placed in no distin- guished office, either in the state or court, during the reign, short as it was, of a master whose partiality towards him seemed to extend almost to favouritism. James probably considered his talents applicable merely to military service, in which no future opportunity offered of employing them ; Churchill doubtless thought otherwise; and hence perhaps imbibed sentiments of disgust and anger, to which in some measure may be reasonably referred that heavy charge on his conduct to which we shall next advert. On the landing of the Prince of Orange, he was among the first who abandoned James ; nor was this the half unwilling step of one at length driven by necessity to determine which of two parties contending for a crown was the most justly entitled to his allegiance. He had been long engaged in a secret intercourse with William. Eighteen months before, a period at which James's confidence in him was at its height, he had written to the Prince to offer, in indirect terms, the meaning however of which was evident, not only his own services, but those of the Princess Anne of Denmark, under whose authority he professes to make the communication. The avowed motive, on his own part as well as on hers, was an earnest devotion to the protestant church. Of Anne's sincerity in this respect there is perhaps no reason to doubt, but that Churchill, bred a courtier and a soldier of fortune? should have been decided on the greatest of all political questions, not by any fear of interruption to his own practice of that mode of faith which he might prefer, for of that he knew there could be no danger, but by his dread that the nation might relapse into popery, is indeed somewhat difficult of belief. The simple truth, it can scarcely be doubted, how- ever reluctantly we may believe it, is that he foresaw the ruin which overhung his sovereign, and determined not to share in the peril of its fall, but to triple his views of preferment by adding the good graces of William and Mary to those of Anne, which he already possessed in the utmost . FIRST DUKE OF MARLBOROTJGH. 7 1 plenitude. The flight also of that Princess from her father is ascribed to the persuasions of himself and his lady, and the charge of ingratitude and treachery too justly founded on the whole, has been of late years aggravated by reports which, as they seem too horrible to deserve credit, I will not here repeat. They may be found in the first volume of Macpherson's " Original Papers." One of the last acts of James's royal authority in England was to raise him to the rank of lieutenant-general, and to give him the command of a brigade in the army which was hastily marched into the west to oppose the invaders ; and ChurchilFs first act after his arrival at the royal quarters was to join the Prince of Orange, with as many of the officers of that brigade as he could persuade to accompany him. His activity in the service of his new master was remarkable. He flew to Lon- don, to secure his own troop of horse-guards, and other mili- tary that remained in that quarter ; returned with the news of his success to William ; and attended his triumphant entry into the metropolis. Here, however, he paused ; and when the question was agitated in the Convention Parliament whether the throne had become vacant by the flight of the King, absented himself with all due decorum from the dis- cussion, as though, in the simplicity of his heart, he had never till then dreamed of that Prince's expulsion, or of William's design to succeed him. That point being settled, he again became busy, and, in concert with his wife, per- suaded their patroness, Anne, to relinquish her presumptive right, and content herself with the chance of obtaining the crown by outliving the Prince of Orange. Immediately on the accession of William and Mary he was sworn of the Privy Council; appointed a lord of the bedchamber; and created Earl of Marlborough. The new reign had scarcely commenced when the King and Queen disagreed with the Princess Anne on the amount of the- ted to her, and the usual artifices of party as in the end they did, an irreparable a LIBRARY 72 JOHN CHURCHILL, breach. Marlborough appeared openly at the head of those who supported the Princess's claim, and William was more displeased than his phlegmatic temper usually allowed. That disposition, however, enabled him to dissemble. He wanted English generals, and had too high an opinion of Marl- borough's military talents to break with him at that time. He was sent, therefore, to command the English forces then serving against the French in the Netherlands, where he acquitted himself with great credit in the campaign of 1689, and soon after his return, embarked for Ireland, at the head of five thousand men, and achieved, with equal bravery and discretion, the most of that which William had left undone towards the final discomfiture of James's adherents in that island, after the battle of the Boyne. While these matters were passing, and during his absence in Holland, whither he attended the King in May, 1691, the discord between the royal sisters arose to the most extravagant height. It was imputed in a great measure to Marlborough and his lady ; and this suspicion, aided by the resentment of the Dutch favourite, Portland, whom it was their custom to abuse and ridicule without mercy, so aggravated William's former dis- pleasure, that on the tenth of January, 1692, he suddenly required from the Earl the surrender of all his employments, civil and military, and forbade his appearance at court. Such is the account given by the memoir writers of that time of the motives to Marborough's dismissal, but it has been rendered doubtful by certain late disclosures. Prodi- gious as it may seem, he was at that time in close and con- fidential correspondence with the court of St. Germain ; and had professed to the exiled King the deepest penitence for the part which he had acted, and the most determined resolution (to use the words of the late publication of James's memoirs of his own latter years,) " to redeem his apostacy with the hazard of his utter ruin," by using his most strenuous efforts to replace that Prince on the throne. How much more reasonable then to suppose, that Marl- FIRST DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH. 73 borough's sudden disgrace arose from William's discovery of this intercourse, than to ascribe it to the quarrels of women, and the malicious gossip of tea-tables ? nor indeed can the fact be doubted when we find that on the fifth of the following May he was arrested on a charge of high- treason ; that, though the instant discovery of the infamous character of his accusers screened him from a public prose- cution, yet that he was detained a prisoner in the Tower for many weeks after some other persons of quality who had been involved in the accusation were released ; and that imme- diately on his being admitted to bail, his name was struck out of the list of the Privy Council. He remained for the next five years unemployed, except in cultivating to his utmost the favour at once of the Princess Anne, and of her royal father. Efforts, however, were not wanting to replace him in the public service, though his friends seem to have entertained little hope of restoring him to Wil- liam's confidence. That they were fully conscious of that Prince's knowledge of his tergiversations, is evident. The Duke of Shrewsbury, then Secretary of State, in a letter of the twenty-second of May, 1694, recommends him strongly to William—" He has been with me," says the Duke, " to offer his services, with all the expressions of duty and fidelity imaginable. What I can say by way of persuasion on this subject will signify but little, since I very well remember, when your Majesty discoursed with me upon it in the spring* you were sufficiently convinced of his usefulness ; but some points remained of a delicate nature, too tender for me to pre- tend to advise upon, and of which your Majesty is the only judge. If these could be accommodated to your Majesty's satisfaction, I cannot but think he is capable of being very serviceable. It is so unquestionably his interest," adds the Duke, with a severity certainly unintended, ft^ W K^ ^ M IK) E ff£ MARQUIS OF GRANBY" 0 B - 1770, JOHN MANNERS, MARQUIS OF GRANBY. THIS nobleman, so justly famed for his bravery and generosity, which were equalled only by the sweetness of his temper and the kindness of his heart, was the eldest son and heir apparent of John Manners, third Duke of Rutland, by Bridget, only daughter and heir of Robert Sutton, second and last Lord Lexington, and was born on the second of January, 1721, N.S. It would be idle to speak of the mode of educa- tion of persons of his birth and prospects in the last century, for it was, as it remains, one and the same in all. Almost as needless therefore is it to observe that he became a member of the lower House of Parliament as soon as he had reached the age prescribed, or perhaps earlier. He was first elected for the town of Grantham, which he represented also in the two following Parliaments; and afterwards sate for the county of Cambridge, without intermission, for the remainder of his life. In the rebellion of 1745, he raised a regiment of infantry, at the head of which he served in Scotland, and was engaged, with distinction, at the decisive battle of Culloden ; and to these circumstances may be ascribed almost with certainty his inclination to the military profession, into which he immediately entered, and remained actively employed till the year of his death. Having passed through the usual gradations of junior rank, he received, on the fourth of March, 1755, the commission of Major General ; in May, 1758, was appointed Colonel of the royal regiment of horse guards ; and, on the fifth of February, 1759, was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-General. 250 JOHN MANNERS, Passing over a variety of previous minor services, we will observe that at the battle of Minden, on the first of August, in the year last named, an action rendered even more remark- able by a collateral circumstance than by the splendid success which attended it, he was second in command of the British and Hanoverian Horse, under Lord George Sackville. The singular conduct of that nobleman, in a disobedience of orders which afterwards became the subject of inquiry by a court- martial, produced, in an expression of the resentment of the commander of the army, Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, the highest compliment to Lord Granby, in the subsequent general orders — " His Serene Highness," say they, "further orders it to be declared to Lieutenant-General the Marquis of Granby, that he is persuaded that, if he had had the good fortune to have him at the head of the cavalry of the right wing, his presence would have contributed to make the decision of that day more complete, and more brilliant." Certainly his con- duct on the occasion in question exhibited a striking contrast to that of his superior, for, while he hesitated whether to comply with the Prince's command to march to the charge, his own orders to Lord Granby, who was flying to the field, to halt, were twice disobeyed. On the twenty-fifth of the same month the Marquis was appointed to succeed Lord George as " Commander-in-Chief of all his Majesty's forces then serving in Germany under Prince Ferdinand," and to the station, which he had also held, of Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance. These eminent persons had never been on terms of cordiality, but Lord Granby, who returned for a while to give his evidence on the trial of his enemy, " showed," says Lord Orford, in his memoirs of the reign of George the Second, " an honourable and compassionate ten- derness ; so far from exaggerating the minutest circumstance, he palliated or suppressed whatever might load the prisoner, and seemed to study nothing but how to avoid appearing a party against him ; so inseparable in his bosom were valour and good-nature." MARQUIS OF GRANBY. 251 This proceeding concluded, the Marquis returned to the army in time for the successful battle of Warburgh, which was fought on the thirtieth of July, 1760, and in which he gained signal honour ; and in that of Phillinghausen, the favourable event of the day may be wholly ascribed to him- self, and the troops then under his immediate command, as well as in the affair of Wilhelmstahl, which occurred soon after. " Towards the end of the war," says an anonymous writer who had served under him, " when the army was so situated that, if a rising ground on the left had been taken possession of by the French, it might have been attended by the worst consequences ; and when the Generals destined to lead a corps to occupy it declared the service impracticable ; Lord Granby arose from a sick bed, in the middle of the night ; assumed the command of the corps ; marched, with a fever upon him, in an inclement season ; took possession of the post, and secured the army." "My Lord Granby's generosity," adds the same writer, with a blunt and honest enthusiasm, "knows no bounds. Often have I seen his generous hand stretched out to supply the wants of the needy soldier : nor did the meanest follower of the camp go hungry from his door. His house was open equally to British and foreigners ; his table was hospitality itself ; and his generous open countenance gave a hearty welcome to all his guests. Hence harmony reigned through the whole army ; disputes had no existence ; and officers of different nations emulated the social virtues of the British chief. By such means he gained the hearts of all the army : they followed him with con- fidence, and fought under him from attachment." These sentiments of his character have been a hundred times echoed, and were never contradicted. He certainly was one of the most amiable men in existence. Lord Granby, though he lived in a time of great party violence, took little concern in political affairs. To such a nature as his, the selfishness, the injustice, the meanness, the acrimony, which unhappily seem inseparable from them, 252 JOHN MANNERS, must have been utterly abhorrent ; and the calls of his public service had fortunately tended in a great measure to detach him from them. He had not a seat in the Privy Council till the second of May, 1760, when the King declared him a member, during his absence with the army. On his return, after the peace, he became, and remained, as might have been reasonably expected, a moderate supporter in Parliament of the measures of Government. On the fourteenth of May, 1763, on his resignation of his commission of Lieutenant- General of the Ordnance, he accepted the office of Master- General of that department, and on the twenty-first of February, in the following year, was appointed Lord Lieutenant of the County of Derby. These were rather to be esteemed compliments than favours, the one due to his military services, the other to just family pretensions. But, on the thirteenth of August, 1766, he was placed in the exalted post of Commander-in-Chief of the army, and the voice of faction was presently raised against him. That most splendid and superb of all libellers, the person, who, under the signature of Junius, astonished the country by the malignity and the injustice of his censures, not less than by the force and exquisite beauty of the terms in which they were conveyed, devoted a paragraph of the very first effusion which fell from his pen to the abuse of the Commander-in-Chief. With the utmost disposition to injure him, merely because he had become a member of the administration, Junius could no further accuse him than of a partiality to relations and friends in the distribution of promotions, and the falsehood of the charge as to the few instances which Junius had ventured to particularize was fully proved by one of Lord Granby's private friends, who, with a generous imprudence, signed with his name a reply to the anonymous slander. On this subject it is needless to say more. The Marquis held the high office but for between three and four years. On the great question whether the House of Commons could MARQUIS OF GRANBY. 253 incapacitate Mr. Wilkes from sitting in it, he had voted for the affirmative. On the meeting of Parliament in January, 1770, it was again introduced, and canvassed with great heat and irritation. He now made a public recantation of the opinion which he had formerly tacitly expressed on the Middlesex election ; and concluded a short speech, by declaring that " it was for want of consideration of the nice distinction between expulsion and incapacitation that he had given his vote for the sitting of a member who was not returned in the last session of Parliament, and that he should always lament that vote as the greatest misfortune of his life. That he now saw he was in an error, and was not ashamed to make that public declaration of it." A few days after, he resigned his appointments, as did the rest of the members of the government; and, on the twentieth of the following October, died, most unexpectedly, of a sudden attack of the gout in his stomach, at Scarborough. The Marquis of Granby married Frances, eldest daughter of Charles Seymour, Duke of Somerset, by his second wife, the Lady Charlotte Finch, by whom he had issue John, Lord Roos, who died young ; Charles, who succeeded to the honours and estates on the death of John, the third Duke, in 1779 ; Robert, a Captain in the Navy, who died bravely of his wounds in 1781 ; Frances, married, first, to George Carpenter, Earl of Tyrconnel, secondly, to Philip Lesley, second son to David, Lord Newark ; Catharine, and Caroline, who died infants. " Reynolds 0) [HI M G§ y S S [£[L(L DUKE OF BEDFORD j JOHN RUSSELL, FOURTH DUKE OF BEDFORD. THIS nobleman was born on the thirtieth of September, 1710, and on the death of his brother, Wriothesley, the third Duke, on the twenty-third of October, 1732, he succeeded to the titles and estates of his ancestors. His private life fur- nishes very scanty materials for biography ; and although he had given unequivocal proofs of the tendency of his political opinions by the part he took against Sir Robert Walpole in 1742, it was not until 1744 that he engaged himself in the public business of the country in which it was afterwards his lot to play a conspicuous part. Towards the close of the latter year the government of Lord Granville had become so unpopular, and was so strenuously opposed, that he was compelled to resign. A new ministry, which is known in history by the name of the Broad-bottom administration, then given to it in derision, succeeded, in which the Duke of Bedford was appointed First Lord of the Admiralty, and was sworn a member of the Privy Council. On the King's going to visit his German dominions in 1745, the Duke was nomi- nated one of the Lords Justices during his absence. In the latter part of that year, and while George the Second was abroad, Charles Edward, the son of the first Pretender, or, as he was most commonly called in England, the Young Che- valier, having been induced to believe that the kingdom was ripe for revolt, made his rash attempt to recover the crown which his ancestors had worn, by landing in Scotland. The Duke of Bedford, who had been appointed, in the May 256 JOHN RUSSELL, preceding, Lord Lieutenant of the County of Bedford, was the first of the English nobility who raised, at his own cost, a regiment of foot for the defence of the country, an example that was followed with alacrity, and helped to stimulate the public feeling to that open demonstration of loyalty and union, which soon extinguished the partial rebellion, and put an end to the hopes of its promoters for ever. Although he had thus given unquestionable proof of his attachment to the established government, he did not hesitate to oppose, in the House of Lords, in the same year, a pro- position for extending the penalties of high treason to the posterity of persons who should be convicted of corresponding with the sons of the Pretender. On this occasion he intro- duced, in an able and energetic speech, a touching allusion to the melancholy history of his own family. " Your lordships," he said, " cannot be surprised that I am alarmed at the proposal of a law like this — I, whose family has suffered so lately the deprivation of its rank and fortune by the tyranny of a Court ; — I, whose grandfather was cut off by an unjust prosecution, and whose father was condemned for many years to see himself deprived of the rights of his birth, which were at length restored to him by more equitable judges. It is surely reasonable, my lords, that I should oppose the extension of penalties to the descendants of offenders, who have scarcely myself escaped the blast of an attainder." The early part of 1746 was distinguished by an event which even the fluctuations of English politics, rapid and capricious as they have often been, have hardly ever paral- leled. The displaced ministers, Lord Granville and Lord Bath, had regained the favour of the monarch, and their influence was felt by the Duke of Newcastle to an extent which rendered it impossible for him to carry on the govern- ment, while adversaries so potent were allowed secretly to contravene his plans. Having first ensured the co-operation of Lord Cobham and his party, the Duke of Newcastle, on the twentieth of February, 1746, resigned the seals, which FOURTH DUKE OP BEDFORD. 257 the King immediately bestowed upon Lord Granville. On the following day a universal resignation of all the govern- ment officers took place. The King, whose knowledge of the politics of the nation he had been called to govern had not enabled him to foresee this step, was perplexed ; and Lord Granville, who was fully aware of the consequences of enter- ing on an administration which would be opposed by the numerous enemies he had thus provoked, resigned in haste and dismay the power he had so recently reassumed. In three days the late ministry was reinstated ; and upon this occasion the office of Warden and Keeper of the New Forest was added to the appointments which the Duke of Bedford had before held. With the exception of the temporaiy change that has been noticed, the ministry of which the Duke of Bedford was a member continued until the conclusion of the peace in 1748, although the same unanimity which had distinguished it upon its first formation did not always prevail. In February, 1748, he was appointed Secretary of State for the Southern Department. His discharge of this office gave rise to dissen- sions between himself and the Duke of Newcastle. The Duke of Bedford complained that his colleague engrossed to himself the whole management of the affairs of their office, and that his demeanour was haughty and cold — manners so repugnant to his own temper, which was open and frank in a remarkable degree, that he looked upon them as personal affronts. The Duke of Newcastle, on the other hand, alleged that the official affairs which should have been transacted by the Duke of Bedford were neglected ; that his fondness for trivial amusements and rural sports, the carelessness, and sometimes the obstinacy of his disposition, rendered him negligent of his duties and impracticable in business. It is probable that these complaints were well grounded on either side, and that a conviction of this contributed to widen the breach between them. The Duke of Bedford's dislike of his colleague increased daily, and he not only took no pains to 258 JOHN RUSSELL, conceal it, but gave proofs of it, which could not be mistaken or forgiven, by attaching himself to the Duke of Cumberland and the Princess Amelia, neither of whom was favourable to the Duke of Newcastle. The latter determined upon the readiest revenge by preparing the means of ridding himself of so uncongenial a companion as the Duke of Bedford had become. The death of the Prince of Wales in 1751, by dividing the opposition, furnished an opportunity of which the Pelhams availed themselves to effect this and other plans they had formed for strengthening their power. In June, 1751, Lord Sandwich was removed ; the same fate befell other friends of the Duke, and he perceived that his own dismissal was resolved on. On the following day he repaired to the King at Kensington, and resigned the Seals into his Majesty's own hands. In the interview which took place on this occasion, the Duke is said to have expressed his resentment and indig- nation at the conduct of the Pelhams in terms which went far beyond the bounds of ordinary etiquette. He inveighed bitterly against his late colleague in particular, whom he accused of haughtiness and treachery, and enlarged upon the good qualities of Lord Sandwich and others, who had been displaced by the Duke of Newcastle, with a view of securing to himself and his brother all the offices and power of the state. The King received these expostulations with great mildness ; expressed his disbelief in Mr. Pelham's being implicated in the charge brought by the Duke against him and his brother ; and, with respect to Lord Sandwich, his Majesty observed that he had very few friends. The King acknowledged the sense he entertained of the attachment which the Duke had always evinced for his brother, the Duke of Cumberland, and ended by pressing on him the post of Master of the Horse, which his Grace declined to accept. From this period the Duke of Bedford was to be reckoned as the leader of a division of the opposition, and took a strong part in the discussions respecting the education of the heir FOURTH DUKE OF BEDFORD. 259 to the crown. In March, 1753, he moved for the production of the examinations and papers connected with certain charges against the prince's preceptors, which was negatived ; and in further prosecution of the design to overthrow what was called the system of Leicester House, which he avowed, was concerned in circulating a sort of remonstrance entitled "A Memorial of several Noblemen of rank and fortune," in which the charge of Jacobitism, and intended treason, was distinctly brought against the persons who were intrusted with the education of the future King. The Bedford party was, however, at this time, neither strong nor popular enough to exercise any great influence over the public mind, or to excite the fears of their adversaries. On a partial change of ministry, at the end of the year 1756, the Duke of Bedford was appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. This was, perhaps, of all his public employments, that for which his character and habits best fitted him. He possessed an uncommon share of firmness, which his enemies called obstinacy; and as he was besides fond of splendour and display, and was of a frank, convivial disposition, his administration was at once useful and popular in a country proverbially famed for hospitality, and which had long suf- fered under a deficient and mischievous system of evil government. The Irish court, during the time he presided over it, presented an appearance of gaiety and content to which it had long been unused. During the period of the Duke's government in Ireland, Thurot, a French pirate, who had been favoured by the court of Versailles, and whose depredations had rendered him formidable to the British merchant shipping, ventured, in the course of one of the excursions he made with a view of plundering the British coast, to land at Carrickfergus ; and as the commandant of the place was wholly unprepared to resist such an attack, he was compelled, after a short but gallant defence, to capitulate. The triumph of the French adventurer was, however, as fleeting as it had been accidental. The whole of the militia s 2 260 JOHN RUSSELL, in the neighbouring districts was immediately called out, and he was compelled to re-embark with the utmost possible haste, in order to escape their vengeance, He was encoun- tered in his retreat by Captain Elliott, of the jEolus, and two other frigates; and coming to an engagement, after a desperate conflict, Thurot was killed, and his three ships taken. In 1761, Lord Halifax succeeded the Duke of Bedford in the government of Ireland, and his Grace was recalled and appointed Keeper of the Privy Seal. When in 1762 the treaty of peace with France had been agreed to, the Duke was commissioned as minister plenipotentiary to the court of Versailles, for the purpose of concluding and signing the pre- liminaries. As every article relative to the intended peace had been agreed to by the English government, his Grace's office was designed by Lord Bute, who had been the means of his appointment, to have been little more than nominal, and his functions confined to the mere operation of subscribing the treaty which had been concluded. His notorious indif- ference, and the carelessness of his temper, not less perhaps than the station he held in the country, had caused him to be selected for this task ; and, calculating upon his compliance, the minister ventured to despatch after him a messenger, who reached him at Calais, with instructions limiting the full powers he had received at his departure. This intimation provoked the Duke's indignation ; and he sent back the messenger on the instant, with a letter in which he insisted that his former instructions should be restored without any restriction, or he threatened to prosecute his journey no further. Lord Bute, alarmed at the failure of his ill-considered attempt, immediately complied, and the Duke repaired to the French court. Soon after he arrived, the news of our having captured the Havannah was received in France ; and upon this additional advantage to the British interests becoming known, his Grace demanded some equivalent to be given by France for the cession of that place. Florida and Porto Rico were the possessions he required to be ceded : the first was FOURTH DUKE OF BEDFORD. 261 readily yielded ; but the second, it was said, could not be complied with unless the court of Madrid would consent ; and a messenger being despatched thither, the signing the preliminaries was delayed until his return. This interval was employed in making an application to the English government, which succeeded so well, that the Duke shortly afterwards received positive orders to sign the treaty on Florida alone being given up. The terms upon which this peace was concluded excited loud and bitter animadversions in England. Charges of corruption were liberally heaped, by the instigators of the popular censure, against Lord Bute who had planned, and against the Duke of Bedford who had been the instrument of concluding it. The envenomed acrimony of the celebrated political writer who used the signature of "Junius" lent a temporary weight to the basest calumnies which it suited the purposes of party spirit to circulate, and from which it would be much easier to defend the Duke than to excuse him for a too easy compliance with the orders of a ministry, the honesty as well as the capacity of which he had abundant reason to doubt. In April, 1763, Lord Bute retired, and the Granville administration was formed, in which the Duke of Bedford held the post of President of the Council. A period of two years sufficed to make this ministry, which had never been very popular, generally obnoxious. The silk trade had declined since the peace ; and the cause of this misfortune was ascribed to the measures of the existing government, the members of which were pointed out as victims for the popular fury. The Duke of Bedford's house was attacked by a tumultuous assembly of silk-weavers, and the work of destruction which they had begun was only stopped by the resolute interference of the military. The opposition of the ministers to the Regency Bill, which was supposed to have been instigated by him. had estranged from them the King's favour ; and at length, in an interview with his Majesty, his Grace is said to have permitted himself the use 262 JOHN RUSSELL, of such language as could not be endured, and the govern- ment of which he formed a part was consequently dissolved. The Rockingham administration was then constituted, which shortly afterwards was displaced by that of Lord Chatham ; and although the Duke was more than once on the point of coalescing with the latter, the negotiations were broken off. In June, 1767, the Duke of Grafton's solicitations induced the Bedford party to separate from their friends ; and on that occasion the Duke resumed his Presidency of the Privy Council, which he held until his death, on the fifteenth of January, 1771. The important station which he filled exposed the Duke, during almost the whole period of his public life, to the animadversions of the organs of the parties to which he was opposed, and of these the brilliant and unprincipled calumniator whose name is hidden, probably for ever, under the appellation of Junius was the foremost. The temper of the Duke was so much above disguise, that it afforded easy opportunities to so dexterous a partisan as that writer, whose chief talent consisted in making "the worse appear the better reason"— of magnifying small faults into enormous atrocities. The charges were not believed even amidst the intoxication that accompanied the excitement during which they were at first preferred ; and it would be idle now to attempt to rescue the name of the Duke of Bedford from imputations wholly without foundation or proof. With moderate talents, and of habits which did not incline him to cultivate even those talents very assiduously, he nevertheless distinguished himself in debate ; while his naturally good disposition and undaunted . temper gave a weight to his character. In his friendships he was frank and zealous, and not less earnest in his enmity. Mr. Fox, who knew him well, said he was " the most ungovernable governed man in the world;" an estimate which at once explains the affection and esteem of his friends, and the provocations which had excited the rancorous attacks of his foes. FOURTH DUKE OF BEDFORD. 263 His Grace was married first, in Oct. 1731, to Lady Diana, daughter of Charles Spencer, third Earl of Sunderland, who died, Sept. 1735, without leaving issue. In April, 1737, he was again married, to Lady Gertrude, eldest daughter of John, Earl Gower, by whom he had one son, Francis, Marquis of Tavistock, born Sept. 26, 1739, and who was killed by a fall from his horse while hunting. That nobleman left three sons, the eldest of whom, Francis, succeeded to the title and estates of his grandfather ; and on his death without issue, they devolved upon his brother John, the sixth Duke of Bedford of his noble family. I D-fl E Kl fffc V [F©^ FIRST LORD HOLLAND 0 B . \ 774 . HENRY FOX, FIRST LORD HOLLAND, WAS second son of Sir Stephen Fox, by his second marriage with Christian Hope, daughter of the Reverend Charles Hope, of Naseby, in Lincolnshire. He was born in September, 1705; and had the misfortune to lose both his parents before he arrived at years of discre- tion. His education, however, was not neglected. He was some years at Eton ; was entered a gentleman commoner at Christ Church, Oxford, in February, 1721-; and had taken a degree in that university before he left it in December, 1724. Though a younger brother, and of a family recently emerged from obscurity, he seems to have followed the same career as young men of fortune of that day ; and, when his academical education was completed, to have embraced no particular profession, and to have spent much of his time in foreign travel. It is remarkable, that accident made him pass some time at Aubigny with the Duchess of Portsmouth, the mistress of Charles the Second, and then at an advanced period of life, whose descendant he was many years after- wards destined to marry. From her own lips he heard what his son, Mr. Fox, has recorded in his history, that, justly or unjustly, she was thoroughly persuaded that Charles the Second had died of poison. During his absence from England, Mr. Fox travelled for some time with the celebrated Lord Hervey, who had the hardihood to contend with the formidable satirist Pope, in virulent lampoons, and to engage with Dr. Middleton, on a question of historical research with respect to the composition 266 HENRY FOX, of the Roman senate. The friendship of Mr. Fox with Lord Hervey, and the causes that led to a subsequent breach of it, are described, with some severity, by Lord Chesterfield, to have arisen from adventures and amours, more fit for the scandalous chronicle than for this work, and not very creditable to either party. Be that as it may, it is certain, that, during his connexion with Lord Hervey, he was second to that nobleman in his duel with Mr. Pulteney, and was reported to have acted with great propriety and honour in that affair ; and it may be safely conjectured, that the good offices of his friend, who was a great favourite of Queen Caroline, and a staunch supporter of Sir Robert Walpole, recommended him to the notice of the court, and to the patronage of that eminent statesman. In truth, if familiarity with the great, and indulgence in fashionable vices, had impaired his fortune at an early period of life, there is little doubt that he had ingratiated himself with many, such as Mr. Winnington and, more particularly, Lord Sunderland, afterwards Duke of Marlborough, who assisted him in repairing it. To the interest of the latter nobleman he was indebted for his seat in Parliament ; and the friendship between them continued without interruption till the death of the Duke, in Germany, in 1759. Mr. Fox had been his chief adviser in his marriage, which lost him the favour, and had well nigh lost him the fortune, of his grandmother, the capricious Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough. That splenetic old lady, on being asked in a public theatre who was that gentleman opposite, in conversation with her grandson, is reported to have exclaimed, " Who is he 1 why that is the Fox that has run away with my Goose." In Parliament, where he was chosen for Hindon, in 1735, Mr. Fox devoted himself to the cause of Sir Robert Walpole ; and was not only admitted, together with his friends, Mr. Winnington and Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, to familiar and intimate intercourse with that social minister, FIRST LORD HOLLAND. 267 but was rewarded by more solid marks of confidence and gratitude. In 1737, he was appointed Surveyor of the Board of Works ; and in 1743, on the fall of the ministry that turned out Sir Robert, he was named, as one of the friends and partizans of that minister, Commissioner of the Treasury, when he was re-elected for Windsor, for which borough, through the interest of the Duke of Marlborough, he had been elected into the House of Commons in 1741. He continued to hold this office, and was an active member of government in Mr. Pelham's administration ; and his interest and importance were rather strengthened than impaired by an incident in his private life, which gave scandal, and created a great sensation in the fashionable world. This was his clandestine marriage, in 1744, with Lady Caroline Lennox, eldest daughter of the Duke of Richmond. Her father and relatives were in the first instance indignant at an alliance, which, according to the notions of those days, was deemed derogatory to a great family ; but the consideration, which his talents and services rapidly acquired for him at court and in parliament, gradually reconciled the noble family of his wife to the connexion ; and the head of it, as well as many of the branches, con- descended ere long to solicit and accept favours from the son of the plebeian, Sir Stephen Fox, who no doubt in his turn found his account in attaching a powerful family to his interests. Mr. Fox, who, through the interest of the Duke of Marl- borough, retained his seat for Windsor, was appointed Secretary of War soon after the abortive attempt of Lord Granville to assume the supreme direction of affairs in 1746. The reputation of Mr. Fox for sterling abilities in business, and for great skill and readiness in debate, now stood very high, His spirit in protecting his friends, both in and out of parliament, from the unjust clamours of the multitude, and the more secret intrigues of ministers themselves, were not less conspicuous than in vindicating the measures of govern- 268 . HENRY FOX, ment ; and this quality ingratiated him with many powerful noblemen of that day, and, together with his readiness and felicity in reply, rendered him not altogether an unequal match to the celebrated and eloquent Mr. Pitt, to whom, as an orator, he was far inferior. Horace Walpole, in the language no doubt of partiality, describes his style of speak- ing, in a paper of the " World," published in 1748, in the following words : — " In the House of Commons he was for some time an ungraceful and unpopular speaker, the abun- dance of his matter overflowing his elocution ; but the force of his reasoning has prevailed, both over his own defects and those of his audience. He speaks with a strength and perspicuity of argument that commands the admiration of an age apt to be more cheaply pleased, and has been at the idle labour of making himself fame and honours by pursuing a steady and regular plan, when art and eloquence would have carried him to an equal height ; and made those fear him who now only love him, if a party can love a man who they see is connected with them by principles, not by pre- judices." And Lord Waldegrave, who was also his friend, but whose judgment was less swayed by the prepossession of the moment, says of him — " As to Fox, few men have been more unpopular ; yet, when I have asked his bitterest enemies what crimes they could allege against him, they always confined themselves to general accusations ; that he was avaricious, encouraged jobs, had profligate friends, and dangerous connections ; but never could produce a particular fact of any weight or consequence." — " He has great parlia- mentary knowledge, but is rather an able debater than a complete orator ; his best speeches are neither long nor pre- meditated ; quick and concise replication is his peculiar excellence." — " In business he is clear and communicative ; frank and agreeable in society ; and though he can pay his court on particular occasions, he has too much pride to flatter an enemy, or even a friend, where it is necessary." — " Upon the whole, he has some faults, but more good FIRST LORD HOLLAND. 269 qualities ; is a man of sense and judgment, notwithstanding some indiscretion ; and with small allowances for ambition, party, and politics, is a warm friend, a man of veracity, and a man of honour." His office of Secretary at War brought him into continual contact with the Duke of Cumberland ; and his intrepidity, which we have alluded to above, in facing clamour and defying intrigue, secured him the favour of that illustrious prince, who was not less reprehensible for a haughty and repulsive contempt of popularity than commendable for a disdain of all dirty intrigue. Such favour added, no doubt, to Mr. Fox's importance ; but it was nevertheless among the causes which defeated the main object of his ambition, to become the chief minister of the country. From attachment to the Duke, he arraigned without scruple or reserve those parts of the Regency Bill, which, in his judgment, deprived his Royal Highness of the weight and influence due to his birth and station, and which were in truth the fruits of an understanding between the ministry and the court of Leicester House, with a view of propitiating the favour of the heir-apparent to the former. When George the Second questioned Mr. Fox upon his speeches on that occasion, he is reported to have answered — " I said what I did against it, because all that was said for it was against the Duke." The King rejoined, " I thank you for that, my affection is with my son — I assure you I like you the better for wishing well to him." i This approbation of the father, however flattering, was, in a worldly point of view, a sorry substitute for the popularity he lost by his intemperate zeal for the son. The prejudices against the Duke were inveterate, and almost universal ; and Mr. Fox, who combated them most warmly, and never scrupled to expose the fallacy or malevolence of his opponents with the most pointed severity, shared the odium of his royal patron and friend. His faults were exaggerated, his good qualities suppressed or misrepresented. He was 270 HENRY FOX, accused of arbitrary principles, suspected of a design to subvert the constitution, and branded as one of the most corrupt of the corrupt school of Sir Robert Walpole. Still he possessed great ascendancy in the House of Commons ; and if he had not imprudently betrayed his impatience to be minister, it was the opinion of many men of judgment and discernment, and among them of Lord Waldegrave, author of the Memoirs, that he would have attained the great object of his ambition. But, even during the lifetime of Mr. Pel- ham, his aspiring views are said to have transpired. Some of his own party grew jealous of him, and his enemies were furnished with topics for arraigning his ambition. Nettled at the notion, founded or unfounded, that Lord Hardwicke, in the proposal of the famous Marriage Bill, had alluded with pointed reprehension to the circumstances of his brother's, Lord Ilchester's, marriage with a minor, he pre- served no moderation in his resistance to the measure, and in his invectives and sarcasms against the author of it. The Chancellor never forgave him ; and the weight of his resent- ment was felt in all the numerous negociations and party overtures which occurred during the remaining years of King George the Second's reign. It is but just, in censuring the intemperate lengths with which the opposition of Mr. Fox, still in office, was carried to a measure proposed by the minister, to observe that the measure itself was liable to many weighty objections in principle; that in its conse- quences it has been productive of so many inconveniences as to have called for a revision, amounting almost to a repeal, in our own times ; and that as it was originally introduced, it was full of many harsh and unwarrantable provisions, which the amendments of Mr. Fox either softened or removed. On the death of Mr. Pelham in 1754, Mr. Fox, then Secre- tary at War, was thought the fittest person to succeed him. The Duke of Newcastle, who, although he did not love him, was perfectly aware of his weight in the House, and of his FIRST LORD HOLLAND. 271 qualifications for the discharge of the duties of office, at first entertained the intention of agreeing to any terms by which his co-operation and assistance might be ensured, and requested Lord Hartington, afterwards the third Duke of Devonshire, to negociate with him for this purpose. Mr. Fox named his terms, which were that, as he was to hold the important station of Leader of the House of Commons, he should possess the power which had in Mr. Pelham's hands belonged to that office ; that he should be acquainted with the disposal of the secret-service money, which was then notoriously employed in remunerating the members who voted with the Government ; and that he should have a voice in the nomination of members to be returned for the Treasury boroughs in the ensuing elections. Upon these proposals being communicated to the Duke by Lord Hartington, they were distinctly acceded to, and Mr. Fox considered himself as fixed in the position to which he had long aspired. The weakness and jealousy of the Duke of Newcastle, and the intrigues of his enemies, how- ever, disappointed his hopes. The Princess of Wales, who exercised no inconsiderable influence over the Duke, hated Mr. Fox for his attachment to the Duke of Cumberland, and for the sentiments he had expressed on the Regency Bill. The Chancellor is suspected of having suggested his appre- hensions that the Duke of Newcastle would find his intended colleague troublesome, if not dangerous. Mr. Fox had also by his unsparing sarcasms upon the Scotch nation, and on the members of the legal profession, excited the implacable enmity of those bodies, who added the whole weight of their opposition to the machinations of his other foes. The Duke of Newcastle broke off, at the expense of his honour, the engagement into which he had entered. With a man of Mr. Fox's temper, it was not difficult to bring this about. The Duke refused, in an interview which took place between them, to perform the arrangement which had been agreed upon as to the secret-service money and the Treasury 272 HENRY FOX, members. Mr. Fox urged, that it was impossible for him to lead the House of Commons without the power for which he had stipulated. The Duke replied it was a power which he was resolved not to share with any one. He was reminded of his agreement with Lord Hartington, which he did not deny ; and gravely alleged, that he had consented to it at a moment when his distress of mind, occasioned by the loss of his brother, Mr. Pelham, had so distracted him, that he had not given the matter sufficient consideration ; in short, that he was resolved not to fulfil it. Mr. Fox would not abate in his demands, and in utter disgust refused to take any office under the new administration. The interference of the King was resorted to for the purpose of preventing this separation, or rather perhaps with a view of giving a colour of fairness to the Duke of Newcastle's proceeding. His Majesty requested Mr. Fox to accept the office of Secretary of State, but either did not or would not understand the reasons which influenced his refusal, and the audience closed by the King's expressing a resolution never again to obtrude his favours on any one. Sir Thomas Robinson was appointed Secretary of State, and Mr. Fox, although he retained his office of Secretary at War, joined in a sort of opposition. The death of Mr. Pelham had, in a great degree, broken up the parties which had united in support of his administration. The Whigs were divided into clans, and voted under several leaders. The Pelham party were still large and powerful ; but Mr. Fox found himself also at the head of a division con- sisting of many of his personal friends, and of many more political followers, who, notwithstanding his recent disap- pointment, had great confidence in his talents, and a strong belief that he would yet become the Premier. In opposition his power became daily more formidable. Mr. Pitt who, though still in the service of the Government, yet more openly attacked the measures of the Minister, joined Mr. Fox in his endeavours to weaken and expose the inefficiency of the persons whom the recent change had raised to power. FIRST LORD HOLLAND. 273 While he directed the full force of his opposition against the then Solicitor-General, afterwards Lord Mansfield, Mr. Fox amused himself by ridiculing Sir Thomas Robinson, and by provoking that minister to expose his unfitness for the office from which Mr. Fox had been excluded. The Duke of New- castle saw that his government could not stand against this powerful union. He first made overtures, through Mr. Charles Yorke, to Mr. Pitt, who, believing that the King's want of confidence in him, which had been openly manifested, was occasioned by the Duke of Newcastle, refused, until that proscription, as he called it, was taken off, to enter into any conversation whatever either with the Duke or with any other person from him. Foiled in his first attempt, his Grace was next compelled to endeavour to propitiate the man whom he had so lately insulted and endeavoured to degrade. The task was difficult. Mr. Fox's resentment was yet warm, and the Duke was too insincere and crafty to meet him in the only way in which it was practicable to close the breach between them. At length Lord Waldegrave was applied to, and after some negotiations, in which he has recorded that Mr. Fox behaved like a man of sense, and that the Duke was mean and shuffling, he induced each of them to give way. Mr. Fox gained the main point of his ambition, was appointed Secretary of State in November, 1755, and with the Duke of Newcastle and Lord Anson, planned and carried into effect the warlike operations which ensued. This triumph, however gratifying it might be at the time to his pride, added little either to his fame or to his happi- ness. He expected no great cordiality from the Duke of Newcastle, who had been forced, against his inclination, to admit him to a share of his power ; but he was not prepared for the obstacles which the want of confidence and candour in his colleague presented to the discharge of his duties. The interference of the intriguing adherents of the Duke, who regarded with dismay the rise of so formidable a person, fomented the Minister's jealousy, and induced him to look at VII. T 274 HENRY FOX, every part of Mr. Fox's conduct rather as that of an enemy whom he feared, than of an ally whose assistance he had invoked. The behaviour of the King exposed him to still greater mortifications. The Monarch could not forget that Sir Thomas Robinson, to whom he was extremely partial, had been displaced by Mr. Fox ; and, finding the latter less conversant in foreign affairs than with the business of Parlia- ment, his Majesty is said to have dropped some ungracious hints that a man who was a good talker in the House of Commons might, nevertheless, be a very indifferent Secretary of State. The painfulness of his position from these causes, joined to the ill success of the operations of the war, and the increasing strength of the opposition, from which he antici- pated a violent attack, in consequence of the disastrous loss of Minorca, and against which he saw little probability of his being effectually supported, determined him to avoid the approaching storm. He solicited an audience with the King, entered into a frank detail of the grievances of which he had to complain, and asked permission to resign, which was granted. The Duke of Newcastle, now perfectly sensible of the weakness of the Administration of which he was the head, and terrified at the public hatred and distrust which his measures and their results had provoked, obtained the King's commands to invite Mr. Pitt to take office. A flat refusal to join with his Grace in any shape was the reply to his over- tures, and the Duke was consequently obliged to resign. The formation of a new administration, on his own terms, was then proposed to Mr. Pitt through the Duke of Devonshire, with the single stipulation on the part of the King that Mr. Fox should be retained ; but to this also Mr. Pitt refused to accede, and in November, 1756, he undertook the manage- ment of the public business, at the head of an administration of which he had the sole formation, occupying himself that post of Secretary of State which Mr. Fox had just before relinquished. The want of confidence which subsisted FIRST LORD HOLLAND. 275 between the King and his new servants caused this arrange- ment to continue only to the April following, when the Ministry was broken up. Lord Waldegrave was then employed by the King to form, in conjunction with Mr. Fox, a new administration ; but the attempt having failed, in con- sequence of the reluctance of the Duke of Newcastle's friends to take office without his Grace, his Majesty was unwillingly compelled to give way to Mr. Pitt and to the Duke of Newcastle, who had in the meantime coalesced, stipulating only that Mr. Fox should be Paymaster of the Forces. This office, which was then a place of great emolu- ment, he continued to hold till 1765, when he was removed, as a friend of Lord Bute, by Mr. George Grenville, on the temporary return of that gentleman to office, after his first dismissal. Lord Holland, as he had now become, was not restored by the Rockingham party when they came into power, as they did within a few weeks ; and from that time he took little part in public affairs. In the year 1763 he had been prevailed upon by Lord Bute, and by the earnest and personal solicitation of His Majesty George the Third, to undertake, as leader of the House of Commons, the defence of the Peace of Fontain- bleau. He discharged this task with greater spirit and suc- cess than was expected ; but by the line he took on that occasion, the friendship which had so long subsisted between him and the Duke of Cumberland was destroyed, and they were never afterwards entirely reconciled. On the 6th of May, 1762, his wife was created Baroness Holland, and on the 36th of April, 1763, he was raised to the peerage by the title of Lord Holland, Baron of Foxley in the county of Wilts, which dignity was limited to him and the heirs male of his body. By his marriage with Lady Caroline Lennox he had four sons, viz. Stephen, who suc- ceeded to his title ; Henry, who died in his infancy ; Charles James, one of the most illustrious and enlightened members of the House of Commons ; and Henry Edward. His Lord- T2 276 HENRY FOX, FIRST LORD HOLLAND. ship was a member of the Privy Council, and held the place of Clerk of the Pells in Ireland, which was bestowed upon him in 1757, with the reversion after his death to two of his sons. After his successful defence of the peace of Fontainbleau, his Lordship visited Paris, where he fell into ill health, from which he never afterwards wholly recovered. On quitting office, he made an excursion into Italy, passed a winter at Naples, a second winter at Nice, and did not return to Eng- land until the autumn of 1768. The latter years of his life were spent in retirement, between Holland House and Kings- gate, in the Isle of Thanet, where he built a villa in a some- what eccentric taste, which provoked the satirical animad- versions of the poet Gray, and others. From his return to England his health continued gradually to decline, until the first of July, 1774, when he died at Holland House, in the sixty-ninth year of his age. The prominent place which he so long filled, and the spirit of the times in which he lived, exposed him to the attacks of those who differed from him in politics, and by whom he has been painted as a profligate and unprincipled minister. The testimony of Lord Waldegrave, which we have quoted above, shows that in the judgment of that acute observer his virtues greatly preponderated over his vices ; and that he was one of the most considerable public men of his time. All contemporary evidence concurs in representing him in private as sociable, friendly, and affectionate. Per- haps the most striking proof of his talents is to be found in the fact that he was for many years the most formidable rival of one of the greatest of English orators and statesmen. His public despatches, his poetical effusions, and such of his private letters as have been preserved, suffice to show that he could write with vigour, clearness, and ease. 0 B, I 774, ROBERT, LORD OLIVE. THE varied and eventful life of Lord Olive is a proof that, although the age of romance has passed away, the spirit which animated it, and which gave rise to some of its most stirring and striking incidents, was not wholly extinguished in the last century. In other times there have been numerous instances of men raising themselves by the mere force of their individual characters and personal exertions, from obscurity and poverty to wealth and honour ; but the middle ages could scarcely show among their Condottieri and Free Companions a more remarkable proof of the marvels which may be wrought by chance, combined with courage, talents, and decision, than is presented by the history of Lord Olive's exploits in India. He was the eldest son of Richard Olive, Esq., and was born on the 29th of September, 1725, at Styche, near Market Drayton, in Shropshire, a seat which had been possessed by his ancestors from the reign of Henry the Seventh. His family, though of great respectability, was not very wealthy, and he was educated with a view to his being engaged in some active profession. At a very early period he gave unquestionable indications of a daring and enterprising spirit, but at the same time of a temper so uncontrollable as to occasion great apprehensions for his future welfare. It was probably the difficulty of training him to any more quiet employment that induced his father to procure for him an appointment of writer in the service of the East India Com- pany, in which capacity, at the age of nineteen, he sailed for Madras. 278 ROBERT, LORD CLIVE. Accident, which often shapes men's destinies, seems in this instance to have cast the youthful adventurer upon a theatre in all respects adapted for the turbulent energy of his dispo- sition. India was at the period of his arrival marked out by the French government as a prey worthy of the grasping ambi- tion which characterized the designs of that monarchy. M. Dupleix, a fit instrument for the completion of those designs, had industriously fermented the jealousy and discontent with which the potentates of India regarded the increasing impor- tance of the mercantile society whose agents had seated themselves upon the soil, and had begun to plant the seeds of that power which was destined afterwards to add a rich and extensive empire to the possessions of Great Britain. At the moment of Mr. Olive's arrival, the Company's resources were so limited, that they could with difficulty maintain their ground, and they were, as it seemed, wholly unable to engage in a conflict with the overwhelming hosts that menaced them. He had not been in India two years when Madras, being attacked by the French Admiral, M. de la Bourdonnais, was compelled to surrender, and the whole of the Company's servants, civil and military, were made pri- soners, but remained at large upon parole. Some objection being raised by M. Dupleix, who was chief in command of the French forces, to the terms of the treaty, he declined to ratify the capitulation. The English prisoners, indignant at the injustice of this refusal, resolved to consider the parole as no longer binding upon them. Several of them, among whom Mr. Clive was of the foremost, escaped, and, in the disguise of a native, he reached fort St. David's, about twenty-one miles to the south of Madras. In the following year, 1747, tired of his civil employment, and feeling, perhaps, that a more stirring life was better suited to his own character and the circumstances into which he was thrown, he procured an ensign's commission in the military service, and applied himself to the duties of his new profession with an ardour and devotion which was the most satisfactory ROBERT, LORD CLIVE, 279 presage of his future success. Previous to this he had been engaged in several private quarrels, in which, although per- haps it was his rashness that had engaged him, he evinced indisputable bravery and honourable feeling. In an attack on the French fort of Pondicherry he made his first essay in arms. The assault was unsuccessful, owing partly to the unfavourable weather, and more perhaps to the weakness of the English force, and to the inexperience of Admiral Boscawen, who commanded in warlike operations by land. In the hottest part of the engagement, and where the danger was most imminent, Mr. Clive distinguished himself, and was amongst the last to retreat when the commanding officer ordered the troops to fall back to St. David's. The pacification which was soon after effected between Great Britain and France did not extend to India. The title of the reigning Rajah of Tanjore was disputed by his brother, and the English, in support of the pretensions of the latter, began to make war upon the Rajah by attacking the fort of Devi Cottah. The first attempt failed, and the British force was compelled to retreat to St. David's. Under the com- mand of Major Stringer Lawrence, an officer of much greater ability than those who had previously directed the operations of the English army, the attack was subsequently renewed. Mr. Clive, then a lieutenant, solicited the command of a forlorn hope, which was reluctantly granted by Major Law- rence, and at the head of thirty-four Europeans, and seven hundred sepoys, he marched upon this desperate enterprise. They had approached the breach, where they were unex- pectedly attacked by a party of cavalry. The sepoys fled at the first onset; the British troops under Mr. Olive's com- mand were cut to pieces, and he and three others only escaped. Major Lawrence, seeing this disaster, ordered a general attack, which was made with such irresistible vigour, that the fortress was carried. The Rajah then made over- tures of peace, which were accepted, and the English retained possession of their conquest. 280 ROBERT, LORD CLIVE. A short interval of tranquillity ensued, when Mr. Clive •returned to Madras, and resuming his civil duties, was appointed Commissary General, an office which was ex- tremely lucrative, as well as of great importance. At this period of his life he was attacked by a nervous fever, which, although he then overcame it, so shattered his constitution that it left him a prey to that occasional depression of spirits which embittered his subsequent existence, and at length caused his death. In 1751, an opportunity offered which induced him again to engage in that career which was best suited to his genius and his ambition. The French general had assisted Chunda Saib, the actual Nabob of Arcot, with a large force to assist in the reduction of Trinchinopoly. Mr. Clive, who was now promoted to the rank of captain, proposed to effect a diver- sion by taking possession of Arcot. This plan was determined on ; with a small force he threw himself into the latter place, and was attacked, as he had expected, by the son of the Nabob, whom he repulsed with great loss. Being soon afterwards reinforced, he marched in pursuit of his assailant, whom, three days afterwards, he signally defeated in a general engagement in the open country. He followed up his success with a perseverance for which the foes with whom he had to cope were not at all prepared. Several important places surrendered to him ; he retook possession of Arcot, which, upon his quitting it, had again fallen into the hands of the Nabob, and joining Major Lawrence delivered Trinchinopoly. During the rest of the campaign, the army was composed of two divisions, one of which was placed under the command of Mr. Clive, although then only a junior captain, in consequence of the troops refusing to serve under any other leader. The success of the operations of this army was so great, that in a short time the whole province of Arcot was cleared, and the enemy and their French auxiliaries compelled to sue for peace, which was agreed to, on terms highly favourable to the interests of the company. ROBERT, LORD CLIVE. 281 Captain Clive then returned to Madras; and his health being in an enfeebled state, he embarked for England for the purpose of recruiting it. He was received with the honour and applause which his services had merited ; was appointed to the command of Fort St. David, with the promise of that of Madras as soon as it should become vacant : and was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel in the army. The East India Company, to whom his exploits had pro- duced very substantial advantages, testified their respect by presenting him with a diamond-hilted sword, which he refused, until a similar one had been bestowed on Major Lawrence, whom he stated to be as well entitled as himself to this distinction. In 1756 he returned to India, and in the beginning of the following year engaged with Admirals Watson and Pocock in the attack on Geriah, by which the power of the Angrias, piratical chieftains, who had long disturbed the commerce of the Indian Seas, was annihilated. From this exploit he was recalled to the succour of the English possessions in the pro- vince of Bengal, which were then exposed to extreme peril from the warfare which had been commenced against them by the Surajah al Dowlat. Calcutta had been taken by this prince, and the English governor, and the other prisoners who fell into his power, treated with a wanton barbarity wholly unknown to the customs of European warfare. Colonel Clive, returning from Geriah, landed at Calcutta, and proceeded to assault the fort with such impetuosity that, although it was strongly fortified, and well supplied with troops and ammunition, it surrendered in less than two hours. The taking of Hoogley, a city of great commercial importance higher up the Ganges, followed ; and these advantages so incensed the Surajah, that he marched with an almost overwhelming force against the English troops, and encamped about a mile from the town of Calcutta. Colonel Clive drew out his little army, and, reinforced by six hundred sailors furnished by Admiral Watson, forced the enemy to an 282 ROBERT, LORD CLIVE. engagement, in which the Asiatic troops were so roughly handled that they retreated in disorder, with the loss of a thousand men, and treasure and stores of great value. The Surajah was, by this defeat, compelled to propose a treaty of peace, which was accepted by Colonel Olive. The subse- quent conduct of the chieftain proved however that it was his intention to violate this treaty as soon as he had so rein- forced his armies that he might safely resume hostilities ; and, assisted and encouraged by the agents of France, he shortly after began a series of annoyances against the English commerce and interests which he knew must be intolerable. His tyranny and cruelty at the same time created many enemies among the highest personages at his court, and a conspiracy was formed against him by Meer Jaffier, his prime minister, and the commander of his armies, which mainly contributed to his overthrow. A revolt having taken place, Colonel Clive, by the advice of that minister, assisted the rebels. The Surajah marched against them with a force composed of fifty thousand foot, eighteen thousand horse, and fifty pieces of cannon, worked by French artillerymen. To oppose this force, Colonel Clive had three thousand two hundred men, of whom nine hundred only were Europeans. On the 23rd of June, 1757, the armies came to an engagement in the plains near Plassey. The conflict, though violent at the commencement, was of short duration. The irregular valour of the Surajah's force was ill matched against the coolness, intelligence, and activity, of the European com- mander. The immense army was routed and put to flight, and the Nabob's camp, baggage, and artillery, fell into the hands of the victors. For want of cavalry, Colonel Clive was unable to derive all the advantages which might have resulted from this battle. He however marched immediately to Moorshedabad, the capital of the province; and, the Nabob having been killed in the pursuit, he proclaimed Meer Jaffier as his successor, and acknowledged him Suba, or Viceroy, of Bengal, Bahar, and Orixa. ROBERT, LORD CLIVE. 283 The power of England in the East was more firmly esta- blished by means of this victory than it had ever before been ; and, although much remained to be done before they became masters of the Peninsula, it was owing to the active and enterprising designs of Colonel Clive, and to the sagacity with which he made available the advantages he had gained, that they were indebted for their ultimate triumph. The government of Calcutta was conferred upon him after this battle ; and, among the most successful of his subsequent exploits, was the repulse of the army of the Great Mogul at the siege of Patna, and the defeat of the troops sent by the Governor of Batavia under the pretence of assisting the Dutch Colonies, but for the real purpose of disturbing the British possessions. Honours, and wealth, to an enormous amount, crowned his victories : the Court of Delhi conferred upon him the dignity of Omrah, and the new Nabob testified his gratitude by granting him an annual revenue of twenty- eight thousand pounds sterling, besides presents of great value. In 1760, he returned to England, and was elected one of the members for Shrewsbury. In November, 1761, the dignity of a Baron of Ireland was conferred upon him, by the title of Baron Clive of Plassey, of the County of Clare, in Ireland, in consequence of his services in India against the Surajah al Dowlat. The affairs of India declined during his absence. The financial circumstances of the government fell into embarrassment, and the powers of their numerous ene- mies increased, for want of that prompt and unremitting vigilance which he had maintained. He was solicited to resume the command he had relinquished, and again sailed to India in the post of Governor of the province of Bengal. He immediately occupied himself in correcting the abuses which had been permitted to grow up there ; repressed the exactions to which a thirst for gain had impelled some of the Europeans to resort ; and rescued the oppressed natives from the mischievous system which had begun, and which, unless 284 ROBERT, LORD CLIVE. checked, must have ended in the ruin of the country and the destruction of the English power. In the year 1767, he quitted India, and established himself in his native country for the remainder of his days. The extent and importance of his achievements may be best conceived by considering the state of our affairs in India during his residence there. In 1756, the Company was a simple society of merchants, struggling to preserve the com- mercial privileges which had been granted to them, beset by open enemies, and encumbered with alliances to which they could not trust. In 1767, when Lord Clive quitted India, they had acquired a stable power which defied attack, and had raised their resources and importance to an extent which had never been paralleled, and could not have been contem- plated by the most sanguine imagination. To this state of things the intrepidity and address of Lord Clive had so eminently contributed, that, giving all the applause which is due to those who co-operated with him, the greater share of the glory properly belonged to him. The task of wielding the power which had been gained proved however too great for the Company. Regarding their acquisitions only in the light of mercantile advantages, they lost sight of the principles by which a vast country, so con- quered, could alone be preserved. The conduct of their agents, highly culpable as it was, sprang naturally from the circumstances in which they were placed, and the govern- ment of Great Britain found it necessary to interfere, in order to prevent the destruction of the colony. An inquiry was instituted in Parliament, to which Lord Clive lent the readiest and most efficient assistance. In the result it was found expedient to take the power of governing India out of the feeble hands into which it had fallen, and a pretext was found for this measure in the administration of public affairs there. The subject soon assumed the shape of a party pro- ceeding, and Lord Clive was marked out as an object for the censure on which it was to be founded. With little ROBERT, LORD CLIVE. 285 information on the subject, beyond that which his lordship had himself voluntarily furnished, General Burgoyne, the Chairman of the Select Committee, moved a resolution, on the 21st of February, 1773, to the effect that Lord Clive had possessed himself of sums amounting to two hundred and thirty-four thousand pounds, under the denomination of private gifts, to the dishonour and detriment of the State. Lord Clive defended himself against this attack upon his fortune and his honour with great ability and eloquence. To convince the House of the falsehood of the charge against him was not difficult. Every action of his life had been sufficiently public, and perhaps the most triumphant refuta- tion of the slander was the amount of his wealth, large as it was. If he had been actuated by such motives as were imputed to him, his gains, considering the powers and oppor- tunities he possessed, would have been reckoned by millions. His vindication consisted of a minute detail of all the circum- stances connected with the subject under discussion. " If," he said, in conclusion, " the resolution proposed should receive the assent of the House, I shall have nothing left that I can call my own, except my paternal fortune of eight hundred pounds a year, and which has been in the family for ages past. But upon this I am content to live ; and perhaps I shall find in it more real content of mind and happiness than in the trembling affluence of an unsettled fortune. But to be called, after sixteen years have elapsed, to account for my conduct in this manner, and after an uninterrupted enjoy- ment of my property, to be questioned, and considered as having obtained it unwarrantably, is hard indeed, and a treat- ment of which I should think the British Senate incapable. Yet, if this should be the case, I have a conscious innocence within me which tells me, that my conduct is irreproachable ; — Frangas, non flectes. They may take from me what I have : — they may, as they think, make me poor, but I will be happy. Before I sit down, I have but one request to make to the House, that when they come to decide upon my 286 ROBERT, LORD CLIVE. honour, they will not forget their own." The frank manli- ness of his explanation won the confidence of the more candid portion of the assembly, and shamed the others from the dishonourable project they had conceived. The House nega- tived the proposed resolution by a large majority, and not- withstanding the opposition of the minister, Lord North, agreed, " that Lord Clive had rendered great and meritorious services to his country." From this time, the infirmity to which he had been long subject, and which was only relieved by the excitement of some engrossing and active pursuit, increased. At the com- mencement of hostilities with America, the chief command of the army destined for that country was offered to him, but declined on the score of his ill health and failing strength. His spirits never recovered their tone ; his reason sunk under the weight of despondency, which disease, and perhaps dis- appointment, had engendered, and in an access of delirium his existence terminated on the 22nd of November, 1774. Possessing a fertile and original genius, and implicit reliance upon his own resources, he was less indebted for his triumphs to the assistance of others than most men who have achieved greatness in the career he pursued. His judgment was correct, and the firmness and decision of his character fitted him for command. He is said to have possessed, in a very remarkable degree, the rare talent of inspiring confidence in those who acted under him ; and to this may be in some degree ascribed the rapid success of his exploits in a profession for which he was not educated, and in which the natural bent of his genius supplied the want of more regular instruction. In Parliament he spoke rarely, but never without displaying remarkable ability. In private life his social qualities made him univer- sally esteemed ; he was generous and charitable, and, besides many acts of secret beneficence, he bestowed a sum of seventy thousand pounds for the support of invalids in the service of the East India Company. He married, in India, in 1753, Margaret, daughter of ROBERT, LORD CLIVE. 287 Edmund Maskelyne, Esq., of Purton, in Wiltshire, and sister of the celebrated astronomer of that name, by whom he had nine children, the eldest of whom, Edward, succeeded him in his title and estates, and, having married the heir general of the then lately extinct Earls of Powis, was in 1804 elevated to that dignity ; Richard, and Robert, who died young and unmarried ; another Robert, in the army ; Rebecca, wife of John Robinson, of Denston Hall, in Suffolk ; Margaret, mar- ried to Lieutenant Colonel Lambert Theodore Walpole ; Jane, Charlotte, and Elizabeth, who died unmarried. WD [LlLO^Rftl [POTT EAKL.OT CHATHAM , OB, 1778, WILLIAM PITT, FIRST EARL OF CHATHAM. THE existing condition of society precludes men who devote themselves to public business from encountering those acci- dents and from engaging in those adventures which at more remote periods of history have often shed the colours of romance over the realities of their lives. They are seldom distinguished by any remarkable events, personal to them- selves, from their contemporaries ; and when the public measures in which they have taken part, and the result of the national councils which they have directed shall have been described, the lives of most modern statesmen will have been written. William Pitt, first Earl of Chatham, was the second son of Robert Pitt, Esquire, of Boconnock, in Cornwall, the eldest son of Governor Pitt, the purchaser of the celebrated Pitt diamond, the largest then known to be in existence. His family was of respectable but not illustrious origin, and had been long settled in Dorsetshire. He was born at West- minster on the fifteenth of November, 1708 ; was educated at Eton ; and was matriculated of Trinity College, Oxford, in January, 1726. The frequent and painful attacks of an here- ditary gout which assailed him in his boyhood, and from which he suffered acutely during the whole of his life, pre- vented him from so applying himself to study as to acquire any distinguished academical honours. The abundant leisure, however, which the frequent confinements occasioned by his malady afforded him, was not neglected. He perused with VII. U 290 WILLIAM PITT, all the ardour of a congenial spirit the productions of the orators and historians of Greece and Rome, and imbibed from them that lofty and impassioned tone which first served to distinguish him in the British senate. After making the tour of France and part of Italy, he re- turned to England, and the scantiness of his paternal fortune making it incumbent upon him to choose some professional pursuit, a cornetcy in the Blues was purchased for him. In 1735 he was returned to Parliament for the borough of Old Sarum, which had been represented by his father and grandfather, and by this accident, or rather, as we may, without superstition, believe, by one of those arrangements which allot to human beings the posts in which they can most usefully exert the talents that have been bestowed upon them, he entered upon the career in which of all others he was most fitted to shine. The House of Commons was then under the management of Sir Robert Walpole, who had been too long used to the exercise of power to brook opposition where he thought he had the strength to crush it. Mr. Pitt having joined the ranks of opposition, was marked by the minister as an object of his vengeance, while the ability and talent which the young member had displayed hastened the blow. In accordance with the spirit of those times, when an opposition to the measures of government on the part of a military officer was looked upon as a species of insubordina- tion, if not mutiny, Mr. Pitt was dismissed from his Majesty's service. The other engines by which Walpole maintained his influence were set at work to effect his object of humbling, and, as he perhaps hoped, of silencing an opponent, the sin of whose intractability was increased by his youth and the boldness with which he had avowed his opinions. In pro- portion as he was decried by one party, he became the idol of the other, and by these means, aided by the fierce indigna- tion to which he had been roused by his undeserved persecu- tion, he gained the first portion of that popular applause the love of which was the infatuation that beset his whole FIRST EARL OF CHATHAM. 291 political life. The misunderstanding between the Prince of Wales and his father George the Second, which had been long smothered, burst out in the year 1737 into an open and scanda- lous breach, and on some of the officers of the Prince's house- hold throwing up their places, they were filled by the more distinguished members of the opposition. In this change, several of Mr. Pitt's friends openly proclaimed themselves the adherents of the heir-apparent, and Mr. Pitt accepted the post of His Royal Highness's Groom of the Bedchamber. From this moment, if not at an earlier period, he must be looked upon as having committed himself entirely to the stormy sea of politics. Diligent and earnest in his attendance at the House of Commons, he frequently distinguished him- self in the debates, and displayed a firmness of purpose as well as a facility of speech and readiness of reply which made him equally serviceable to the cause of which he was the adherent, and formidable to those who had provoked his enmity. In 1738, the position of this country with respect to Spain excited the liveliest interest. A convention had been entered into of which the preliminaries were definitively signed in the beginning of 1739. Against this treaty the warmest opposition was directed, and among the most vehe- ment supporters of that opposition was Mr. Pitt. The versions of such of his speeches during this period as remain can only be received as representations of the general effect of what they were intended to convey. The greater part of them were written by Dr. Johnson for a periodical publica- tion of the time, and bear marks of his peculiar style. Still it is unquestionable that the future statesman had established a reputation for eloquence which no man of his years had previously gained in Parliament, and he had at the same time, .by his intrepid denunciation of measures which he thought objectionable on the part of the government, or inju- rious to the interests of the nation, gained a large party among those classes of the community in which public opinion is always most loudly uttered. u2 292 WILLIAM PITT, The parliamentary session of 1741 convinced Walpole that it was impossible for him much longer to withstand the general dissatisfaction he had excited. In the Parliament which ensued, his defeat upon several occasions rendered this still more evident. He resigned — a new administration was formed, the constitution of which being repugnant to the principles of which he approved, Mr. Pitt continued with untiring energy to oppose their measures. A substantial testimony of approbation of his public conduct was rendered about this time by an individual who, with no mean powers of judgment, had been long a close observer of the political affairs of this country — Sarah Duchess of Marlborough, who in 1744 bequeathed to him a legacy of .£10,000, "upon account of his merit in the noble defence he had made for the support of the laws of England, and to prevent the ruin of his country." The exertions which had ensured to him so large a share of the public approbation had, however, operated with a directly contrary effect upon the sources from which office and advancement flow. His strenuous opposition to the measures by which England was made to bear a burthensome share in continental warfare, for the sake of the King's favourite possession, Hanover, had so exasperated George the Second, that he unhesitatingly expressed his dislike of him, and refused to admit him into any share of the administra- tion; nor was it until February, 1746, when ministers resorted to the hazardous expedient of a general resignation, that his Majesty's determination could be shaken. Then it was, and under the pressure of the embarrassment into which the conduct of his advisers had cast him, that he bestowed upon Mr. Pitt the office of Vice-treasurer of Ireland, and in the May following that of Paymaster-General. The possession of office worked no change in Mr. Pitt's public conduct. While he used the authority with which he was now invested to give effect to the principles he had ever advocated, his uncompromising hatred of all that was FIRST EARL OF CHATHAM. 293 unjust or base betrayed him into such a haughtiness of demeanour, an error to which his temper was prone, as estranged many and incensed some of his colleagues, and added to that spirit of disunion which had long pervaded the cabinet, The King's dislike of him, which the Monarch hardly took the pains to conceal, wounded his pride ; and the conviction that it was permitted, if not fomented, by the Duke of Newcastle, exasperated Mr. Pitt to that degree, that he was not unwilling to find an opportunity for quitting a ministry, the head of which he cordially detested and had almost openly insulted. During the sessions of 1753 and 1754, he took the least possible share in the debates in Parliament, and in that of 1755, his opposition to a subsidiary treaty which the King had concluded with Russia, and by which that power was to receive a large sum of money from Great Britain for providing a force for the general defence, brought about his dismissal from office. The measures of the new administration were not of a nature calculated to endure the severe inspection and vigorous opposition which Mr. Pitt now openly carried on against them. ^ The war had been unsuccessful ; and the disgrace and loss to which the nation's honour and interests had been exposed, drew down the loudest animadversions on the government, whose internal discords wholly incapacitated them from encountering the storm they had raised. A sense of their danger led them to listen to the general wish, that Mr. Pitt should be called upon to repair the consequences of their feeble counsels, and in October, 1756, the Duke of Newcastle, humbled and discomfited, made overtures to him to join the ministry, and assured him of that which they both knew was untrue, that the King would be well pleased to have him in his service. Mr. Pitt answered shortly, that he would accept of no office under the Duke. Upon this explicit refusal being communicated to the King, he authorized the Duke of Devonshire to offer to Mr. Pitt the formation of a new administration on his own terms, with the single 294 WILLIAM PITT, condition, that Mr. Fox should be retained in it ; and this offer also Mr. Pitt declined to accept. He was then asked to name his conditions, and having done so, they were imme- diately accepted ; and in November, 1756, he entered upon the management of the public business as principal Secretary of State. The plans of the new administration were better calculated to satisfy the public opinion which had been instrumental in its formation, than the particular views of the Monarch, who had been compelled to resort to it against his inclination. Mr. Pitt was not less willing than the King himself to enter vigorously upon the prosecution of a war with France ; but they differed equally in their notions of the manner in which it should be conducted, and respecting the end to which it should subserve. Mr. Pitt's policy was to humble the power of France, whose continental encroachments he had long observed with the utmost jealousy, and to secure the pros- perity of England by maintaining a due balance of power in the European states-, but he was inflexibly resolved not to sanction the enormous sacrifices which the King was willing to make for the mere protection of Hanover. An army had been prepared to act under the command of the Duke of Cumberland, in Germany, and a supply of money being demanded for this service, with which Mr. Pitt and his colleague, Mr. Legge, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, explicitly refused to comply, they were, in April, 1757, ordered to resign their offices. The Duke of Cumberland set out upon his ill-omened expedition, which in less than half a year terminated in the disgraceful capitulation of Kloster- Seven. No similar event had at any period of English history produced so powerful a sensation upon the public mind as the dismissal of Mr. Pitt. Addresses of thanks were tendered to him from all quarters, and the freedoms of the principal corporations of the kingdom were unanimously voted to him in the most flattering terms. Those persons even who had FIRST EARL OF CHATHAM. 295 been opposed to him and his measures looked with dismay at the consequences of his being withdrawn from the public service under such circumstances as had accompanied his dismissal, and at a time when his knowledge and promptitude of action rendered his assistance more than ever indispensable. The Duke of Newcastle was among the first to implore the King to recall him. The Monarch complied, with a reluc- tance which the exigency of the juncture made deeply painful and humiliating, and in June, 1757, Mr. Pitt again took office, not only without the recommendation of any of those power- ful connections which commonly lead to such distinction, but directly against the wish of the King, whose counsels he was called upon to direct. He owed his elevation solely to the general belief that the nation was cast into a state of difficulty and danger, from which he was, of all public men, if not the only one, the most capable of extricating it. Again he had the formation of the ministry ; but grown wiser from expe- rience, he now included in it the Duke of Newcastle, whose influence in the House of Commons he had found was useful, if not necessary, for carrying on the public business. The task which lay before him was a most arduous one. The King's obstinate prejudices and the ill-conceived opera- tions of those ministers who had too readily favoured them, had involved the nation in difficulties from which it required the utmost energy and activity to rescue it. Mr. Pitt entered upon his office with vigour and determination ; but his first measures were so unsuccessful, that they would have dis- couraged a less constant spirit than his. A marine expedi- tion, which he had directed against Rochefort, returned without having effected its object. In America, the French arms were decidedly victorious ; while the condition of the King of Prussia, pressed on every side, excited reasonable alarms that the British interests on the Continent must yield to the predominance of the same hostile powers. It was to avert this danger that Mr. Pitt's most earnest efforts had been at all times directed, and he now saw that, by supporting 296 WILLIAM PITT, Frederic of Prussia, he should be able to accomplish the object for which he had always so strenuously laboured, and to carry into effect his plan, which was contained in the prophetic expression, that " America must be conquered in Germany," the truth of which was afterwards so clearly evinced. The affairs of the country soon resumed a more promising aspect ; and the signal victory obtained by Frederic, at the battle of Rosbach, over the French and Austrian armies, afforded an opportunity by which England was enabled, at a comparatively small charge, to maintain her own continental possessions, and to keep in effectual check her most formidable enemy. This event at once convinced George the Second of the profoundness and accuracy of his minister's views and won from him that confidence which he had been tardy in bestowing, but which he never afterwards withdrew. The punctuality, the talent, and the inflexible probity of Mr. Pitt in the discharge of his duty as a public servant, had mainly contributed to bring about this fortunate aspect of affairs. To trace the events of the seven years' war which continued during this pail of Mr. Pitt's adminis- tration would here be superfluous ; but it may with indisput- able truth be stated, that in every quarter of the globe the British arms were triumphant, and that while they ensured the respect of all foreign nations, the same spirit which had produced that result had been equally fortunate in bringing the domestic and internal concerns of the empire to a flourish- ing and prosperous state. The death of George the Second put an end to all the happy prospects which had begun to dawn upon the country. The influence of Lord Bute — more fatal and pernicious from the secrecy with which it was often exercised — began to shed itself over the public councils. France, humbled and weakened by the war to the last degree, had proposed to enter upon a treaty ; and the negociations had been begun, but proceeded tardily, when Mr. Pitt received from Lord Marischal, the King of Prussia's minister at Madrid, infor- FIBST EARL OF CHATHAM. 297 mation which convinced him of the dishonesty of the French Cabinet, and of an intended treachery on the part of the Spanish government. Acting upon the knowledge he had thus obtained, he proposed an immediate attack upon Spain by intercepting the supplies of specie then on their way from America, and for the receipt of which she was waiting only to make public the arrangement that had been entered into. The reception which this proposition met with in the council convinced him of the impracticability of attempting to carry on the government with such colleagues as the cabinet was now composed of. He urged the measure with all the force of his eloquence, and all his powers of reasoning, but in vain ; Lord Bute openly opposed it, and many of the other ministers thought so important a measure required great deliberation. At a time when moments were of the utmost importance to the success of the measure, to deliberate was to reject it. Mr. Pitt and Lord Temple gave their advice to the King in writing to recall the English minister from Madrid ; and this advice being rejected, they resigned on the 5th of October, 1761. Three months afterwards, the English cabinet declared war against Spain, when the opportunity of doing so with effect had passed away ; when the gross and repeated insults of the court of Spain had left them no alternative, and had deprived them of the credit as well as advantage which would have been gained by adopting Mr. Pitt's advice. Mr. Pitt's resignation was accepted by the King, not without regret, as his Majesty said, although this expression was unaccompanied by any desire that he should continue in office. The interview which took place on this occasion between the King and the minister is said to have been creditable to the feelings of both. His Majesty, acknow- ledging the services which the latter had rendered to his country, requested him to name any recompense it was in the power of the Crown to grant; and Mr. Pitt, whose emotion at first prevented him from replying, having 298 WILLIAM PITT, expressed a desire that his wife should be raised to the peerage, His Majesty directed a warrant to be prepared for creating her Baroness of Chatham, with a limitation of the title to her heirs male: and added to it the grant of a pension of ,£3000 per annum to Mr. Pitt for his own life, that of his lady, and of their eldest son. Although such a reward will not now be considered to have exceeded the merits in respect of which it was bestowed, it exposed Mr. Pitt at the time to the rancorous abuse of the hirelings of the party by which he had been defeated ; while the public applause, and the satisfaction of his own conscience, were at least enough to console him for the undeserved charges of apostacy and desertion which were plentifully brought against him. The war was carried on with indifferent success until the latter part of 1762, when on the meeting of Parliament in November, the terms of a treaty of peace with France and Spain were submitted to the House. Mr. Pitt, though suffering from so acute an attack of gout that he was unable to stand, opposed the preliminaries, on the ground that they fell short of what the country had a right to demand. His illness compelled him to close his address, one of the most powerful and elaborate he ever delivered in parliament, before he had exhausted the subject on which he was speaking, and to leave the House before the division. From this period, as often as his health permitted, he took part in the debates of the House of Commons, maintaining upon all occasions that consistency of opinion for which he was most remarkable, and which was never shaken. The death of Lord Egremont, in August, 1763, opened the way to a negotiation for his again assuming office, and having consented to some treaty with Lord Bute, he had an interview with the King, by his Majesty's command, in which his advice for the formation of an administration, of which he was to be the head, was tendered by him, and received by the King with unequivocal marks of approbation. This FIRST EARL OF CHATHAM. 299 interview was followed by another a few days afterwards, in which Mr. Pitt found that the secret influence which he had often before experienced had been exerted, and that whatever might at first have induced the King to request his advice, he had since determined not to adopt it. The causes by which this change of intention had been effected remain as deeply secret as many other state intrigues ; but the King's behaviour on the occasion induced Mr. Pitt to say, that his Majesty was the greatest courtier of his court. The parliamentary proceedings of 1763 were rendered memorable by the debates on the question of privilege raised by Mr. Wilkes's publication of a celebrated number of the North Briton. Mr. Pitt on this occasion made an admirable speech, in which he condemned in terms of the bitterest censure and scorn the scandalous libels of Wilkes, which he called illiberal, unmanly, and detestable ; but at the same time he insisted that, while the courts of justice possessed the power to punish such an offender, the House sacrificed its own honour and safety, and the interests of the people, by undertaking to pronounce a sentence upon him. In the ensuing session, he supported with great ability the motion for declaring general warrants illegal. Although these efforts had no more fortunate results than commonly attend the labours of the opposition against such a government as then existed, the fame which he had acquired in the country was by no means diminished by his want of success. His name was constantly referred to as a patriot whose ability and virtue all men recognized. Flattering marks of the estima- tion in which he was held, even by persons who knew him only as a public man, were frequently bestowed upon him, the most remarkable of which was, a bequest made to him by Sir William Pynsent, of Burton Pynsent, in Somerset- shire, of an estate of nearly .£3000 per annum. In 1765 the utter inefficiency of the existing ministry was so sensibly felt that Lord Bute, whose influence with the Monarch was at this time paramount, prevailed upon him to 300 WILLIAM PITT, authorise overtures being made by the Duke of Cumberland, first to Lord Temple, and afterwards to Mr. Pitt, for their joining the administration. A stipulation was however pro- posed by the Duke, that the Earl of Northumberland should be at the head of the Treasury, to which Mr. Pitt not agree- ing, the negociation broke off. In the same year the King himself attempted that which his uncle had failed to effect, but with no better success ; and at length a new ministry was formed, of which the Duke of Newcastle and the Mar- quis of Rockingham were the chiefs. The ensuing Parliament introduced a subject of deep moment, and fraught with consequences to which it is im- possible now to look back without sincere regret. The quarrel between England and America had commenced, which afterwards terminated so disastrously. Mr. Pitt exerted himself strenuously, but unsuccessfully, to lay down the principles upon which England had a right to exercise authority over her flourishing colony, and the limits by which that authority ought to be circumscribed. In 1766 it became apparent that Lord Rockingham was unable to carry on the administration, and through Lord Northington, then Lord Chanceller, Mr. Pitt was applied to, and, after some negociation, received full powers to form an administration. His conduct upon this occasion displayed less sagacity than almost any event of his public life. The first step which he made was one of ill omen, for he quar- relled with his early and fast friend Lord Temple, who thought he was disposed to arrogate to himself a greater share of authority than he had a right to possess. Some of his appointments were bestowed upon men who were unqualified by their talents, and of whose fidelity and co-operation he had no reason to be assured ; while many of his friends, and many more whom he might have made his friends, were chagrined and disgusted by the unconciliating and even haughty man- ner in which he gave or offered them places. Having chosen for himself the office of Privy Seal, he was created a peer FIRST EARL OF CHATHAM. 301 in July, 1766, by the title of Viscount Pitt, of Burton Pyn- sent, in the county of Somerset, and Earl of Chatham, in Kent. His administration was marked by no portion of that success which had made his former possession of power advantageous to the country and glorious to himself. The increasing infirmities which had grown upon him with years incapacitated him for very active exertions; while the conviction that he could neither rely with certainty on the approbation of the Monarch, nor on the support of his colleagues, disinclined him from making the efforts of which he was still capable. The determination which had been evinced to adopt a course towards America the very reverse of that he had counselled, soon left him no choice but to quit an office which he could no longer hold with comfort or credit to himself ; and on the appointment of Lord Hillsborough, in the latter part of 1768, to the post of Secretary of State for the Colonies, he sent the privy seal to the King by Lord Camden. The opening of Parliament in 1770 found him once more in the list of the opposition ; and here a great portion of that energy which had marked his earlier efforts seemed again to raise him above the effects of the old age which had come upon him, and the constant illness which made his years doubly burthensome. He opposed the right of the House of Commons to expel Mr. Wilkes after his re-election with great power, and with eloquence which would have graced a better cause. From this period until 1774 he appeared but little in Parliament ; the quarrel with America had then assumed a more serious aspect, and he again raised his warning voice in the hope of preventing the disasters which he saw must ensue if some conciliatory measures were not adopted. His advice was unheeded; and a bill which he submitted to the House in the following year for quieting the troubles in America was at once rejected. Not discouraged by their ill-success, he continued his exertions upon this subject, and when, in 1777, the Duke of Grafton resigned 302 WILLIAM PITT, his office of Lord Privy Seal, because he could not conscien- tiously support the measures in contemplation against that colony, Lord Chatham moved an address to the King for putting a stop to hostilities. He pointed out to the govern- ment that France and Spain were watching to take advan- tage of the errors committed by the English government. His fears were treated as visionary and groundless ; but soon after his motion was negatived, the justice of his views was manifested by the treaty which the court of Versailles entered into with the revolted colonies. To this subject every subsequent effort of his life was directed, and it was ended in the support of that cause in which he believed his country's welfare was most deeply concerned. Worn out by bodily pain and mental anxiety, he appeared on the 7th of April, 1778, in the House of Lords, when a motion was made by the Duke of Richmond for an address on the state of the nation, in which the necessity of admitting the independence of America was suggested. Although he had counselled with sincerity and indefatigable perseverance the adoption of such measures as were just on the part of this country towards the colony, the idea of yielding up the sovereignty of America was too painful and humiliating to be endured by him whose best energies had been spent in the endeavour to uphold the glory of the nation and to defeat her enemies. He conjured the House to do any thing rather than encounter the disgrace of the measure proposed by the address, and at least to make one becoming effort, so that if they should fall, they would fall like men. His suffering here compelled him to sit down ; and Lord Temple, with whom he had then for some years been reconciled, reminded him that he had not submitted to the House that plan of pacification which they had discussed in conversation. He replied that he would do it by and by. At a later period of the evening he attempted to rise again, but after two or three ineffectual efforts to stand, he fainted and fell down on his seat. The FIRST EARL OF CHATHAM. 303 hand of death was upon him. The House was cleared, medical assistance procured, and after a short time he was conveyed to his seat at Hayes, where he lingered until the llth of May following, when he expired. Lord Chatham was married in 1754 to Hesther, only daughter of Richard Grenville, Esquire, and sister to Lord Temple, who has been before mentioned. At his death he left three sons, John, who succeeded him ; William, who with better fortune achieved a reputation not less glorious than his father's ; and Charles, who died unmarried at Barbadoes, in 1780. His Lordship left also two daughters, of whom Lady Hesther was married, in 1774, to Earl Stanhope ; and Lady Harriot, who in 1785 married the Hon. Edward James Eliot, eldest son of the first Lord Eliot. His death having extinguished all party feeling, both Houses of Parliament testified in the warmest terms the respect they bore to his unstained virtues and rare talents. A public funeral, and a monument in Westminster Abbey, were decreed to him ; and a grant of an annuity of «£400Q to his eldest son and his heirs-male, Earls of Chatham, with the sum of .£'20,000 for the payment of his debts, were unanimously voted by Parliament, and sanctioned by the King. His reputation as a statesman will ever rank him among the greatest men in whom England glories. The principles of the politics which he advocated may be concisely stated. An ardent lover of freedom, he vindicated, on all occasions, the liberty of the subject, and the free institutions of the country ; and although he coveted power, and spent his life in honest endeavours to attain it, his labours were neither for the purpose of enriching himself nor his friends, but for the advancement of the honour and prosperity of the nation, and for the humiliation and destruction of its foes. Nature, who had bestowed upon him that fluent eloquence which qualified him better than any of his contemporaries for the station he filled, had gifted him with a temperament that 304 WILLIAM PITT, FIRST EARL OF CHATHAM. added all the force of true feeling and lofty passion to the expression of his opinions, and commanded the respect and attention of all who heard him. His features were of a noble and highly intellectual character, and his eagle eye gave irresistible power and animation to them. His voice, powerful, and of a commanding tone at all times, is said to have assumed an almost terrific sound when he uttered those torrents of indignant censure, or withering sarcasm, which the conduct of his antagonists sometimes provoked. In private life he was gentle and amiable ; punctual in the discharge of all social offices ; but strict only to himself, he was indulgent and considerate to others. In the fulfilment of his public duties, his application was intensely laborious, and his probity without the slightest blemish or imputa- tion ; but these estimable qualities were accompanied by a haughtiness of manner, an impatience of contradiction, and a love of domination, which, although they could not deprive him of the admiration due to his character and conduct, pre- vented him from gaining as many friends as his virtues and his station would otherwise have surrounded him with. The only excuse that can be offered for the faults which it was his lot to bear is expressed in the estimate given of him by Frederic of Prussia, one of the most sharp-sighted observers of the characters of men in his own times. Speaking of Lord Chatham, the Monarch says. " II avait I'ame elevee, et 1'esprit capable de grands projets. Doue d'une fermete inflexible, il ne renoncait pas a ses opinions, parce qu'il les croyait avantageuses a sa patrie, qui etait son idole." LODGE, EDMUND. DA 28 Portraits of illustrious .L6 personages, vol. 7 v.7 LODGE, EDMUND. Portraits of illustrious personages, vol. 7 DA 28 .L6< v.7